Journal articles on the topic 'Muslim men Indonesia Java Attitudes'

<p>Coronavirus disease (COVID-19) infection has been a major public health-related issue worldwide, including Indonesia. The COVID-19 cases still escalating until this study finished in June 2020 due to the disease positively spreading from person to person. To reduce the spreading of the disease, investigating Indonesian’s knowledge, attitudes, and practice on COVID prevention and mitigation during the outbreak period was crucial. A survey cross-sectional was conducted and using social networking apps to recruit participants. All Indonesian residents who have 18 years old and over and living in Indonesia during the COVID-19 outbreak were voluntarily invited to participate in this study. There are 3464 participants involved in this study. The mean age was 27.63 years, and mostly were women, domicile in Java, held bachelor degrees, students, Muslims, and single/never married. The lowest mean practices score was found among residents who live in Maluku, Papua, and Papua Barat, senior high qualification, unemployed, indigenous religions, and single/never married. The majority of Indonesian residents have good knowledge, positive attitudes, and good practice to promote COVID-19 prevention and mitigation to reduce the pandemic spreading within the country. However, there is a lack of knowledge, attitudes, and practice among a particular group of participants.</p>

Muslim gay and bisexual men have been facing various challenges when living in a homophobic and heterosexist society in Indonesia. However, the study of strategies they utilised to manage those homophobic attitudes, such as discrimination, prejudice, and stigma, of their sexual minority status is limited. Therefore, drawing on minority stress theory, this study explores the life experiences of Muslim gay or bisexual men in Indonesia, by focusing on the problems they faced and the strategies they used to address those issues. All participants aged between 20 and 27 years old, have self-identified as gay or bisexual men, Muslims or ex-Muslims, and have been living in Indonesia. The primary data collection was a semi-structured qualitative interview. The data were recorded and transcribed verbatim according to the research questions from a snowball sample of seven participants. The data were then analysed using thematic analysis. The study revealed that all the participants experienced sexual and religious related problems because of living in a homophobic society. These obstacles came in many forms, such as rejection, feelings of isolation and loneliness, and concerns. However, they employed strategies to solve problems, such as self-acceptance, self-control, positive reinterpretation, seeking social support, concealing, conversion, and migration. This study recommends those who support sexual minorities to help and support them in various ways, such as providing psychological services and counsellings.

This article examines the practice and meanings of the new veiling and of Islamization more generally for young Muslim Javanese women in the new middle class. Drawing on eight months of ethnographic research in the Central Java city of Yogyakarta in 1999 and three subsequent one-month visits during 2001, 2002, and 2003, I explore the social and religious attitudes of female students at two of Yogyakarta's leading centers of higher education: Gadjah Mada University, a nondenominational state university, and the nearby Sunan Kalijaga National Islamic University. The ethnographic and life-historical materials discussed here underscore that the new veiling is neither a traditionalist survival nor an antimodernist reaction but rather a complex and sometimes ambiguous effort by young Muslim women to reconcile the opportunities for autonomy and choice offered by modern education with a heightened commitment to the profession of Islam.

The demand for halal cosmetic products in various parts of the world has increased, especially in Muslim-majority countries like Indonesia. The potential demand for halal cosmetic products will continue to increase in the future. Indonesia has the opportunity to become the world's largest producer and consumer of halal cosmetic products. Therefore, Indonesia must be able to take advantage of these opportunities by maximizing its potential. This study aims to determine the effect of knowledge, religiosity, attitudes, and Islamic advertising factors on the purchase intention of local halal cosmetic products. In addition, it also aims to find out the reasons for the purchase intention of Muslim consumers towards local halal cosmetic products and to determine the purchase intentions of Muslim consumers towards imported cosmetic products in the future. This study uses 400 respondents who are Muslim and domiciled in West Java. Then to test the model and hypothesis using Smart PLS Software. The results of this study indicate that all hypotheses are accepted. Knowledge and religiosity have a positive and significant influence on attitudes and purchase intentions. Then attitude and Islamic advertising have a positive and significant influence on the purchase intention of local halal cosmetic products. Thus, in building the intention to buy local halal cosmetic products, the company must know and understand what factors underlie consumers' intentions to buy local halal cosmetic products.

<p><em>In this article we examine the effect of the variable Islamic Religiosity toward consumer purchase intention on Muslim fashion trends by using the extended of theory of planned behavior as the grand of the theory. Respondents in this study were female Muslim in Central Java, Indonesia. Data collected using purposive sampling and analysis tool used in this study is path analysis. The results showed that all hypotheses were accepted except hypotheses three. Subjective norms have the most influence on the intention to buy female Muslim fashion trends. Subjective norm variables have a significant effect on consumer attitudes and consumer purchase intentions on female Muslim fashion trends. Other findings state that the variable of Islamic religiosity does not have a significant effect on female Muslim purchase intention directly, but the Islamic religiosity variable indirectly influence toward female Muslim purchase intentions through consumer attitudes variables. Whereas for Perceived behavioral control variables have a positive effect on consumer purchase intention.</em></p><p><strong>Keyword:</strong> <em>Islamic Religiosity, Theory of Planned Behavior, Female Muslim Fashion Trend, Purchase Intention</em></p>

ABSTRACT Religious traditions in Indonesia are known to be very moderate and tolerant abroad is a reflection of the character of a great noble nation. Between religion, tradition and culture are able to perform compounds so as to create a genuine religious harmony. Because of this reality Indonesia is regarded as the largest Muslim majority country in the world that almost without conflict, in the midst of reality Muslim countries in the Middle East that impressed the dispute into the daily menu. However, the reality of Indonesia as a moderate nation is injured by the act of a group that is fond of terrorism and radicalism by riding Islamic religious teachings. Thus, this reversed religion is assumed as a source of cruelty. It is through that phenomenon researcher, feel the need to examine the strategy of disseminating moderate Islam by Nahdlatul Ulama. The selection of this Islamic organization according to the authors due to its success in moderating Islam in Indonesia. In this study, the study using a qualitative approach or method as well as adopting the theory of Van Dijk discourse analysis as a scalpel to peel the discourse of moderate Islam published by PWNU East Java through the website. As for this research, the findings are important, among others are: 1) moderate Islamic discourse campaigned by Nahdlatul Ulama East Java is categorized into three segments, namely social, religious and nationality. 2) the text structure that builds moderate Islamic discourse NU East Java in Van Dijk perspective constructed in three domains, namely text, social cognition and social context. 3) the principles of Public Relationship implemented by NU through cyber (online media), among others; News publications and expert opinions, production of image and video-based information, and updating official NU information to the public about their attitudes and views on the phenomena that occur by promoting the values of Islamic moderatism. Key Word : Islamic Moderatism, Nahdlatul Ulama, Cyber Public Relationship

This paper deals with a cultural fraction of the Javanese Muslim called Islam Mataraman. Historically Islam Mataraman originated from the Islam that flourished during the era of the Mataram Kingdom in an inland Javanese island. This paper tries to explore the unique characters of this group of the Javanese Muslims that distinguish them from others culturally and politically. It maintains that Islam Mataraman is not only about culture, politics or belief, but also about the integration between them all. Integration is the key word in this paper. The paper also tries to show that in integration process, religion is not always the key player. In fact we are not interested in discussing the winner and the looser in this process. We are rather interested in showing that the integration is unique and complicated process, and that Islam in this part of Java is a perfect model of how religion, culture and politics can converge without there being a sense of domination or marginalization. To carry out its task, the paper will consult not only the local authoritative scholars in this field, but also the international experts so as to have a balanced view of the problem. At the end, we will also try to discuss how this integration imply on the political attitudes of the Muslim Mataraman.

Purpose of the study: The purpose of this paper is to examine the determinant factors that influence consumer switching intentions from conventional banks to Islamic banks in Central Java, Indonesia. Methodology: This study is quantitative research in which data is collected by using a survey with the questionnaire. Data was collected by distributing questionnaires to 480 Muslim respondents who were still registered as customers at three conventional government banks in Indonesia using purposive sampling techniques and analyzed with SEM-AMOS v24. Main Findings: The result showed that all out of the hypotheses tested, there is only one hypothesis that was rejected, is the fourth hypothesis. This research reveals that consumer trust in Islamic banks, consumer awareness and religiosity had a positive and significant effect on attitude toward Islamic banks. Furthermore, consumer awareness and religiosity are also able to predict consumer switching intentions at Islamic banks but consumer trust toward Islamic banks has insignificant consumer switching intentions at Islamic banks. Applications of this study: Based on the results of the study, conventional bank consumers' intentions to switch to Islamic banks are influenced by consumer awareness, level of religiosity, and consumer attitudes toward Islamic banks. Furthermore, this is becoming a very important concern for Islamic banks to pay more attention to the antecedents used in this study. Trust is an important predictor for companies in increasing intentions, in this study then it has not been proven to influence consumer intentions to move to Islamic banks. Trust will be able to increase intention if consumers have a good attitude towards Islamic banks. Novelty/Originality of this study: This study linked the variables of consumer awareness, religiosity, consumer trust, attitudes toward Islamic banks and consumer switching intentions on Islamic banks within a conceptual framework.

Pesantren nowadays has been accused by the West as a nest of radicalism and terrorism. Not without reason, in Indonesia, many intolerance and violence issues have involved several Muslim communities and alumni of pesantren. Therefore, in this study, the authors intimately will explore the views of traditional pesantren ulama, mainly in Sukabumi, on some issues of religious tolerance. In this study, the authors used a qualitative approach by using a semi-structured interview and analysis document as a data collection. After that, the data will be analyzed qualitatively. This study found that traditional pesantren ulama in Sukabumi understood the concept and discourse of religious tolerance. They have moderate views and attitudes towards non-Muslims. However, some traditional pesantren ulama in Sukabumi refused to tolerate towards Ahmadiyyah minority group. A Kyai even has a gruff view and attitude towards Ahmadiyyah groups. Meanwhile, two other ulama refused to commit violence against Ahmadiyyah and other groups

This study aimed to analyze the relationship between the role of men in supporting the feminist movement and moderate Islamic teachings among college students in Indonesia. This study used a quantitative approach by distributing questionnaires to 625 respondents who were randomly selected. The independent variable used, namely religious moderation, was measured using four indicators: a sense of nationalism (X1), tolerance (X2), anti-violence (X3), and accommodative attitudes towards local culture (X4). This study examined multiple linear regression analysis to test whether the four problems in Islamic moderation were related to student attitudes towards male involvement in feminism. The results suggested that these four independent variables have a positive and significant effect on student attitudes towards the active role of men in supporting the gender equality movement. Furthermore, an accommodative attitude towards the local culture and a sense of nationalism were known to have the greatest and smallest effects, namely 0.28 and 0.15 respectively. These results indicate that moderate Muslims tend to have a greater acceptance of male feminists. Then, the results also indicated that Muslim students who practised moderate Islamic teachings had realized the importance of male involvement in feminism.

Violence against wives is the most common form of violence against women reported in Indonesia. Understanding the definition of violence against wives is one of first steps to address the problem given that recognition about what constitutes violent behaviors has an influence on how society responds to victims and perpetrators. The study described and examined factors associated with the attitudes of Muslim undergraduate social welfare students toward definitions of violence against wives using socio-demographic and socio-cultural perspectives. Samples were selected non-randomly using convenience sampling techniques. Data were collected through a self-administered survey taken by 275 students in the social welfare department of two separate universities located in the provinces of Yogyakarta and East Java late 2016. Data was analyzed using hierarchical regressions techniques. The study found that students generally reported stronger agreement to viewing physical violence as a form of violence against wives. On the contrary, they were less likely to view non-physical violence as violent behavior. Gender, attitudes toward gender roles, and type of university were found to be associated with attitudes toward the definition of violence against wives. Implications from the findings were discussed, taking into account the roles of educational institutions in shaping the students’ attitudes.

While the focus of most research in women's politics has been on the number of legislative seats and explaining the under-representation of women and other marginalized groups, we argue that there also needs to be a greater focus on voters themselves and their attitudes about gender representation in Indonesia. We focus on three broad series of questions. First, gender differences in attitudes about women candidates precisely. Second, gender differences in policy priorities. Third, gender differences in attitudes about one specific aspect of Indonesian elections – money politics or what is sometimes referred to as "vote-buying." The data are drawn from a stratified probability sample of citizens in the Demak and Pati regencies in Central Java, Indonesia. A total of 800 respondents were in the sample, including 55 percent of the sample consisted of women. The finding has some interesting implications in how to understand gender differences in Indonesian politics. Men and women both respond with the correct "rhetoric" view about the importance of women candidates and descriptive representation. Still, both genders shift from the "rhetoric" view to the "logic" view about policies that have a more direct impact on their own lives.

n its endeavour, Islamization projects done by some Muslim organisations in Indonesia can lead to certain treats of intolerance, especially to those rejecting the missions wrought about in the movements. Using qualitative approach, this paper tries to analyse the legal Islamization programs undertaken by Gerakan Reformis Islam (GARIS) in Cianjur, West Java, since their inception in early 2001 and its inclination to various intolerant attitudes towards others. The movement of Islamization is probed on the basis of the three main GARIS projects, namely, reviewing the draft of Indonesian penal law, engaging contra-Christianization movements and the struggle against Ahmadiyah. Describing the movement, one will see how the idea of legal Islamization is carefully and persistently moulded in the field to make it so fluid and adequate to accomplish a purpose. What seems appearing in this phenomenon is not a theoretical legal quandary but more a political one, as legal Islamization is in its practice more sensed as a political movement than that of law.[Dalam praktiknya, gerakan Islamisasi yang dilakukan oleh beberapa organisasi Islam di Indonesia dapat memunculkan tindakan intoleransi, utamanya hal itu menimpa mereka yang menolak gerakan tersebut. Dengan menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif, paper ini berusaha untuk menganalisis program-program Islamisasi hukum yang dilakukan oleh Gerakan Reformis Islam (GARIS) di Cianjur, Jawa Barat sejak mula berdirinya organisasi ini di awal 2001 dan kecenderungannya kepada perilaku intoleransi kepada kelompok lain. Gerakan Islamisasi dari GARIS ini dikaji berdasarkan pada tiga program mereka yang paling utama yaitu: usulan perbaikan terhadap draf amandemen hukum pidana Indonesia, gerakan perlawanan terhadap kristenisasi, dan perlawanan terhadap kelompok Ahmadiyah. Melalui kajian yang mendalam terhadap organisasi ini, kita dapat melihat bagaimana program Islamisasi hukum tersebut dilakukan dengan kesungguhan di lapangan sehingga dapat meraih hasil sesuai dengan yang dicanangkan. Apa yang dapat kita lihat dari fenomena ini sejatinya bukanlah pergumulan teori hukum namun lebih sebagai perhelatan politik, karena pada praktiknya gerakan Islamisasi hukum itu lebih menonjol sisi gerakan politiknya ketimbang hukumnya.]

Abstract: Jihad is a term that continuously caught the attention of academics. The stigma of “radicalism” became a topic of discussion along with the emergence of various religious-based violence in Indonesia. The Indonesian Institute of Islamic Dawah (LDII) pesantrens (Islamic boarding schools) in Jombang and Kediri, East Java, are among large pesantrens in East Java, which have unique characteristics, including the study of the main books of h}adi>th, S{ah}i>h} al-Bukha>ri> and S{ah}i>h} Muslim. This article sheds light on their interpretation of hadi>th on jihad and its implication on the development of religious radicalism thoughts in LDII. It suggests that no indication of religious-based violence emerged in both LDII pesantrens. The students have been exposed to religious radicalism and have studied on jihad, but there have been almost no violent or radical movements in performing their religious duties. In addition, the students showed significant radical attitudes towards jihad. They agreed with jihad as written in the hadi>th books and ready to carry out jihad. Abstrak: Jihad merupakan satu istilah konseptual yang terus mendapat perhatian dari para akademisi. Stigma “radikalisme” menjadi topik perbincangan seiring dengan munculnya berbagai kekerasan berbasis agama di Indonesia. Pesantren Lembaga Dakwah Islam Indonesia (LDII) di Jombang dan Kediri, Jawa Timur, termasuk di antara pesantren-pesantren besar di Jawa Timur yang memiliki ciri khas, di antaranya adalah kajian terhadap kitab-kitab hadis otoritatif, yaitu S{ah}i>h} al-Bukha>ri> dan S{ah}i>h} Muslim. Artikel ini menyoroti interpretasi mereka terhadap hadis tentang jihad dan implikasinya terhadap perkembangan pemikiran radikalisme agama di LDII. Tulisan ini menunjukkan bahwa tidak ada indikasi kekerasan berbasis agama yang muncul di kedua pesantren LDII tersebut. Para santri pada dasarnya telah bersinggungan dengan radikalisme agama dan juga telah mempelajari jihad, namun hampir tidak ditemukan adanya gerakan kekerasan atau radikal dalam menjalankan tugas keagamaannya. Meski demikian, di sisi lain para santri juga menunjukkan sikap radikal yang signifikan terhadap jihad. Hal itu tampak dari sikap mereka yang sepakat dengan jihad seperti yang tertulis dalam kitab-kitab hadits dan mereka juga siap untuk melakukan jihad.

BACKGROUND: The majority of adolescents living in the coastal area are Muslim who has a habit of carrying out worship and cultural activities in the congregation. They are in the school-age period and have received sufficient information about social distancing as prevention of coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) transmission. AIM: This study aimed to explore the attitude and behavior related to social distancing in response to prevent COVID-19 transmission among adolescents living in the coastal area, Indonesia. METHODS: This is a cross-sectional study that invited adolescents in the coastal area, Madura, East Java, Indonesia, as participants. Data were collected conveniently through an online questionnaire. Univariate and bivariate analyses were performed for the analysis of the data. RESULTS: A total of 224 participants completed the survey. A number of participants disagreed to certain attitudes related to social distancing including praying from home (21%), wearing a mask (15%), and not organizing mass gathering events (9%). Furthermore, as many as 44% of participants refused to facilitate infected people to do self-isolation. CONCLUSION: The attitudes related to the social distancing of adolescents living in the coastal area might be influenced by culture and Islam reference. Therefore, a religious approach is considered important to be involved in the preparation of strategic actions in preventing the transmission of COVID-19 through social distancing. The refusal of participants to isolate an infected person might be caused by a limited knowledge about COVID-19 prevention. The related institutions need to conduct a major health socialization to prevent COVID-19 transmission through social distancing.

There is ample research supporting White’s (1967) thesis, which postulates that religion and religious belief inhibit ecological concerns. This study thus seeks to explore the relationship between individuals’ acceptability for harming animals as one representation of ecological concern (measured using Animal Issue scale (AIS)) and their religious belief (measured using Religious Orientation Scale (ROS)) and ethical ideology (measured using Ethical Position Questionnaire (EPQ)). The study surveyed 929 Muslim teachers and school staff in East Java, Indonesia. We found that ROS correlates with EPQ whereby intrinsic personal (IP) relates with idealism while extrinsic social religious orientation (ES)—where religion is perceived as an instrument for social gain, membership and support—relates with relativism. However, using multiple regression analysis to examine both EPQ and ROS relation to acceptability for harming animals suggests mixed results. We found that, idealism and IP relate to a lower acceptability for harming animals, while relativism and ES correlate to a higher acceptability for harming animals. In another model where we calculate all the main variables with all the demographical and other determinants, we found that only ROS consistently relates to acceptability for harming animals. Additionally, we identify, explain and discuss significant demographic determinants along with this study’s limitations.

The study examines the portrayal of women’s roles in the marriage from the Islamic classical book Iḥyā’‘Ulūm al-Dīn written by Abu Hamid al-Ghazali which is widely taught at Pesantrens in Central Java, Indonesia. The interpretation of this book has a significant impact on the thinking, mindset, personality, and attitudes of Pesantrens communities. This research first uses the library-based method, analyzing the literature on Iḥyā’ ‘Ulūm al-Dīn and using the qualitative-interpretative approach in understanding the text regarding women’s roles in marriage. Secondly, the research examines how Iḥyā’ ‘Ulūm al-Dīn is taught in three Pesantrens in Central Java. The result shows that al-Ghazali›s view of women in Iḥyā’ is different from his views before isolation. In Iḥyā’, the patriarchal language is sensed. The common use of al-Ghazali’s monumental work in Pesantren is in the Bandongan (teacher-centered) method without any criticism in teaching about women’s roles in marital relations. Even though Iḥyā’ is not the only source of imbalance of the roles of women and men in marriage, but it does contribute to it by becoming an unquestioned authoritative source on these contemporary issues in the Pesantrens. Therefore a methodical improvement in the learning process becomes a necessity by using the active learning strategies into active-Bandongan methods that can increase the activeness of the teaching and learning process carried out either by teachers or students to produce dynamic and contextual creative thoughts. [Tulisan ini membahas gambaran peran perempuan dalam pernikahan berdasar kitab Ihya’ yang ditulis Abu Hamid al-Ghazali yang mana pengajarannya meluas hingga pesantren di Jawa Tengah. Penafsiran terhadap kitab ini berimplikasi pada pemikiran, sudut pandang, karakter dan sikap komunitas pesantren. Pendekatan yang digunakan dalam kajian ini adalah studi literatur dan kualitatif interpretatif dalam pemahaman teks dalam kitab yang terkait tema peran perempuan dalam keluarga. Selain itu juga pengamatan pada tiga pesantren di Jawa Tengah yang mengajarkan kitab ini. Kesimpulan yang muncul adalah adanya pandangan dan bahasa al-Ghazali yang cenderung patriakal. Karya penting al-Ghazali yang banyak diterapkan di pesantren adalah metode bandongan, yang mana kurang mengapresiasi kritisme dalam melihat peran perempuan dalam hubungan perkawinan. Meskipun Ihya’ bukan satu-satunya sumber sumber referensi, tapi telah menjadi otoritatif yang tidak dipertanyakan lagi di dunia pesantren saat ini. Oleh karena itu pengembangan metode pengajaran menjadi penting dengan penggunaan strategi pembelajaran metode bandongan aktif, baik bagi guru dan murid untuk memproduksi dinamika dan pemikiran kreatif kontekstual.]

<p><span lang="EN-US">One of the various illegal jobs in Indonesia is being a prostitute. It is commonly addressed to a woman, who engages in sexual intercourse for money as the source of livelihood. One of the local prostitution in this country is Argorejo Prostitution at Srikuncorostreet, Argorejo village Kalibanteng, West Semarang, Central Java. What remains unique is that the main activity of prostitutes is not only to serve and to satisfy costumers but also to do some religious activities, such as praying, reciting al-Quran, Fasting and others. The questions of this research are: What is the patterns of religiosity of Muslim prostitutes in Argorejo prostitution and Are there Impact of religiosity understanding pattern to their attitudes and deeds of prostitutes. This research produces the data in the form of notes or verbal words from the people or behaviors that can be observed, with the aim to describe the target's condition of the research according to the real source. Using the Phenomenology approach with a source of research data in use is the primary data source in the form of information from the field by direct observation at Argorejo Prostitution about activities implemented, then secondary data sources such as books, documentation data Argorejo Prostitution and activity report data Argorejo Prostitution. For data collection techniques that are used, among others: observation method, interview, and documentation. Data analysis using is descriptive analysis to clarify suitable with the problems are studied and that data is compiled and analyzed. The result of this research is descriptive about responses of prostitutes toward Islam religion, including the worship that they do and the perspective of religiosity understanding. Prospect in the next is all prostitutes be able to more aware with their religion although their job who have implemented in the past was a mistake that could be forgiven</span></p>

This article discusses the mystical view of Shaykh Iḥsān Jampes Kediri, East Java. He is known as a muslim jurist as well as a practical Sunnī Sufi of Nusantara (Indonesia), with a worldwide reputation. The main reason for his reputation originates from his monumental work Sirāj al-Ṭālibīn a voluminous commentary of al-Ghazālī work, Minhāj al-’Ābidīn, which had successfully reaffirmed orthodox Sunnī sufism that built and developed by al-Ghazālī. The sufism attitudes and ways of Shaykh Iḥsān in the journey were as if dealing with a sufi group which had philosophical pattern. Additionally, Shaykh Iḥsān Jampes in Sirāj al-Ṭālibīn reviewed the sufistic core stages which are called maqāmāt by many sufis, but Shaykh Iḥsān calls them steep road (‘aqabah) consisting of seven steep stages. These differences bring some consequences not only on the number of steps/stairs/maqām and the final destination of his mystical journey, namely gnosis and deification; but also question the limit of human being who physically cannot be united with God. On the other hand, God could have chosen to be invited to unite in accordance with His will. These seven ‘aqabah are to deliver a traveller towards ma’rifatullāh (gnosis) as the ultimate mystical journey.[Artikel ini membahas pandangan sufistik Syaykh Iḥsān Jampes Kediri Jawa Timur. Ia adalah ahli hukum Islam yang juga sebagai praktisi sufi sunni yang terkenal di nusantara kala itu. Alasan utama yang membuatnya diperhitungkan adalah karyanya Sirāj al-Ṭālibīn yang berupa komentar terhadap Minhāj al-’Ābidīn karya al-Ghazālī. Sikap dan jalan sufi Shaykh Iḥsān Jampes tampaknya bersepakat dengan pola sufistik falsafati. Dalam karyanya tersebut ia membahas tingkatan yang oleh para sufi biasa disebut maqāmāt, dimana ia sendiri menyebutnya dengan jalan terjal (‘aqabah) yang terdiri dari 7 tingkatan. Perbedaan ini tidak hanya membawa perbedaan konsekuensi jumlah tangga dan tujuan akhir (gnosis dan deification), tapi juga soal batasan kemampuan fisik manusia untuk menyatu dengan Tuhan. Di sisi lain, Tuhan dapat juga mengundang untuk bersatu berdasarkan kehendakNya. Tujuh tingkatan ‘aqabah inilah yang akan membawa para musafir menuju ma’rifatullāh sebagai puncak perjalanan spiritual.]

This paper discusses inheritance discourse based on verses of the Qur’an according to modern interpreters, Muḥammad Shaḥrūr with Munawir Sjadzali. Both interpreters are appointed because they can be considered to have tried in their respective contexts to answer the emergence of ambiguous attitudes in implementing inheritance law from Muslim societies. Muḥammad Shaḥrūr understands and applies it in a way that is different from the opinions and concepts, as seen in the 'four classical patterns of calculation' (al-amalīyāt al-arba 'fī al-ḥisāb) as well as in social aspects, such as the concept of patrilinialism in society and the spirit of kinship and family spirit and ethnicity which became the benchmark for the distribution of inheritance in the past century or in political aspects, such as overlapping concepts of inheritance law which confuse ownership, law and prophetic authority. From this there is a clear relevance between the boundary theory proposed by Shaḥrūr and the efforts to reform Islamic law which are expected to grow with justice and be able to answer the needs of the community. Whereas Sjadzali developed the concept of inheritance contained in the Qur'an, to look for the relevance of Islamic teachings to the times, especially in the context of Modern Indonesia. Since al-Qur'an is multidimensional, as hudan li al-nās, the concept of Sjadzali's inheritance law has its own value, namely by teaching the principle of equality as the division of men is twice as large as women is no longer relevant. He also did not explain the division of inheritors who have an upward line adequately. This is because Sjadzali only sees from the side of the historicity of the region as the birth of his 1: 1 inheritance concept, without regard to other aspects such as heirs and heirs.

ABSTRAK Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengeksplorasi bagaimana pengalaman donasi para donatur milenial muslim, dengan fokus utama untuk mengetahui rasionalitas donatur konsumen yang mendasari pengalaman donasi. Metode Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis (IPA) dilakukan untuk menggambarkan dinamika milenial muslim dalam memulai berdonasi, mengembangkan niat, dan mengidentifikasi alternatif penyaluran donasi. Sepuluh peserta dipilih dari Semarang, Jawa Tengah, Indonesia, menggunakan purposive-sampling dengan kriteria dan persyaratan yang telah ditentukan untuk memilih partisipan. Data wawancara dianalisis dengan menggunakan teknik deskriptif kualitatif tipe naratif. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa altruisme dan spiritualitas mendorong pemberian sumbangan. Donatur tidak mengharapkan adanya timbal balik dari penerima, pemahaman ini kemudian dimaknai sebagai altruisme. Dari perspektif agama, donasi merupakan bentuk ketaatan kepada Tuhan dengan menjalankan apa yang diperintahkan dan hanya mengharapkan balasan-Nya. Semua partisipan adalah pemeluk agama Islam, sehingga motivasi berdasarkan nilai-nilai spiritual hanya terbatas pada keyakinan satu agama dan secara umum tidak dapat mewakili banyak keyakinan. Temuan selanjutnya, ada transformasi donasi dari donasi langsung, ke lembaga donor dan yang terbaru melalui teknologi digital yang bisa menjadi fokus penelitian di masa depan. Kata Kunci: Altruisme, Perilaku Donasi, Donatur Milenial, Interpretative Phenomenology Analysis. ABSTRACT This study explores the donation experience of Muslim millennial donors, with the main focus on discovering the consumer donor rationality underlying donation experience. The Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis (IPA) method was conducted to depict the dynamics of Muslim millennials in starting a money donation, developing intention, and identifying the alternative distribution for donations. Ten participants were chosen from Semarang, Central Java, Indonesia, using purposive sampling with predetermined criteria and requirements for selecting participants. The interview data were then analyzed using a narrative type of descriptive qualitative technique. The research results show that altruism and spirituality encourage donation-making. Donors do not expect any reciprocity from the recipient; this understanding is interpreted as altruism. From a religious perspective, this is a form of the donor's obedience to God by carrying out what was ordered and only expecting the reward. All participants are adherents of Islam, so motivation based on spiritual values only focuses on the beliefs of one religion and cannot generally represent many beliefs. Further findings show a transformation of donations from direct donations to donor agencies and, most recently, through digital technology, focusing on future research. Keywords: Altruism, Donation Behavior, Millennial Donor, Interpretative Phenomenology Analysis. REFERENCES Anik, L., Aknin, L. B., Norton, M. I., & Dunn, E. W. (2009). Feeling good about giving: The benefits (and costs) of self-interested charitable behavior. Harvard Business School Marketing Unit Working Paper, 10-012. http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.1444831 Aufa S, F. N. (2018). Faktor-faktor yang mempengaruhi keputusan donatur dalam menyalurkan infaq via social networking site (SNS) (Studi pada masyarakat kota Malang). Jurnal Ilmiah Mahasiswa FEB Universitas Brawijaya, 7(1), 1-11. Bjalkebring, P., Västfjäll, D., Dickert, S., & Slovic, P. (2016). Greater emotional gain from giving in older adults: Age-related positivity bias in charitable giving. 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<p>Coexistence and tolerance among the elite religious leaders in many cases seem not being considered as a problem, but at the grassroots level, the conflict often happened as an ironic phenomenon. This paper reveals and elaborates the socio-religious relations that existed between Santri and Chinese communities in Lasem—a small town located in the northern coastal part of the east end of the Central Java Province. The history recorded Lasem as one of the most important cities in Indonesia that bridged trading with China as early as the 14th century. It explains why Tionghoa villages (pecinan), as well as plenty of Konghucu’s religious worshipping sites (<em>klenteng</em>), could be found in the town and also legacy sites as a place of religious worshipping of Konghucu. On the other hand, Muslims with a strong religious level largely grew in this town. With the qualitative approach, this research found that there are some factors contributing to build six models of coexistence, tolerance, and respect for the socio-religious diversities among the societies as the attitudes toward plural societies which brought into socio-harmony of Lasem. The analyzed data obtained through observation and interviews with various parties which is the object of this research, such as Islamic masters (<em>kyai</em>) and students (<em>santri</em>) at Islamic boarding school (<em>pesantren</em>) in Lasem, community and religious leaders of Chinese-Confucianism, and also documents that describe the historicity of Muslims and Chinese in Lasem.</p><p>Koeksistensi dan toleransi diantara kalangan elit pemuka agama dalam banyak kasus tampak tidak pernah ada permasalahan, namun pada kalangan grassroot tidak jarang konflik hadir sebagai fenomena yang ironis. Paper ini menampilkan hubungan sosial-keagamaan yang terjalin di antara komunitas santri dengan etnik Tionghoa beragama Konghucu di Lasem—kota kecil terletak di pantura bagian ujung timur provinsi Jawa Tengah. Sejarah mencatat bahwa Lasem adalah salah satu kota terpenting dalam peta pelayaran dan perdagangan China pada abad ke-16. Itulah mengapa di kota ini bisa ditemui tidak sedikit perkampungan orang Tioghoa dan juga situs-situs peninggalannya seperti tempat ibadah agama Konghucu. Disisi lain, di kota ini pula umat Muslim dengan tingkat keagamaan yang kuat tumbuh dan besar. Dengan pendekatan kualitatif, penelitian ini menemukan bahwa ada faktor yang turut membentuk enam model koeksistensi, toleransi, dan penghargaan terhadap perbedaan keyakinan diantara mereka. Pertama, integrasi sosial, kedua, asimilasi budaya, ketiga kooperasi bisnis, keempat selebrasi seremonial, kelima pelestarian budaya, dan keenam sinkritisme agama. Data yang dianalisis diperoleh melalui observasi dan interview dengan berbagai pihak yang merupakan objek penelitian ini, seperti kyai dan santri di empat pondok pesantren tertua di Lasem, tokoh dan masyarakat Tioghoa beragama Konghucu, dan juga dokumen-dokumen yang menerangkan historisitas Muslim dan Tionghoa di Lasem.</p>

ABSTRAK Penurunan profit bisnis kecil akibat implikasi ekonomi pasca pandemi COVID-19. Persoalan struktur permodalan menjadi kendala dalam mempertahankan dan meningkatkan usahanya secara terus menerus seiring kerubahan zaman. Koperasi Syariah sebagai salah satu lembaga keuangan Islam yang keislaman lebih dekat secara eksistensi maupun teritorial dengan masyarakat tingkat bawah sehingga menjadi alternatif pengembangan usaha masyarakat secara syariah sesuai persyaratan yang diberikan. Studi ini bertujuan untuk untuk menganalisis pengaruh literasi keuangan syariah dalam sikap, pengaruh sosial dan self-efficacy terhadap perilaku pemanfaatan produk koperasi syariah di Indonesia. Studi kuantitatif survey online dengan melibatkan 280 calon anggota koperasi syariah yang membutuhkan pembiayaan dan merupakan pemilik UMKM dijalankan dengan teknik analisis SEM PLS. Hasil studi menunjukkan pengaruh literasi keuangan terhadap sikap, pengaruh sosial dan self-efficacy lalu dilanjutkan arah jalur dukungan hipotesis terhadap niat untuk memilih Koperasi Syariah sebagai solusi kebutuhan finansial UMKM ditemukan. Strategi manajerial khususnya pemasaran dikembangkan dengan mempertimbangkan efek sikap positif, pengaruh sosial dan efikasi diri calon anggota sebagai pemilik bisnis atau produk keuangan syariah yang akan mereka tawarkan kepada pelanggan mereka akan berkontribusi pada pertumbuhan sektor UMKM khususnya UMKM Generasi Millenial dan UMKM Hijau di Indonesia melalui upaya promosi dan kerjasama. Kata Kunci: ASE Model, Ekonomi Islam, Koperasi Syariah, Pemberdayaan, UMKM. ABSTRACT The decline in small business profits due to the post-COVID-19 pandemic economy. The issue of capital structure is an obstacle in maintaining and increasing development continuously in line with the changing times. Sharia cooperatives as one of the Islamic financial institutions are closer in existence and territorially to the lower level of society so that they become an alternative for community business development in accordance with the requirements given. This study aims to analyze the effect of Islamic financial literacy on attitudes, social influence and self-efficacy on the application of Islamic cooperative products in Indonesia. Quantitative study of online surveys involving 280 prospective members of Islamic cooperatives who need financing and are MSME owners carried out with the PLS SEM analysis technique. The results of the study show the effect of financial literacy on attitudes, social influence and self-efficacy, then choosing the direction of hypothesis support for the intention to find Islamic Cooperatives as a solution to the financial needs of MSMEs. Managerial strategies especially marketing that are developed taking into account the effects of positive attitudes, social influence and self-efficacy of prospective members as owners or Islamic financial products that they will offer to their customers will increase the growth of the MSME sector, especially Millennial Generation MSMEs and Green MSMEs in Indonesia through promotional efforts and cooperation. Keywords: ASE Model, Islamic Economics, Sharia Cooperatives, Empowerment, MSMEs. REFERENCES Abourrig, A. (2021). Social influence in predicting Islamic banking acceptance: Evidence from Morocco. International Journal of Accounting, Finance, Auditing, 2(2), 42–56. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.4641472 Ajzen, I. (1991a). The theory of planned behavior. Organizational Behavior and Human Decision Processes, 50(2), 179–211. https://doi.org/10.1016/0749-5978(91)90020-T Ajzen, I. (1991b). The theory of planned behavior. 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Purpose – This study aims to determine the effect of attitudes, subjective norms, institutional zakat systems, and government support in influencing the interest of entrepreneurs in paying zakat. Methodology – There are 140 respondents in this research from 6 big cities in Java, such as Jakarta, Serang, Bandung, Semarang, Yogyakarta, and Surabaya. This research uses the Partial Least-Square-Structural Equation Modeling (PLS-SEM) analysis technique with the Theory of Reasoned Action (TRA) model. Finding – The findings reveal that attitudes, subjective norms, and perceived zakat institutions affect entrepreneurs' interest in paying zakat. Meanwhile, perceived government support does not affect entrepreneurs to pay zakat.Implications – Zakat institutions need to regularly involve Muslim entrepreneur organizations in zakat management programs so that perceptions about zakat institutions and the role of government in improving zakat management can increase the motivation of entrepreneurs to pay zakat.Originality – There has been no previous research including perceived zakat institutions and perceived government support as variables influencing entrepreneurs' intention to pay zakat in Indonesia.

Purpose This study aims to analyze the role of religious knowledge level in influencing customers’ brand association and purchase intention of luxury cars by focusing on the Indonesian context and taking the Lexus brand as a case in point. Design/methodology/approach A sample of 159 respondents was taken from a population of Muslim consumers who live in Java province, Indonesia, and who have not had Lexus luxury car but have had other cars before. Using a quantitative research approach on primary data collected in several cities in Indonesia, the study adopts the partial least square as a method of analysis. Findings The study shows that brand association positively and significantly influences Muslim consumers’ attitudes on luxury cars, in this case, the Lexus brand. More importantly, the level of religious knowledge among Muslim consumers is shown to significantly weaken the influence of consumer attitudes toward purchase intention on luxury cars. The study also shows that brand association has a significant influence on Muslim consumers’ purchase intention on luxury cars. Research limitations/implications This study only explores the consumers’ perceptions based on their income levels. Further details of the consumers when making purchases of the luxury cars are not being considered; this includes who the decision-maker is, gender and education level. Practical implications There are several important implications that come from this study, especially on the risk of after-sales that will be experienced by luxury car owners, in this case, the Lexus brand. Luxury car manufacturers should show and highlight different characters in representing each variant or each type, to be more reflective of the intention and personalities of consumers who purchase luxury cars and not only to show the impression of owning the luxury cars. Social implications There are also social implications of this research where although middle- and high-income consumers do not always intend to buy luxury cars due to the role of religiosity that directs the Muslim consumers to evaluate whether it is really necessary to buy the luxury cars. Originality/value There has been a gap in the literature in assessing the role of religious knowledge level in affecting brand association as well as purchase intention, especially from a quantitative research approach and particularly focusing on the Indonesian context. This study including in responsible consumption as a good customer, which is one of Sustainable Development Goals items.

This paper aims to study ways of how eco-feminism and Islam are integrated ontologically and epistemologically by studying women who are conserving the environment in Pesantren Ath-Thaariq, Garut, West Java. The women seriously concern of the environment because of environmental crisis in Indonesia, espcially in Garut and because of muslim women who are rarely active to promote enviromental conservation. Therefore, this paper portrays ways and results of the integration of eco-feminism and Islam as seen in the women by using a qualitative research and applying feminism approach. In ontological approach, this study found that the women in the pesantren do not believe in dualism between humans (either women or men) and nature. They protect, conserve and love the nature with a concept of rahmatan li al-‘ālamīn (a blessing is for all God creations). In epistemological approach, they integrate local knowledge and Islam to interact with nature. They also implement principles of heterogeneity, human-nature dependability, and holiness of nature. They believe that caring for nature is a religious piety and an alm. Thus, it can be concluded that the novelty of this research is a new model of how Islam and eco-femism are integrated by ontlogical and epistemological approach based on empirical experiences of the women. Other women is suggested to apply this model in protecting and conserving the environment in other places.

Background: In 2016, the World Health Organization recommended salt reduction strategies. In most low- and middle-income countries, little is known about what causes people to reduce their salt intake. Aim: In rural West Java, Indonesia, we conducted a cross-sectional survey to describe self-reported salt reduction practices among middle-aged Muslims with hypertension (n = 447) and to identify correlates of salt reduction. Methods: We developed a questionnaire with Likert scales to measure self-reported frequency of efforts to reduce salt intake, and degree of agreement/disagreement with 51 statements about variables hypothesized to influence salt reduction practices. We compared groups using t-tests and one-way ANOVAs. Through one-factor confirmatory factor analysis and structural equation modeling, we identified correlates of salt reduction practices. Results: About 45% of participants reported regularly reducing their salt intake; only 12.8% reported never attempting. Men reported higher social barriers, while women reported higher family support and spiritual support. Overall, we found that participants’ frequency of effort to reduce their salt intake was associated with a constellation of six correlates. Salt reduction practices were directly positively associated with prior health/illness experiences (β = 0.25), and by seeking health information (β = 0.24). Seeking health information was in turn positively associated with prior health/illness experiences (β = 0.34), receiving support from health professionals (β = 0.23) and Islamic spiritual practice (β = 0.24). Salt reduction practices were negatively associated with environmental barriers to healthful eating practices (β = -0.14). Conclusion: In this population, reinforcing positive correlates identified in this study and mitigating against negative correlates may foster salt reduction practices.

During the COVID-19 pandemic, many religious college students have found comfort in God, while others may have developed anger toward God; however, no studies have systematically compared the multidimensional effects of religiousness on how Muslim and Christian students react to stressors such as COVID-19. This study addressed this gap in the literature by investigating which of the Four Basic Dimensions of Religiousness Scale (4-BDRS: believing, bonding, behaving, and belonging) were significant predictors for both taking comfort in and feeling anger toward God among Muslim ( n = 550) and Christian ( n = 334) college students in Indonesia, while also controlling for the influence of neuroticism, a known predictor for attitudes toward God. Muslims reported that all dimensions of the 4-BDRS were significant predictors of comfort, with bonding as a negative predictor (β = –.09, p = .04), while Christians reported that belonging (β = .07, p = .34) was the only insignificant predictor. Muslims reported that believing (β = –.22, p ⩽ .001) and behaving (β = –.19, p = .002) were negative predictors of anger, while Christians reported negative effects only for bonding (β = –.17, p = .04); however, bonding did not significantly predict anger when analyzed separately for men and women. Therefore, to decrease their anger toward and increase the comfort they find in God, Muslims must focus on their beliefs and exercise the commandments of Islam. Christians, though, must focus on increasing cognitive, affective, and behavioral aspects of religiousness to find comfort, while having better personal relationships with God could be key in reducing anger toward God.

During the COVID-19 pandemic, many religious college students have found comfort in God, while others may have developed anger toward God; however, no studies have systematically compared the multidimensional effects of religiousness on how Muslim and Christian students react to stressors such as COVID-19. This study addressed this gap in the literature by investigating which of the Four Basic Dimensions of Religiousness Scale (4-BDRS: believing, bonding, behaving, and belonging) were significant predictors for both taking comfort in and feeling anger toward God among Muslim ( n = 550) and Christian ( n = 334) college students in Indonesia, while also controlling for the influence of neuroticism, a known predictor for attitudes toward God. Muslims reported that all dimensions of the 4-BDRS were significant predictors of comfort, with bonding as a negative predictor (β = –.09, p = .04), while Christians reported that belonging (β = .07, p = .34) was the only insignificant predictor. Muslims reported that believing (β = –.22, p ⩽ .001) and behaving (β = –.19, p = .002) were negative predictors of anger, while Christians reported negative effects only for bonding (β = –.17, p = .04); however, bonding did not significantly predict anger when analyzed separately for men and women. Therefore, to decrease their anger toward and increase the comfort they find in God, Muslims must focus on their beliefs and exercise the commandments of Islam. Christians, though, must focus on increasing cognitive, affective, and behavioral aspects of religiousness to find comfort, while having better personal relationships with God could be key in reducing anger toward God.

Introduction As the country with the fifth largest population in the world, Indonesia is a massive potential market for mobile technology adoption and development. Despite an annual per capita income of only $1,280 USD (World Bank), there are 63 million mobile phone users in Indonesia (Suhartono, sec. 1.7) and it is predicted to reach 80 million in 2007 (Jakarta Post 1). Mobile phones are not only a symbol of Indonesian modernity (Barendregt 5), but like other communication technology can become a platform through which to explore socio-political issues (Winner 28). In this article we explore the role mobile phone technology in contemporary forms of social, intimate, and sexual relationships in Indonesia. We argue that new forms of expression and relations are facilitated by the particular features of mobile technology. We discuss two cases from contemporary Indonesia: a mobile dating service (BEDD) and mobile phone pornography. For each case study, we first discuss the socio-political background in Indonesia, then describe the technological affordances of the mobile phone which facilitate dating and pornography, and finally give examples of how the mobile phone is effecting change in dating and pornographic practices. This study is placed at a time when social relations, intimacy, and sexuality in Indonesia have become central public issues. Since the end of the New Order whilst many people have embraced the new freedoms of reformasi and democratization, there is also a high degree of social anxiety, tension and uncertainty (Juliastuti 139-40). These social changes and desires have played out in the formations of new and exciting modes of creativity, solidarity, and sociality (Heryanto and Hadiz 262) and equally violence, terror and criminality (Heryanto and Hadiz 256). The diverse and plural nature of Indonesian society is alive with a myriad of people and activities, and it is into this diverse social body that the mobile phone has become a central and prominent feature of interaction. The focus of our study is dating and pornography as mediated by the mobile phone; however, we do not suggest that these are new experiences in Indonesia. Rather over the last decade social, intimate, and sexual relationships have all been undergoing change and their motivations can be traced to a variety of sources including the factors of globalization, democratization and modernization. Throughout Asia “new media have become a crucial site for constituting new Asian sexual identities and communities” (Berry, Martin, and Yue 13) as people are connecting through new communication technologies. In this article we suggest that mobile phone technology opens new possibilities and introduces new channels, dynamics, and intensities of social interaction. Mobile phones are particularly powerful communication tools because of their mobility, accessibility, and convergence (Ling 16-19; Ito 14-15; Katz and Aakhus 303). These characteristics of mobile phones do not in and of themselves bring about any particular changes in dating and pornography, but they may facilitate changes already underway (Barendegt 7-9; Barker 9). Mobile Dating Background The majority of Indonesians in the 1960s and 1970s had arranged marriages (Smith-Hefner 443). Education reform during the 70s and 80s encouraged more women to attain an education which in turn led to the delaying of marriage and the changing of courtship practices (Smith-Hefner 450). “Compared to previous generations, [younger Indonesians] are freer to mix with the opposite sex and to choose their own marriage,” (Utomo 225). Modern courtship in Java is characterized by “self-initiated romance” and dating (Smith-Hefner 451). Mobile technology is beginning to play a role in initiating romance between young Indonesians. Technology One mobile matching or dating service available in Indonesia is called BEDD (www.bedd.com). BEDD is a free software for mobile phones in which users fill out a profile about themselves and can meet BEDD members who are within 20-30 feet using a Bluetooth connection on their mobile devices. BEDD members’ phones automatically exchange profile information so that users can easily meet new people who match their profile requests. BEDD calls itself mobile social networking community; “BEDD is a new Bluetooth enabled mobile social medium that allows people to meet, interact and communicate in a new way by letting their mobile phones do all the work as they go throughout their day.” As part of a larger project on mobile social networking (Humphreys 6), a field study was conducted of BEDD users in Jakarta, Indonesia and Singapore (where BEDD is based) in early 2006. In-depth interviews and open-ended user surveys were conducted with users, BEDD’s CEO and strategic partners in order to understand the social uses and effects BEDD. The majority of BEDD members (which topped 100,000 in January 2006) are in Indonesia thanks to a partnership with Nokia where BEDD came pre-installed on several phone models. In management interviews, both BEDD and Nokia explained that they partnered because both companies want to help “build community”. They felt that Bluetooth technology such as BEDD could be used to help youth meet new people and keep in touch with old friends. Examples One of BEDD’s functions is to help lower barriers to social interaction in public spaces. By sharing profile information and allowing for free text messaging, BEDD can facilitate conversations between BEDD members. According to users, mediating the initial conversation also helps to alleviate social anxiety, which often accompanies meeting new people. While social mingling and hanging out between Jakarta teenagers is a relatively common practice, one user said that BEDD provides a new and fun way to meet and flirt. In a society that must balance between an “idealized morality” and an increasingly sexualized popular culture (Utomo 226), BEDD provides a modern mode of self-initiated matchmaking. While BEDD was originally intended to aid in the matchmaking process of dating, it has been appropriated into everyday life in Indonesia because of its interpretive flexibility (Pinch & Bjiker 27). Though BEDD is certainly used to meet “beautiful girls” (according to one Indonesian male user), it is also commonly used to text message old friends. One member said he uses BEDD to text his friends in class when the lecture gets boring. BEDD appears to be a helpful modern communication tool when people are physically proximate but cannot easily talk to one another. BEDD can become a covert way to exchange messages with people nearby for free. Another potential explanation for BEDD’s increasing popularity is its ability to allow users to have private conversations in public space. Bennett notes that courtship in private spaces is seen as dangerous because it may lead to sexual impropriety (154). Dating and courtship in public spaces are seen as safer, particularly for conserving the reputation young Indonesian women. Therefore Bluetooth connections via mobile technologies can be a tool to make private social connections between young men and women “safer”. Bluetooth communication via mobile phones has also become prevalent in more conservative Muslim societies (Sullivan, par. 7; Braude, par. 3). There are, however, safety concerns about meeting strangers in public spaces. When asked, “What advice would you give a first time BEDD user?” one respondent answered, “harus bisa mnilai seseorang krn itu sangat penting, kita mnilai seseorang bukan cuma dari luarnya” (translated: be careful in evaluating (new) people, and don’t ever judge the book by its cover”). Nevertheless, only one person participating in this study mentioned this concern. To some degree meeting someone in a public may be safer than meeting someone in an online environment. Not only are there other people around in public spaces to physically observe, but co-location means there may be some accountability for how BEDD members present themselves. The development and adoption of matchmaking services such as BEDD suggests that the role of the mobile phone in Indonesia is not just to communicate with friends and family but to act as a modern social networking tool as well. For young Indonesians BEDD can facilitate the transfer of social information so as to encourage the development of new social ties. That said, there is still debate about exactly whom BEDD is connecting and for what purposes. On one hand, BEDD could help build community in Indonesia. One the other hand, because of its privacy it could become a tool for more promiscuous activities (Bennett 154-5). There are user profiles to suggest that people are using BEDD for both purposes. For example, note what four young women in Jakarta wrote in the BEDD profiles: Personal Description Looking For I am a good prayer, recite the holy book, love saving (money), love cycling… and a bit narcist. Meaning of life Ordinary gurl, good student, single, Owen lover, and the rest is up to you to judge. Phrenz ?! Peace?! Wondeful life! I am talkative, have no patience but so sweet. I am so girly, narcist, shy and love cute guys. Check my fs (Friendster) account if you’re so curious. Well, I am just an ordinary girl tho. Anybody who wants to know me. A boy friend would be welcomed. Play Station addict—can’t live without it! I am a rebel, love rock, love hiphop, naughty, if you want proof dial 081********* phrenz n cute guyz As these profiles suggest, the technology can be used to send different kinds of messages. The mobile phone and the BEDD software merely facilitate the process of social exchange, but what Indonesians use it for is up to them. Thus BEDD and the mobile phone become tools through which Indonesians can explore their identities. BEDD can be used in a variety of social and communicative contexts to allow users to explore their modern, social freedoms. Mobile Pornography Background Mobile phone pornography builds on a long tradition of pornography and sexually explicit material in Indonesia through the use of a new technology for an old art and product. Indonesia has a rich sexual history with a documented and prevalent sex industry (Suryakusuma 115). Lesmana suggests that the country has a tenuous pornographic industry prone to censorship and nationalist politics intent on its destruction. Since the end of the New Order and opening of press freedoms there has been a proliferation in published material including a mushrooming of tabloids, men’s magazines such as FHM, Maxim and Playboy, which are often regarded as pornographic. This is attributed to the decline of the power of the bureaucracy and government and the new role of capital in the formation of culture (Chua 16). There is a parallel pornography industry, however, that is more amateur, local, and homemade (Barker 6). It is into this range of material that mobile phone pornography falls. Amongst the myriad forms of pornography and sexually explicit material available in Indonesia, the mobile phone in recent years has emerged as a new platform for production, distribution, and consumption. This section will not deal with the ethics of representation nor engage with the debate about definitions and the rights and wrongs of pornography. Instead what will be shown is how the mobile phone can be and has been used as an instrument/medium for the production and consumption of pornography within contemporary social relationships. Technology There are several technological features of the mobile phone that make pornography possible. As has already been noted the mobile phone has had a large adoption rate in Indonesia, and increasingly these phones come equipped with cameras and the ability to send data via MMS and Bluetooth. Coupled with the mobility of the phone, the convergence of technology in the mobile phone makes it possible for pornography to be produced and consumed in a different way than what has been possible before. It is only recently that the mobile phone has been marketed as a video camera with the release of the Nokia N90; however, quality and recording time are severely limited. Still, the mobile phone is a convenient and at-hand tool for the production and consumption of individually made, local, and non-professional pieces of porn, sex and sexuality. It is impossible to know how many such films are in circulation. A number of websites that offer these films for downloads host between 50 and 100 clips in .3gp file format, with probably more in actual circulation. At the very least, this is a tenfold increase in number compared to the recent emergence of non-professional VCD films (Barker 3). This must in part be attributed to the advantages that the mobile phone has over standard video cameras including cost, mobility, convergence, and the absence of intervening data processing and disc production. Examples There are various examples of mobile pornography in Indonesia. These range from the pornographic text message sent between lovers to the mobile phone video of explicit sexual acts (Barendregt 14-5). The mobile phone affords privacy for the production and exchange of pornographic messages and media. Because mobile devices are individually owned, however, pornographic material found on mobile phones can be directly tied to the individual owners. For example, police in Kotabaru inspected the phones of high school students in search of pornographic materials and arrested those individuals on whose phones it was found (Barendregt 18). Mobile phone pornography became a national political issue in 2006 when an explicit one-minute clip of a singer and an Indonesian politician became public. Videoed in 2004, the clip shows Maria Eva, a 27 year-old dangdut singer (see Browne, 25-6) and Yahya Zaini, a married 42 year-old who was head of religious affairs for the Golkar political party. Their three-year affair ended in 2005, but the film did not become public until 2006. It spread like wildfire between phones and across the internet, however, and put an otherwise secret relationship into the limelight. These types of affairs and relationships were common knowledge to people through gossip, exposes such as Jakarta Undercover (Emka 93-108) and stories in tabloids; yet this culture of adultery and prostitution continued and remained anonymous because of bureaucratic control of evidence and information (Suryakusuma 115). In this case, however, the filming of Maria Eva once public proves the identities of those involved and their infidelity. As a result of the scandal it was further revealed that Maria Eva had been forced by Yayha Zaini and his wife to have an abortion, deepening the moral crisis. Yahya Zaini later resigned as his party’s head of Religious Affairs (Asmarani, sec. 1-2), due to what was called the country’s “first real sex scandal” (Naughton, par. 2). As these examples show, there are definite risks and consequences involved in the production of mobile pornography. Even messages/media that are meant to be shared between two consenting individuals can eventually make their way into the public mobile realm and have serious consequences for those involved. Mobile video and photography does, however, represent a potential new check on the Indonesian bureaucratic elite which has not been previously available by other means such as a watchdog media. “The role of the press as a control mechanism is practically nonexistent [in Jakarta], which in effect protects corruption, nepotism, financial manipulation, social injustice, and repression, as well as the murky sexual life of the bureaucratic power elite,” (Suryakusuma 117). Thus while originally a mobile video may have been created for personal pleasure, through its mass dissemination via new media it can become a means of sousveillance (Mann, Nolan and Wellman 332-3) whereby the control of surveillance is flipped to reveal the often hidden abuses of power by officials. Whilst the debates over pornography in Indonesia tend to focus on the moral aspects of it, the broader social impacts of technology on relationships are often ignored. Issues related to power relations or even media as cultural expression are often disregarded as moral judgments cast a heavy shadow over discussions of locally produced Indonesian mobile pornography. It is possible to move beyond the moral critique of pornographic media to explore the social significance of its proliferation as a cultural product. Conclusion In these two case studies we have tried to show how the mobile phone in Indonesia has become a mode of interaction but also a platform through which to explore other current issues and debates related to dating, sexuality and media. Since 1998 and the fall of the New Order, Indonesia has been struggling with blending old and new, a desire of change and nostalgia for past, and popular desire for a “New Indonesia” (Heryanto, sec. Post-1998). Cultural products within Indonesia have played an important role in exploring these issues. The mobile phone in Indonesia is not just a technology, but also a product in and through which these desires are played out. Changes in dating and pornography practices have been occurring in Indonesia for some time. As people use mobile technology to produce, communicate, and consume, the device becomes intricately related to identity struggle and cultural production within Indonesia. It is important to keep in mind, however, that while mobile technology adoption within Indonesia is growing, it is still limited to a particular subset of the population. As has been previously observed (Barendregt 3), it is wealthier, young people in urban areas who are most intensely involved in mobile technology. As handset prices decrease and availability in rural areas increases, however, no longer will mobile technology be so demographically confined in Indonesia. The convergent technology of the mobile phone opens many possibilities for creative adoption and usage. As a communication device it allows for the creation, sharing, and viewing of messages. Therefore, the technology itself facilitates social connections and networking. As demonstrated in the cases of dating and pornography, the mobile phone is both a tool for meeting new people and disseminating sexual messages/media because it is a networked technology. The mobile phone is not fundamentally changing dating and pornography practices, but it is accelerating social and cultural trends already underway in Indonesia by facilitating the exchange and dissemination of messages and media. As these case studies show, what kinds of messages Indonesians choose to create and share are up to them. The same device can be used for relatively innocuous behavior as well as more controversial behavior. With increased adoption in Indonesia, the mobile will continue to be a lens through which to further explore modern socio-political issues. 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"Modernity and the Mobile Phone: Exploring Tensions about Dating and Sex in Indonesia." M/C Journal 10.1 (2007). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0703/06-humphreys-barker.php>. APA Style Humphreys, L., and T. Barker. (Mar. 2007) "Modernity and the Mobile Phone: Exploring Tensions about Dating and Sex in Indonesia," M/C Journal, 10(1). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0703/06-humphreys-barker.php>.

Introduction Since at least the work of van Gennep in the early 1900s, anthropologists have recognised that borders and thresholds are crucial in understanding human behavior and culture. But particularly in the past few decades, the study of borders has moved from the margins of social inquiry to the centre. At the same time, fashion (Entwistle), including clothing and skin (Bille), have emerged as crucial to understanding the human condition. In this article, we draw on and expand this literature on borders and fashion to demonstrate that the way Indonesians fashion and display their body reflects larger changes in attitudes about morality and gender. And in this, borders and thresholds are crucial. In order to make this argument, we consider three case studies from Indonesia. First, we discuss the requirement that policewomen submit to a virginity test, which takes the form of a hymen inspection. Then, we look at the successful campaign by policewomen to be able to wear the Islamic veil. Finally, we consider reports of Makassar policewomen who attempt to turn young people into exemplary citizens and traffic 'ambassadors' by using downtown crosswalks as a catwalk. In each of these three cases, fashioned borders and thresholds play prominent roles in determining the expression of morality, particularly in relation to gender roles. Fashion, Thresholds, and Borders There was once a time when social scientists tended to view clothes and other forms of adornment as "frivolous" or trivial (Entwistle 14; 18). Over the past few decades, however, fashion has emerged as a serious study within the social sciences. Writers have, for example, demonstrated how fashion is closely tied up with identity and capitalism (King and Winarnita). And although fashion used to be envisaged as emerging from London, New York, Paris, Milan, and other Western locations, scholars are increasingly recognising the importance of Asia in fashion studies. Whether the haute couture and cosplay in Tokyo or 'traditional' weaving of materials in Indonesia, studying fashion and clothes provides crucial insight into the cultures and societies of Asia (King and Winarnita). To contribute to this burgeoning area of research in Asian fashion, we draw on the anthropological classics, in particular, the concept of threshold. Every time we walk through a doorway, gate, or cross a line, we cross a threshold. But what classic anthropology shows us is that crossing certain thresholds changes our social status. This changing particularly occurs in the context of ritual. For example, walking onto a stage, a person becomes a performer or actor. Traditionally a groom carries his bride through the door, symbolising the transition to husband and wife (Douglas 115). In this article, we apply this idea that crossing thresholds is associated with transitioning social statuses (Douglas; Turner; van Gennep). To do this, we first establish a connection between national and personal borders. We argue that skin and clothes have a cultural function in addition to their practical functions. Typically, skin is imagined as a kind of social border and clothes provide a buffer zone. But to make this case, we first need to elaborate how we understand national borders. In the traditional kingdoms of Southeast Asia, borders were largely imperceptible or non-existent. Power was thought to radiate out from the ruler, through the capital, and into the surrounding areas. As it emanated from this 'exemplary centre', power was thought to weaken (Geertz 222-229). Rather than an area of land, a kingdom was thought to be a group of people (Tambiah 516). In this context, borders were irrelevant. But as in other parts of the world, in the era of nations, the situation has entirely changed in modern Indonesia. In a simple sense, our current global legal system is created out of international borders. These borders are, first and foremost, imagined lines that separate the area belonging to one nation-state from another. Borders are for the most part simply drawn on maps, explained by reference to latitude, longitude, and other features of the landscape. But, obviously, borders exist outside the imagination and on maps. They have significance in international law, in separating one jurisdiction from another. Usually, national borders can only be legally crossed with appropriate documentation and legal status. In extreme cases, crossing another nation's border can be a cause for war; but the difficulty in determining borders in practice means both sides may debate over whether a border was actually crossed. Where this possibility exists, sometimes the imagined lines are marked on the actual earth by fences, walls, etc. To protect borders, buffer zones are sometimes created. The most famous buffer zone is the Demilitarized Zone or DMZ, which runs along North Korea's border with South Korea. As no peace treaty has been signed between these two nations, they are technically still at war. Hostility is intense, but armed conflict has, for the most part, ceased. The buffer helps both sides maintain this cessation by enabling them to distinguish between an unintentional infringement and a genuine invasion. All this practical significance of borders and buffer zones is obvious. But borders become even more fascinating when we look beyond their 'practical' significance. Borders have ritual as well as practical importance. Like the flag, the nation's borders have meaning. They also have moral implications. Borders have become an issue of almost fanatical or zealous significance. The 2015 footage of a female Hungarian reporter physically attacking asylum seekers who crossed the border into her nation indicates that she was not just upset with their legal status; presumably she does not physically attack people breaking other laws (BBC News). Similarly the border vigilantes, volunteers who 'protect' the southern borders of the USA against what they see as drug cartels, apparently take no action against white-collar criminals in the cities of the USA. For the Hungarian reporter and the border vigilantes, the border is a threshold to be protected at all costs and those who cross it without proper documentation and process are more than just law breakers; they are moral transgressors, possibly even equivalent to filth. So much for border crossing. What about the borders themselves? As mentioned, fences, walls, and other markers are built to make the imagined line tangible. But some borders go well beyond that. Borders are also adorned or fashioned. For instance, the border between North and South Korea serves as a site where national sovereignty and legitimacy are emphasised, defended, and contested. It is at this buffer zone that these two nations look at each other and showcase to the other what is ideally contained within their own respective national borders. But it is not just national states which have buffer zones and borders with deep significance in the modern period; our own clothes and skin possess a similar moral significance. Why are clothes so important? Of course, like national borders, clothes have practical and functional use. Clothes keep us warm, dry, and protected from the sun and other elements. In addition to this practical use, clothes are heavily imbued with significance. Clothes are a way to fashion the body. They define our various identities including gender, class, etc. Clothes also signify morality and modesty (Leach 152). But where does this morality regarding clothing come from? Clothing is a site where state, religious, and familial control is played out. Just like the DMZ, our bodies are aestheticised with adornments, accoutrements, and decorations, and they are imbued with strong symbolic significance in attempts to reveal what constitutes the enclosed. Just like the DMZ, our clothing or lack thereof is considered constitutive of the nation. Because clothes play a role akin to geo-political borders, clothes are our DMZ; they mark us as good citizens. Whether we wear gang colours or a cross on our necklace, they can show us as belonging to something powerful, protective, and worth belonging to. They also show others that they do not belong. In relation to this, perhaps it is necessary to mention one cultural aspect of clothing. This is the importance, in the modern Indonesian nation, of appearing rapih. Rapih typically means clean, tidy, and well-groomed. The ripped and dirty jeans, old T-shirts, unshaven, unkempt hair, which has, at times, been mainstream fashion in other parts of the world, is typically viewed negatively in Indonesia, where wearing 'appropriate' clothing has been tied up with the nationalist project. For instance, as a primary school student in Indonesia, Winarnita was taught Pendidikan Moral Pancasila (Pancasila Moral Education). Named after the Pancasila, the guiding principles of the Indonesian nation, this class is also known as "PMP". It provided instruction in how to be a good national citizen. Crucially, this included deportment. The importance of being well dressed and rapih was stressed. In sum, like national borders, clothes are much more than their practical significance and practical use. This analysis can be extended by looking at skin. The practical significance of skin cannot be overstated; it is crucial to survival. But that does not preclude the possibility that humans—being the prolifically creative and meaning-making animals that we are—can make skin meaningful. Everyday racism, for instance, is primarily enabled by people making skin colour meaningful. And although skin is not optional, we fashion it into borders that define who we are, such as through tattoos, by piercing, accessorising, and through various forms of body modification (from body building to genital modification). Thresholds are also important in understanding skin. In a modern Indonesian context, when a penis crosses a woman's hymen her ritual status changes; she is no longer a virgin maiden (gadis) or virgin (perawan). If we apply the analogy of borders to the hymen, we could think of it as a checkpoint or border crossing. At a national border crossing, only people with correct credentials (for instance, passport holders with visas) can legally cross and only at certain times (not on public holidays or only from 9-5). At a hymen, only people with the correct status, namely one's husband, can morally cross. The checkpoint is a crucial reminder of the nation state and citizen scheme. The hymen is a crucial reminder of heteronormative standards. Crucial to understanding Indonesian notions of skin is the idea of aurat (Bennett 2007; Parker 2008). This term refers to parts of the body that should be covered. Or it could be said that aurat refers to 'intimate parts' of the body, if we understand that different parts of the body are considered intimate in Indonesian cultures. Indonesians tend to describe the aurat as those body parts that arouse feelings of sexual attraction or embarrassment in others. The concept tends to have Arabic and Islamic associations in Indonesia. Accordingly, for many Muslims, it means that women, once they appear sexually mature, should cover their hair, neck, and cleavage, and other areas that might arouse sexual attraction. These need to be covered when they leave their house, when they are viewed by people outside of the immediate nuclear family (muhrim). For men, it means they should be covered from their stomach to their knees. However, different Islamic scholars and preachers give different interpretations about what the aurat includes, with some opining that the entire female body with the exception of hands and face needs to be covered. That said, the general disposition or habitus of using clothes to cover is also found among non-Muslims in Indonesia. Accordingly, Catholics, Protestants, and Hindus also tend to cover their legs and cleavage, and so on, more than would commonly be found in Western countries. Having outlined the literature and cultural context, we now turn to our case studies. The Veil and Indonesian Policewomen Our first case study focusses on Indonesian police. Aside from a practical significance in law enforcement, police also have symbolic importance. There is an ideal that police should set and enforce standards for exemplary behaviour. Despite this, the Indonesia police have an image problem, being seen as highly corrupt (Davies, Stone, & Buttle). This is where policewomen fit in. The female constabulary are thought to be capable of morally improving the police force and the nation. Additionally, Indonesian policewomen are believed to be needed in situations of family violence, for instance, and to bring a sensitive and humane approach. The moral significance of Indonesia's policewomen shows clearly through issues of their clothing, in particular, the veil. In 2005, it became illegal for Indonesian policewomen to wear the veil on duty. Various reasons were given for this ban. These included that police should present a secular image, showcasing a modern and progressive nation. But this was one border contest where policewomen were able to successfully fight back; in 2013, they won the right to wear the veil on duty. The arguments espoused by both sides during this debate were reflective of geo-political border disputes, and protagonists deployed words such as "sovereignty", "human rights", and "religious autonomy". But in the end it was the policewomen's narrative that best convinced the government that they had a right to wear the veil on duty. Possibly this is because by 2013 many politicians and policymakers wanted to present Indonesia as a pious nation and having policewomen able to express their religion – and the veil being imbued with sentiments of honesty and dedication – fitted in with this larger national image. In contrast, policewomen have been unsuccessful in efforts to ban so called virginity testing (discussed below). Indonesian Policewomen Need to Be Attractive But veils are not the only bodily border that can be packed around language used to describe a DMZ. Policewomen's physical appearance, and specifically facial appearance and make-up, are discussed in similar terms. As such another border that policewomen must present in a particular (i.e. beautiful) way is their appearance. As part of the selection process, women police candidates must be judged by a mostly male panel as being pretty. They have to be a certain height and weight, and bust measurements are taken. The image of the policewoman is tall, slim, and beautiful, with a veil or with regulation cut and coiffed hair. Recognising the 'importance' of beauty for policewomen, they are given a monthly allowance precisely to buy make-up. Such is the status of policewomen that entry is highly competitive. And those who make the cut accrue many benefits. One of these benefits can be celebrity status, and it is not unusual for some policewomen to have over 100,000 Instagram followers. This celebrity status has led one police official to publicly state that women should not join the police force thinking it is a shortcut to celebrity status (Davies). So just like a nation trying to present its best self, Indonesia is imagined in the image of its policewomen. Policewomen feel pride in being selected for this position even when feeling vexed about these barriers to getting selected (Davies). Another barrier to selection is discussed in the next case study. Virginity Testing of Policewomen Our second case study relates to the necessity that female police recruits be virgins. Since 1965, policewomen recruits have been required to undergo internal examinations to ensure that their hymen is supposedly intact. Glossed as 'virginity' tests this procedure involves a two-finger examination by a health professional. Protests against the practice have been voiced by Human Rights Watch and others (Human Rights Watch). Pledges have also been made that the practice will be removed. But to date the procedure is still performed, although there are currently moves to have it banned within the armed forces. Hymens are more of a skin border than a clothing border such as that formed by uniforms or veils, but they operate in similar ways. The ‘feelable’ hymen marks an unmarried woman as moral. New women police recruits must be unmarried and therefore virgins. Actually, the hymen is not a taut skin border, but rather a loose connection of overlapping tissue and in this sense a hymen is not something one can lose. But the hymen is used as a proxy to determine a woman’s value. Hymen border control gives one a moral edge. A hymen supposedly measures a woman’s ability to protect herself, like any fortified geo-political border. Protecting one’s own borders gives the suggestion that one is able to protect others. A policewoman who can protect her bodily borders can protect those of others. Outsiders may wonder what being attractive, modest, but not too modest has to do with police work. And some (but by no means all) Indonesian policewomen wondered the same thing too. Indeed, some policewomen Davies interviewed in the 2010s were against this practice, but many staunchly supported it. They had successfully passed this rite of passage and therefore felt a common bond with other new recruits who had also gone through this procedure. Typically rites of passage, and especially the accompanying humiliation and abuse, engender a strong sense of solidarity among those who have passed through them. The virginity test seems to have operated in a similar way. Policewomen and the 'Citayam' Street Fashion Our third case study is an analysis of a short and otherwise unremarkable TV news report about policewomen parading across a crosswalk in a remote regional city. To understand why, we need to turn to "Citayam Fashion Week", a youth social movement which has developed around a road crossing in downtown Jakarta. Social movements like this are difficult to pin down, but it seems that a central aspect has been young fashionistas using a zebra crossing on a busy Jakarta street as an impromptu catwalk to strut across, be seen, and photographed. These youths are referred to in one article as "Jakarta's budget fashionistas" (Saraswati). The movement is understood in social media and traditional media sources as expressing 'street fashion'. Social media has been central to this movement. The youths have posted photos and videos of themselves crossing the road on social media. Some of these young fashionistas posted interviews with each other on TikTok. Some of the interviews went viral in June 2022 (Saraswati). So where does the name "Citayam Fashion Week" come from? Citayam is an outer area of Jakarta, which is a long way from from the wealthy central district where the young fashionistas congregate. But "Citayam" does not mean that the youths are all thought to come from that area. Instead the idea is that they could be from any poorer outer areas around the capital and have bussed or trained into town. The crosswalk they strut across is near the transport hub next to a central train station. The English-language "Fashion Week" is a tongue-in-cheek label mocking the haute couture fashion weeks around the world – events which, due to a wealth and class gap, are closed off to these teens. Strutting on the crosswalk is not limited to a single 'week' but it is an ongoing activity. The movement has spread to other parts of Indonesia, with youth parading across cross walks in other urban centres. Citayam Fashion Week became one of the major Indonesian public issues of 2022. Reaction was mixed. Some pointed to the unique street style and attitude, act, and language of the young fashionistas, some of whom became minor celebrities. The "Citayam Fashion Week" idea was also picked up by mainstream media, attracting celebrities, models, content creators, politicians and other people in the public eye. Some government voices also welcomed the social movement as promoting tourism and the creative industry. Others voiced disapproval at the youth. Their clothes were disparaged as 'tacky', reflecting deep divides in class and income in modern Jakarta. Some officials noted that they are a nuisance because they create traffic jams and loitering. Criticism also had a moral angle, in particular with commentators focused on male teens wearing feminine attire (Saraswati). Social scientists such as Oki Rahadianto (Souisa & Salim) and Saraswati see this as an expression of youth agency. These authors particularly highlight the class origins of the Citayam fashionistas being mostly from poorer outer suburbs. Their fashion displays are seen to be a way of reclaiming space for the youth in the urban landscape. Furthermore, the youths are expressing their own and unique version of youth culture. We can use the idea of threshold to provide unique insight into this phenomenon in the simple sense that the crosswalk connects one side of the road to the other. But the youth use it for something far more significant than this simple practical purpose. What is perceived to be happening is that some of the youth, who after all are in the process of transitioning from childhood to adulthood, use the crosswalk to publicly express their transition to non-normative gender and sexual identities; indeed, some of them have also transitioned to become mini celebrities in the process. Images of 'Citayam' portray young males adorned in makeup and clothes that are not identifiably masculine. They appear to be crossing gender boundaries. Other images show the distinct street fashion of these youth of exposed skin through crop tops (short tops) that show the belly, clothes with cut-out sections on various parts of the body, and ripped jeans. In a way, these youth are transgressing the taboo against exposing too much skin in public. One video is particularly interesting in light of the approach we are taking in this article as it comes from Makassar, the capital of one of Indonesia's outlying regions. "The Citayam Fashion Week phenomenon spreads to Makassar; young people become traffic (lalu lintas) ambassadors" (Kompas TV) is a news report about policewomen getting involved with young people using a crosswalk to parade their fashion. At first glance the Citayam Fashion Week portrayed in Makassar, a small city in an outlying province, is tiny compared to the scale of the movement in Jakarta. The news report shows half a dozen young males in feminine clothing and makeup. Aside from several cars in the background, there is no observable traffic that the process seems to interrupt. The news report portrays several Indonesian policewomen, all veiled, assisting and accompanying the young fashionistas. The reporter explains that the policewomen go 'hand in hand' (menggandeng) with the fashionistas. The police attempt to harness the creative energy of the youth and turn them into traffic ambassadors (duta lalu lintas). Perhaps it is going too far to state, but the term for traffic here, lalu lintas ("lalu" means to pass by or pass through, and "lintas" means "to cross"), implies that the police are assisting them in crossing thresholds. In any case, from the perspective we have adopted in this chapter, Citayam Fashion Week can be analysed in terms of thresholds as a literal road crossing turned into a place where youth can cross over gender norms and class barriers. The policewomen, with their soft, feminine abilities, attempt to transform them into exemplary citizens. Discussion: Morality, Skin, and Borders In this article, we have actually passed over two apparent contradictions in Indonesian society. In the early 2000s, Indonesian policewomen recruits were required to prove their modesty by passing a virginity test in which their hymen was inspected. Yet, at the same time they needed to be attractive. And, moreover, they were not allowed to wear the Muslim veil. They had to be modest and protect themselves from male lust but also good-looking and visible to others. The other contradiction relates to a single crosswalk or zebra crossing in downtown Jakarta, Indonesia's capital city, in 2022. Instead of using this zebra crossing simply as a place to cross the road, some youths turned it to their own ends as an impromptu 'catwalk' and posted images of their fashion on Instagram. A kind of social movement has emerged whereby Indonesian youth are fashioning their identity that contravenes gender expectations. In an inconsequential news report on the Citayam Fashion Week in Makassar, policewomen were portrayed as co-opting and redirecting the movement into an instructional opportunity in orderly road crossing. The youths could thereby transformed into good citizens. Although the two phenomena – attractive modest police virgins and a crosswalk that became a catwalk – might seem distinct, underlying the paradoxes are similar issues which can be teased out by analysing them in terms of morality, gender, and clothing in relation to borders, buffer zones, and thresholds. Veils, hymens, clothes, make-up are all politically positioned as borders worth fighting for, as necessary borders. While some border disputes can be won (such as policewomen winning the right to veil on duty, or disrupting traffic by parading one's gender-bending fashion), others are either not challenged or unsuccessfully challenged (such as ending virginity tests). These borders of moral encounter enable and provoke various responses: the ban on veiling for Indonesian policewomen was something to challenge as it undermined women’s moral position and stopped their expression of piety – things their nation wanted them to be able to do. But fighting to stop virginity testing was not permissible because even suggesting a contestation implies immorality. Only the immoral could want to get rid of virginity tests. The Citayam Fashion Week presented potentially immoral youths who corrupt national values, but with the help of policewomen, literally and figuratively holding their hand, they could be transformed into worthwhile citizens. National values were at stake in clothing and skin. Conclusion Borders and buffer zone are crucial to a nation's image of itself; whether in the geographical shape of one's country, or in clothes and skin. Douglas suggests that the human experience of boundaries can symbolise society. If she is correct, Indonesian nationalist ideas about clothing, skin, and even hymens shape how Indonesians understand their own nation. Through the three case studies we argued firstly for the importance of analysing the fashioning of the body not only as a form of border maintenance, but as truly at the centre of understanding national morality in Indonesia. Secondly, the national border may also be a way to remake the individual. People see themselves in the 'shape' of their country. As Bille stated "like skin, borders are a protective integument as well as a surface of inscription. Like the body, the nation is skin deep" (71). Thresholds are just as they imply. Passing through a threshold, we cross over one side of the border. We can potentially occupy an in-between status in, for instance, demilitarised zones. Or we can continue on to the other side. To go over a threshold such as becoming a policewoman, a teenager, a fashionista, and a mini celebrity, a good citizen can be constituted through re-fashioning the body. Fashioning one's body can be done through adorning skin with makeup or clothes, covering or revealing the skin, including particular parts of the body deemed sacred, such as the aurat, or by maintaining a special type of skin such as the hymen. The skin that is re-fashioned thus becomes a site of border contention that we argue define not only personal but national identity. Acknowledgment This article was first presented by Sharyn Graham Davies as a plenary address on 24 November 2021 as part of the Women in Asia conference. References BBC News. "Hungarian Camerawoman Who Kicked Refugees Charged." 8 Sep. 2016. 3 Oct 2022 <https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-37304489>. Bennett, Linda Rae. "Zina and the Enigma of Sex Education for Indonesian Muslim Youth." Sex Education 7.4 (2007): 371- 386. Bille, Franck. "Skinworlds: Borders, Haptics, Topologies." Environment and Planning D: Society & Space 36.1 (2017): 60-77. Davies, Sharyn Graham. "Skins of Morality: Bio-borders, Ephemeral Citizenship and Policing Women in Indonesia." Asian Studies Review 42.1 (2018): 69-88. Davies, Sharyn Graham, Louise M. Stone, and John Buttle. "Covering Cops: Critical Reporting of Indonesian Police Corruption." Pacific Journalism Review 22 (2016): 185-201. Douglas, Mary. "External Boundaries." In Purity and Danger: An Analysis of the Concepts of Taboo and Pollution. London: Routlege, 2002. 115-129. Entwistle, Joanne. "Preface to the Second Edition." In The Fashioned Body: Fashion, Dress and Social Theory. New York: Polity Press, 2015. 2-26. Geertz, Clifford. "Ideology as a Cultural System." In The Interpretation of Cultures. New York: Basic Books, 1973. 193-233. Human Rights Watch. "Indonesia: No End to Abusive ‘Virginity Tests’; Military, Police Claim Discriminatory Practice Is for ‘Morality Reasons." 22 Nov. 2017. 3 Oct. 2022 <https://www.hrw.org/news/2017/11/22/indonesia-no-end-abusive-virginity-tests>. King, Emerald L., and Monika Winarnita. "Fashion: Editorial." M/C Journal 25.4 (2022). Kompas TV. "Fenomena 'Citayam Fashion Week' Menular ke Makassar, Muda-mudi Ini Dijadikan Duta Lalu Lintas.” 29 July 2022 <https://www.kompas.tv/article/314063/fenomena-citayam-fashion-week-menular-ke-makassar-muda-mudi-ini-dijadikan-duta-lalu-lintas>. Leach, E.R. "Magical Hair." The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland 88.2 (1958): 147-164. Parker, Lyn. "To Cover the Aurat: Veiling, Sexual Morality and Agency among the Muslim Minangkabau, Indonesia." Intersections 16 (2008). <http://intersections.anu.edu.au/issue16/parker.htm>. Saraswati, Asri. Citayam Fashion Week: The Class Divide and the City. 2 Aug. 2022. 3 Oct. 2002 <https://indonesiaatmelbourne.unimelb.edu.au/citayam-fashion-week-class-divide-and-the-city/>. Souisa, Hellena, and Natasya Salim. "At Citayam Fashion Week, Jakarta's Budget Fashionistas Get Their Turn on the Catwalk." ABC News 7 Aug. 2022. 3 Oct 2022. <https://www.abc.net.au/news/2022-08-07/citayam-fashion-week-indonesia-underprivileged/101291202>. Tambiah, Stanley Jeyaraja. "The Galactic Polity: The Structure of Traditional Kingdoms in Southeast Asia." The Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences 293 (1977): 69-97. Turner, Victore W. "Betwixt and Between: The Liminal Period in Rites de Passage." In William Armand Lessa and Evon Zartman Vogt (eds.), Reader in Comparative Religion: An Anthropological Approach. London: Harper Collins, 1979 [1964]. 234-243. Van Gennep, Arnold. The Rites of Passage. London: Routledge 2004.

Sharing this article, the act of writing and then having it read, legitimises the point of it – that is, we (and we speak on behalf of each other here) managed to negotiate western academic expectations and norms from a just-as-legitimate-but-not-always-heard female Buginese perspective written in Standard Australian English (not my first choice-of-language and I speak on behalf of myself). At times we transgressed roles, guiding and following each other through different academic, cultural, social, and linguistic domains until we stumbled upon ways of legitimating our entanglement of experiences, when we heard the similar, faint, drum beat across boundaries and journeys.This article is one storying of the results of this four year relationship between a Buginese PhD candidate and an Indigenous Australian supervisor – both in the writing of the article and the processes that we are writing about. This is our process of knowing and validating knowledge through sharing, collaboration and cultural exchange. Neither the successful PhD thesis nor this article draw from authoethnography but they are outcomes of a lived, research standpoint that fiercely fought to centre a Muslim-Buginese perspective as much as possible, due to the nature of a postgraduate program. In the effort to find a way to not privilege Western ways of knowing to the detriment of my standpoint and position, we had to find a way to at times privilege my way of knowing the world alongside a Western one. There had to be a beat that transgressed cultural and linguistic differences and that allowed for a legitimised dialogic, intersubjective dance.The PhD research focused on potential dialogue between Australian culture and Buginese culture in terms of feminism and its resulting cultural hybridity where some Australian feminist thoughts are applicable to Buginese culture but some are not. Therefore, the PhD study centred a Buginese standpoint while moving back and forth amongst Australian feminist discourses and the dominant expectations of a western academic process. The PhD research was part of a greater Indonesian tertiary movement to include, study, challenge and extend feminist literary programs and how this could be respectfully and culturally appropriately achieved. This article is written by both of us but the core knowledge comes from a Buginese standpoint, that is, the principal supervisor learned from the PhD candidate and then applied her understanding of Indigenous standpoint theory, Tuhiwahi Smith’s decolonising methodologies and Spivakian self-reflexivity to aid the candidate’s development of her dancing methodology. For this reason, the rest of this article is written from the first-person perspective of Dr Abbas.The PhD study was a literary analysis on five stories from Helen Garner’s Postcards from Surfers (1985). My work translated these five stories from English into Indonesian and discussed some challenges that occurred in the process of translation. By using Edward Said’s work on contrapuntal reading and Robert Warrior’s metaphor of the subaltern dancing, I, the embodied learner and the cultural translator, moved back and forth between Buginese culture and Australian culture to consider how Australian women and men are represented and how mainstream Australian society engages with, or challenges, discourses of patriarchy and power. This movement back and forth was theorised as ‘dancing’. Ultimately, another dance was performed at the end of the thesis waltz between the work which centred my Buginese standpoint and academia as a Western tertiary institution.I have been dancing with Australian feminism for over four years. My use of the word ‘dancing’ signified my challenge to articulate and engage with Australian culture, literature, and feminism by viewing it from a Buginese perspective as opposed to a ‘Non-Western’ perspective. As a Buginese woman and scholar, I centred my specific cultural standpoints instead of accepting them generally and therefore dismissed the altering label of ‘Non-Western’. Juxtaposing Australian feminism with Buginese culture was not easy. However, as my research progressed I saw interesting cultural differences between Australian and Buginese cultures that could result in a hybridized way of engaging feminist issues. At times, my cultural standpoint took the lead in directing the research or the point, at other times a Western beat was more prominent, for example, using the English language to voice my work.The Buginese, also known as the Bugis, along with the Makassar, the Mandar, and the Toraja, are one of the four main ethnic groups of the province of South Sulawesi in Indonesia. The population of the Buginese in South Sulawesi spreads into major states (Bone, Wajo, Soppeng, and Sidenreng) and some minor states (Pare-Pare, Suppa, and Sinjai). Like other ethnic groups living in other islands of Indonesia such as the Javanese, the Sundanese, the Minang, the Batak, the Balinese, and the Ambonese, the Buginese have their own culture and traditions. The Buginese, especially those who live in the villages, are still bounded strictly by ade’ (custom) or pangadereng (customary law). This concept of ade’ provides living guidelines for Buginese and consists of five components including ade’, bicara, rapang, wari’, and sara’. Pelras clarifies that pangadereng is ‘adat-hood’, a corpus of interlinked ruling principles which, besides ade’ (custom), includes also bicara (jurisprudence), rapang (models of good behaviour which ensure the proper functioning of society), wari’ (rules of descent and hierarchy) and sara’ (Islamic law and institution, derived from the Arabic shari’a) (190). So, pangadereng is an overall norm which includes advice on how Buginese should behave towards fellow human beings and social institutions on a reciprocal basis. In addition, the Buginese together with Makassarese, mind what is called siri’ (honour and shame), that is the sense of honour and shame. In the life of the Buginese-Makassar people, the most basic element is siri’. For them, no other value merits to be more detected and preserved. Siri’ is their life, their self-respect and their dignity. This is why, in order to uphold and to defend it when it has been stained or they consider it has been stained by somebody, the Bugis-Makassar people are ready to sacrifice everything, including their most precious life, for the sake of its restoration. So goes the saying.... ‘When one’s honour is at stake, without any afterthought one fights’ (Pelras 206).Buginese is one of Indonesia’s ethnic groups where men and women are intended to perform equal roles in society, especially those who live in the Buginese states of South Sulawesi where they are still bound strictly by ade’ (custom) or pangadereng (customary law). These two basic concepts are guidelines for daily life, both in the family and the work place. Buginese also praise what is called siri’, a sense of honour and shame. It is because of this sense of honour and shame that we have a saying, siri’ emmi ri onroang ri lino (people live only for siri’) which means one lives only for honour and prestige. Siri’ had to remain a guiding principle in my theoretical and methodological approach to my PhD research. It is also a guiding principle in the resulting pedagogical praxis that this work has established for my course in Australian culture and literature at Hasanuddin University. I was not prepared to compromise my own ethical and cultural identity and position yet will admit, at times, I felt pressured to do so if I was going to be seen to be performing legitimate scholarly work. Novera argues that:Little research has focused specifically on the adjustment of Indonesian students in Australia. Hasanah (1997) and Philips (1994) note that Indonesian students encounter difficulties in fulfilling certain Western academic requirements, particularly in relation to critical thinking. These studies do not explore the broad range of academic and social problems. Yet this is a fruitful area for research, not just because of the importance of Indonesian students to Australia, and the importance of the Australia-Indonesia relationship to both neighbouring nations, but also because adjustment problems are magnified by cultural differences. There are clear differences between Indonesian and Australian cultures, so that a study of Indonesian students in Australia might also be of broader academic interest […]Studies of international student adjustment discuss a range of problems, including the pressures created by new role and behavioural expectations, language difficulties, financial problems, social difficulties, homesickness, difficulties in dealing with university and other authorities, academic difficulties, and lack of assertiveness inside and outside the classroom. (467)While both my supervisor and I would agree that I faced all of these obstacles during my PhD candidature, this article is focusing solely on the battle to present my methodology, a dialogic encounter between Buginese feminism and mainstream Australian culture using Helen Garner’s short stories, to a Western process and have it be “legitimised”. Endang writes that short stories are becoming more popular in the industrial era in Indonesia and they have become vehicles for writers to articulate the realities of social life such as poverty, marginalization, and unfairness (141-144). In addition, Noor states that the short story has become a new literary form particularly effective for assisting writers in their goal to help the marginalized because its shortness can function as a weapon to directly “scoop up” the targeted issues and “knock them out at a blow” (Endang 144-145). Indeed, Helen Garner uses short stories in a way similar to that described by Endang: as a defiant act towards the government and current circumstances (145). My study of Helen Garner’s short stories explored the way her stories engage with and resist gender relations and inequality between men and women in Australian society through four themes prevalent in the narratives: the kitchen, landscape, language, and sexuality. I wrote my thesis in standard Australian English and I complied with expected forms, formatting, referencing, structuring etc. My thesis also included the Buginese translations of some of Garner’s work. However, the theoretical approaches that informed my analysis cannot be separated from the personal. In the title, I use the term ‘dancing’ to indicate a dialogue with white Australian women by moving back and forth between Australian culture and Buginese culture. I use the term ‘dancing’ as an extension of Edward Said’s work on contrapuntal reading but employ it as a signifier of my movement between insider and outsider (of Australian feminism), that is, I extend it from just a literary reading to a whole body experience. According to Ashcroft and Ahluwalia, the “essence of Said’s argument is to know something is to have power over it, and conversely, to have power is to know the world in your own terms” (83). Ashcroft and Ahluwalia add how through music, particularly the work of pianist Glenn Gould, Said formulated a way of reading imperial and postcolonial texts contrapuntally. Such a reading acknowledges the hybridity of cultures, histories and literatures, allowing the reader to move back and forth between an internal and an external standpoint of cultural references and attitudes in “an effort to draw out, extend, give emphasis and voice to what is silent or marginally present or ideologically represented” (Said 66). While theorising about the potential dance between Australian and Buginese feminisms in my work, I was living the dance in my day-to-day Australian university experience. Trying to accommodate the expected requirements of a PhD thesis, while at the same time ensuring that I maintained my own personal, cultural and professional dignity, that is ade’, and siri’, required some fancy footwork. Siri’ is central to my Buginese worldview and had to be positioned as such in my PhD thesis. Also, the realities that women are still marginalized and that gender inequality and disparities persist in Indonesian society become a motivation to carry out my PhD study. The opportunity to study Australian culture and literature in that country, allowed me to increase my global and local complexity as an individual, what Pieterse refers to as “ a process of hybridization” and to become as Beck terms an “actor” and “manager’’ of my life (as cited in Edmunds 1). Gaining greater autonomy and reconceptualising both masculinity and femininity, while dominant themes in Garner’s work, are also issues I address in my personal and professional goals. In other words, this study resulted in hybridized knowledge of Australian concepts of feminism and Buginese societies that offers a reference for students to understand and engage with different feminist thought. By learning how feminism is understood differently by Australians and Buginese, my Indonesian students can decide what aspects of feminist ideas from a Western perspective can be applied to Buginese culture without transgressing Buginese customs and habits.There are few Australian literary works that have been translated into Indonesian. Those that have include Peter Carey’s True History of the Kelly Gang (2007) and My Life is a Fake (2009), James Vance Marshall’s Walkabout (1957), Emma Darcy’s The Billionaire Bridegroom (2010) , Sally Morgan’s My Place (1987), and Colleen McCullogh’s The Thorn Birds (1978). My translation of five short stories from Postcards from Surfers complemented these works and enriched the diversity of Indonesian translations of world literary works, the bulk of which tends to come from the United Kingdom, America, the Middle East, and Japan. However, actually getting through the process of PhD research followed by examination required my supervisor and I to negotiate cross-cultural terrain, academic agendas and Western expectations of what legitimate thesis writing should look like. Employing Said’s contrapuntal pedagogy and Warrior’s notion of subaltern dancing became my illegitimate methodological frame.Said points out that contrapuntal analysis means that students and teachers can cross-culturally “elucidate a complex and uneven topography” (318). He adds that “we must be able to think through and interpret together experiences that are discrepant, each with its particular agenda and pace of development, its own internal formations, its internal coherence and system of external relationships, all of them co-existing and interacting with others” (32). Contrapuntal is a metaphor Said derived from musical theory, meaning to counterpoint or add a rhythm or melody, in this case, Buginese and Anglo-Australian feminisms. Warrior argues for an indigenous critique of how power and knowledge is read and in doing so he writes that “the subaltern can dance, and so sometimes can the intellectual” (85). In his rereading of Spivak, he argues that subaltern and intellectual positions can meet “and in meeting, create the possibility of communication” (86). He refers to this as dancing partly because it implicitly acknowledges without silencing the voices of the subaltern (once the subaltern speaks it is no longer the subaltern, so the notion of dancing allows for communication, “a movement from subalternity to something else” (90) which can mark “a new sort of non-complicitous relationship to a family, community or class of origin” (91). By “non-complicit” Warrior means that when a member of the subaltern becomes a scholar and therefore a member of those who historically silence the subaltern, there are other methods for communicating, of moving, between political and cultural spaces that allow for a multiplicity of voices and responses. Warrior uses a traditional Osage in-losh-ka dance as an example of how he physically and intellectually interacts with multiple voices and positions:While the music plays, our usual differences, including subalternity and intellectuality, and even gender in its own way, are levelled. For those of us moving to the music, the rules change, and those who know the steps and the songs and those who can keep up with the whirl of bodies, music and colours hold nearly every advantage over station or money. The music ends, of course, but I know I take my knowledge of the dance away and into my life as a critic, and I would argue that those levelled moments remain with us after we leave the drum, change our clothes, and go back to the rest of our lives. (93)For Warrior, the dance becomes theory into practice. For me, it became not only a way to soundly and “appropriately” present my methodology and purpose, but it also became my day to day interactions, as a female Buginese scholar, with western, Australian academic and cultural worldviews and expectations.One of the biggest movements I had to justify was my use of the first person “I”, in my thesis, to signify my identity as a Buginese woman and position myself as an insider of my community with a hybrid western feminism with Australia in mind. Perrault argues that “Writing “I” has been an emancipatory project for women” (2). In the context of my PhD thesis, uttering ‘I’ confirmed my position and aims. However, this act of explicitly situating my own identity and cultural position in my research and thesis was considered one of the more illegitimate acts. In one of the examiner reports, it was stated that situating myself centrally was fraught but that I managed to avoid the pitfalls. Judy Long argues that writing in the female first person challenges patriarchal control and order (127). For me, writing in the first person was essential if I had any chance of maintaining my Buginese identity and voice, in both my thesis and in my Australian tertiary experience. As Trinh-Minh writes, “S/he who writes, writes. In uncertainty, in necessity. And does not ask whether s/he is given permission to do so or not” (8).Van Dijk, cited in Hamilton, notes that the west and north are bound by an academic ethnocentrism and this is a particular area my own research had to negotiate. Methodologically I provided a comparative rather than a universalising perspective, engaging with middle-class, heterosexual, western, white women feminism but not privileging them. It is important for Buginese to use language discourses as a weapon to gain power, particularly because as McGlynn claims, “generally Indonesians are not particularly outspoken” (38). My research was shaped by a combination of ongoing dedication to promote women’s empowerment in the Buginese context and my role as an academic teaching English literature at the university level. I applied interpretive principles that will enable my students to see how the ideas of feminism conveyed through western literature can positively improve the quality of women’s lives and be implemented in Buginese culture without compromising our identity as Indonesians and Buginese people. At the same time, my literary translation provides a cultural comparison with Australia that allows a space for further conversations to occur. However, while attempting to negotiate western and Indonesian discourses in my thesis, I was also physically and emotionally trying to negotiate how to do this as a Muslim Buginese female PhD candidate in an Anglo-Australian academic institution. The notion of ‘dancing’ was employed as a signifier of movement between insider and outsider knowledge. Throughout the research process and my thesis I ‘danced’ with Australian feminism, traditional patriarchal Buginese society, Western academic expectations and my own emerging Indonesian feminist perspective. To ensure siri’ remained the pedagogical and ethical basis of my approach I applied Edward Said’s work on contrapuntal reading and Robert Warrior’s employment of a traditional Osage dance as a self-reflexive, embodied praxis, that is, I extended it from just a literary reading to a whole body experience. The notion of ‘dance’ allows for movement, change, contact, tension, touch and distance: it means that for those who have historically been marginalised or confined, they are no longer silenced. The metaphoric act of dancing allowed me to legitimise my PhD work – it was successfully awarded – and to negotiate a western tertiary institute in Australia with my own Buginese knowledge, culture and purpose.ReferencesAshcroft., B., and P. Ahluwalia. Edward Said. 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