Academic literature on the topic 'Muslim men Indonesia Java Attitudes'

<p>Coronavirus disease (COVID-19) infection has been a major public health-related issue worldwide, including Indonesia. The COVID-19 cases still escalating until this study finished in June 2020 due to the disease positively spreading from person to person. To reduce the spreading of the disease, investigating Indonesian’s knowledge, attitudes, and practice on COVID prevention and mitigation during the outbreak period was crucial. A survey cross-sectional was conducted and using social networking apps to recruit participants. All Indonesian residents who have 18 years old and over and living in Indonesia during the COVID-19 outbreak were voluntarily invited to participate in this study. There are 3464 participants involved in this study. The mean age was 27.63 years, and mostly were women, domicile in Java, held bachelor degrees, students, Muslims, and single/never married. The lowest mean practices score was found among residents who live in Maluku, Papua, and Papua Barat, senior high qualification, unemployed, indigenous religions, and single/never married. The majority of Indonesian residents have good knowledge, positive attitudes, and good practice to promote COVID-19 prevention and mitigation to reduce the pandemic spreading within the country. However, there is a lack of knowledge, attitudes, and practice among a particular group of participants.</p>

Muslim gay and bisexual men have been facing various challenges when living in a homophobic and heterosexist society in Indonesia. However, the study of strategies they utilised to manage those homophobic attitudes, such as discrimination, prejudice, and stigma, of their sexual minority status is limited. Therefore, drawing on minority stress theory, this study explores the life experiences of Muslim gay or bisexual men in Indonesia, by focusing on the problems they faced and the strategies they used to address those issues. All participants aged between 20 and 27 years old, have self-identified as gay or bisexual men, Muslims or ex-Muslims, and have been living in Indonesia. The primary data collection was a semi-structured qualitative interview. The data were recorded and transcribed verbatim according to the research questions from a snowball sample of seven participants. The data were then analysed using thematic analysis. The study revealed that all the participants experienced sexual and religious related problems because of living in a homophobic society. These obstacles came in many forms, such as rejection, feelings of isolation and loneliness, and concerns. However, they employed strategies to solve problems, such as self-acceptance, self-control, positive reinterpretation, seeking social support, concealing, conversion, and migration. This study recommends those who support sexual minorities to help and support them in various ways, such as providing psychological services and counsellings.

This article examines the practice and meanings of the new veiling and of Islamization more generally for young Muslim Javanese women in the new middle class. Drawing on eight months of ethnographic research in the Central Java city of Yogyakarta in 1999 and three subsequent one-month visits during 2001, 2002, and 2003, I explore the social and religious attitudes of female students at two of Yogyakarta's leading centers of higher education: Gadjah Mada University, a nondenominational state university, and the nearby Sunan Kalijaga National Islamic University. The ethnographic and life-historical materials discussed here underscore that the new veiling is neither a traditionalist survival nor an antimodernist reaction but rather a complex and sometimes ambiguous effort by young Muslim women to reconcile the opportunities for autonomy and choice offered by modern education with a heightened commitment to the profession of Islam.

The demand for halal cosmetic products in various parts of the world has increased, especially in Muslim-majority countries like Indonesia. The potential demand for halal cosmetic products will continue to increase in the future. Indonesia has the opportunity to become the world's largest producer and consumer of halal cosmetic products. Therefore, Indonesia must be able to take advantage of these opportunities by maximizing its potential. This study aims to determine the effect of knowledge, religiosity, attitudes, and Islamic advertising factors on the purchase intention of local halal cosmetic products. In addition, it also aims to find out the reasons for the purchase intention of Muslim consumers towards local halal cosmetic products and to determine the purchase intentions of Muslim consumers towards imported cosmetic products in the future. This study uses 400 respondents who are Muslim and domiciled in West Java. Then to test the model and hypothesis using Smart PLS Software. The results of this study indicate that all hypotheses are accepted. Knowledge and religiosity have a positive and significant influence on attitudes and purchase intentions. Then attitude and Islamic advertising have a positive and significant influence on the purchase intention of local halal cosmetic products. Thus, in building the intention to buy local halal cosmetic products, the company must know and understand what factors underlie consumers' intentions to buy local halal cosmetic products.

<p><em>In this article we examine the effect of the variable Islamic Religiosity toward consumer purchase intention on Muslim fashion trends by using the extended of theory of planned behavior as the grand of the theory. Respondents in this study were female Muslim in Central Java, Indonesia. Data collected using purposive sampling and analysis tool used in this study is path analysis. The results showed that all hypotheses were accepted except hypotheses three. Subjective norms have the most influence on the intention to buy female Muslim fashion trends. Subjective norm variables have a significant effect on consumer attitudes and consumer purchase intentions on female Muslim fashion trends. Other findings state that the variable of Islamic religiosity does not have a significant effect on female Muslim purchase intention directly, but the Islamic religiosity variable indirectly influence toward female Muslim purchase intentions through consumer attitudes variables. Whereas for Perceived behavioral control variables have a positive effect on consumer purchase intention.</em></p><p><strong>Keyword:</strong> <em>Islamic Religiosity, Theory of Planned Behavior, Female Muslim Fashion Trend, Purchase Intention</em></p>

ABSTRACT Religious traditions in Indonesia are known to be very moderate and tolerant abroad is a reflection of the character of a great noble nation. Between religion, tradition and culture are able to perform compounds so as to create a genuine religious harmony. Because of this reality Indonesia is regarded as the largest Muslim majority country in the world that almost without conflict, in the midst of reality Muslim countries in the Middle East that impressed the dispute into the daily menu. However, the reality of Indonesia as a moderate nation is injured by the act of a group that is fond of terrorism and radicalism by riding Islamic religious teachings. Thus, this reversed religion is assumed as a source of cruelty. It is through that phenomenon researcher, feel the need to examine the strategy of disseminating moderate Islam by Nahdlatul Ulama. The selection of this Islamic organization according to the authors due to its success in moderating Islam in Indonesia. In this study, the study using a qualitative approach or method as well as adopting the theory of Van Dijk discourse analysis as a scalpel to peel the discourse of moderate Islam published by PWNU East Java through the website. As for this research, the findings are important, among others are: 1) moderate Islamic discourse campaigned by Nahdlatul Ulama East Java is categorized into three segments, namely social, religious and nationality. 2) the text structure that builds moderate Islamic discourse NU East Java in Van Dijk perspective constructed in three domains, namely text, social cognition and social context. 3) the principles of Public Relationship implemented by NU through cyber (online media), among others; News publications and expert opinions, production of image and video-based information, and updating official NU information to the public about their attitudes and views on the phenomena that occur by promoting the values of Islamic moderatism. Key Word : Islamic Moderatism, Nahdlatul Ulama, Cyber Public Relationship

This paper deals with a cultural fraction of the Javanese Muslim called Islam Mataraman. Historically Islam Mataraman originated from the Islam that flourished during the era of the Mataram Kingdom in an inland Javanese island. This paper tries to explore the unique characters of this group of the Javanese Muslims that distinguish them from others culturally and politically. It maintains that Islam Mataraman is not only about culture, politics or belief, but also about the integration between them all. Integration is the key word in this paper. The paper also tries to show that in integration process, religion is not always the key player. In fact we are not interested in discussing the winner and the looser in this process. We are rather interested in showing that the integration is unique and complicated process, and that Islam in this part of Java is a perfect model of how religion, culture and politics can converge without there being a sense of domination or marginalization. To carry out its task, the paper will consult not only the local authoritative scholars in this field, but also the international experts so as to have a balanced view of the problem. At the end, we will also try to discuss how this integration imply on the political attitudes of the Muslim Mataraman.

Purpose of the study: The purpose of this paper is to examine the determinant factors that influence consumer switching intentions from conventional banks to Islamic banks in Central Java, Indonesia. Methodology: This study is quantitative research in which data is collected by using a survey with the questionnaire. Data was collected by distributing questionnaires to 480 Muslim respondents who were still registered as customers at three conventional government banks in Indonesia using purposive sampling techniques and analyzed with SEM-AMOS v24. Main Findings: The result showed that all out of the hypotheses tested, there is only one hypothesis that was rejected, is the fourth hypothesis. This research reveals that consumer trust in Islamic banks, consumer awareness and religiosity had a positive and significant effect on attitude toward Islamic banks. Furthermore, consumer awareness and religiosity are also able to predict consumer switching intentions at Islamic banks but consumer trust toward Islamic banks has insignificant consumer switching intentions at Islamic banks. Applications of this study: Based on the results of the study, conventional bank consumers' intentions to switch to Islamic banks are influenced by consumer awareness, level of religiosity, and consumer attitudes toward Islamic banks. Furthermore, this is becoming a very important concern for Islamic banks to pay more attention to the antecedents used in this study. Trust is an important predictor for companies in increasing intentions, in this study then it has not been proven to influence consumer intentions to move to Islamic banks. Trust will be able to increase intention if consumers have a good attitude towards Islamic banks. Novelty/Originality of this study: This study linked the variables of consumer awareness, religiosity, consumer trust, attitudes toward Islamic banks and consumer switching intentions on Islamic banks within a conceptual framework.

Pesantren nowadays has been accused by the West as a nest of radicalism and terrorism. Not without reason, in Indonesia, many intolerance and violence issues have involved several Muslim communities and alumni of pesantren. Therefore, in this study, the authors intimately will explore the views of traditional pesantren ulama, mainly in Sukabumi, on some issues of religious tolerance. In this study, the authors used a qualitative approach by using a semi-structured interview and analysis document as a data collection. After that, the data will be analyzed qualitatively. This study found that traditional pesantren ulama in Sukabumi understood the concept and discourse of religious tolerance. They have moderate views and attitudes towards non-Muslims. However, some traditional pesantren ulama in Sukabumi refused to tolerate towards Ahmadiyyah minority group. A Kyai even has a gruff view and attitude towards Ahmadiyyah groups. Meanwhile, two other ulama refused to commit violence against Ahmadiyyah and other groups

This study aimed to analyze the relationship between the role of men in supporting the feminist movement and moderate Islamic teachings among college students in Indonesia. This study used a quantitative approach by distributing questionnaires to 625 respondents who were randomly selected. The independent variable used, namely religious moderation, was measured using four indicators: a sense of nationalism (X1), tolerance (X2), anti-violence (X3), and accommodative attitudes towards local culture (X4). This study examined multiple linear regression analysis to test whether the four problems in Islamic moderation were related to student attitudes towards male involvement in feminism. The results suggested that these four independent variables have a positive and significant effect on student attitudes towards the active role of men in supporting the gender equality movement. Furthermore, an accommodative attitude towards the local culture and a sense of nationalism were known to have the greatest and smallest effects, namely 0.28 and 0.15 respectively. These results indicate that moderate Muslims tend to have a greater acceptance of male feminists. Then, the results also indicated that Muslim students who practised moderate Islamic teachings had realized the importance of male involvement in feminism.

Nationalism: Past as Prologue began as a single volume being compiled by Ad Akande, a scholar from South Africa, who proposed it to me as co-author about two years ago. The original idea was to examine how the damaging roots of nationalism have been corroding political systems around the world, and creating dangerous obstacles for necessary international cooperation. Since I (Bruce E. Johansen) has written profusely about climate change (global warming, a.k.a. infrared forcing), I suggested a concerted effort in that direction. This is a worldwide existential threat that affects every living thing on Earth. It often compounds upon itself, so delays in reducing emissions of fossil fuels are shortening the amount of time remaining to eliminate the use of fossil fuels to preserve a livable planet. Nationalism often impedes solutions to this problem (among many others), as nations place their singular needs above the common good. Our initial proposal got around, and abstracts on many subjects arrived. Within a few weeks, we had enough good material for a 100,000-word book. The book then fattened to two moderate volumes and then to four two very hefty tomes. We tried several different titles as good submissions swelled. We also discovered that our best contributors were experts in their fields, which ranged the world. We settled on three stand-alone books:” 1/ nationalism and racial justice. Our first volume grew as the growth of Black Lives Matter following the brutal killing of George Floyd ignited protests over police brutality and other issues during 2020, following the police assassination of Floyd in Minneapolis. It is estimated that more people took part in protests of police brutality during the summer of 2020 than any other series of marches in United States history. This includes upheavals during the 1960s over racial issues and against the war in Southeast Asia (notably Vietnam). We choose a volume on racism because it is one of nationalism’s main motive forces. This volume provides a worldwide array of work on nationalism’s growth in various countries, usually by authors residing in them, or in the United States with ethnic ties to the nation being examined, often recent immigrants to the United States from them. Our roster of contributors comprises a small United Nations of insightful, well-written research and commentary from Indonesia, New Zealand, Australia, China, India, South Africa, France, Portugal, Estonia, Hungary, Russia, Poland, Kazakhstan, Georgia, and the United States. Volume 2 (this one) describes and analyzes nationalism, by country, around the world, except for the United States; and 3/material directly related to President Donald Trump, and the United States. The first volume is under consideration at the Texas A & M University Press. The other two are under contract to Nova Science Publishers (which includes social sciences). These three volumes may be used individually or as a set. Environmental material is taken up in appropriate places in each of the three books. * * * * * What became the United States of America has been strongly nationalist since the English of present-day Massachusetts and Jamestown first hit North America’s eastern shores. The country propelled itself across North America with the self-serving ideology of “manifest destiny” for four centuries before Donald Trump came along. Anyone who believes that a Trumpian affection for deportation of “illegals” is a new thing ought to take a look at immigration and deportation statistics in Adam Goodman’s The Deportation Machine: America’s Long History of Deporting Immigrants (Princeton University Press, 2020). Between 1920 and 2018, the United States deported 56.3 million people, compared with 51.7 million who were granted legal immigration status during the same dates. Nearly nine of ten deportees were Mexican (Nolan, 2020, 83). This kind of nationalism, has become an assassin of democracy as well as an impediment to solving global problems. Paul Krugman wrote in the New York Times (2019:A-25): that “In their 2018 book, How Democracies Die, the political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt documented how this process has played out in many countries, from Vladimir Putin’s Russia, to Recep Erdogan’s Turkey, to Viktor Orban’s Hungary. Add to these India’s Narendra Modi, China’s Xi Jinping, and the United States’ Donald Trump, among others. Bit by bit, the guardrails of democracy have been torn down, as institutions meant to serve the public became tools of ruling parties and self-serving ideologies, weaponized to punish and intimidate opposition parties’ opponents. On paper, these countries are still democracies; in practice, they have become one-party regimes….And it’s happening here [the United States] as we speak. If you are not worried about the future of American democracy, you aren’t paying attention” (Krugmam, 2019, A-25). We are reminded continuously that the late Carl Sagan, one of our most insightful scientific public intellectuals, had an interesting theory about highly developed civilizations. Given the number of stars and planets that must exist in the vast reaches of the universe, he said, there must be other highly developed and organized forms of life. Distance may keep us from making physical contact, but Sagan said that another reason we may never be on speaking terms with another intelligent race is (judging from our own example) could be their penchant for destroying themselves in relatively short order after reaching technological complexity. This book’s chapters, introduction, and conclusion examine the worldwide rise of partisan nationalism and the damage it has wrought on the worldwide pursuit of solutions for issues requiring worldwide scope, such scientific co-operation public health and others, mixing analysis of both. We use both historical description and analysis. This analysis concludes with a description of why we must avoid the isolating nature of nationalism that isolates people and encourages separation if we are to deal with issues of world-wide concern, and to maintain a sustainable, survivable Earth, placing the dominant political movement of our time against the Earth’s existential crises. Our contributors, all experts in their fields, each have assumed responsibility for a country, or two if they are related. This work entwines themes of worldwide concern with the political growth of nationalism because leaders with such a worldview are disinclined to co-operate internationally at a time when nations must find ways to solve common problems, such as the climate crisis. Inability to cooperate at this stage may doom everyone, eventually, to an overheated, stormy future plagued by droughts and deluges portending shortages of food and other essential commodities, meanwhile destroying large coastal urban areas because of rising sea levels. Future historians may look back at our time and wonder why as well as how our world succumbed to isolating nationalism at a time when time was so short for cooperative intervention which is crucial for survival of a sustainable earth. Pride in language and culture is salubrious to individuals’ sense of history and identity. Excess nationalism that prevents international co-operation on harmful worldwide maladies is quite another. As Pope Francis has pointed out: For all of our connectivity due to expansion of social media, ability to communicate can breed contempt as well as mutual trust. “For all our hyper-connectivity,” said Francis, “We witnessed a fragmentation that made it more difficult to resolve problems that affect us all” (Horowitz, 2020, A-12). The pope’s encyclical, titled “Brothers All,” also said: “The forces of myopic, extremist, resentful, and aggressive nationalism are on the rise.” The pope’s document also advocates support for migrants, as well as resistance to nationalist and tribal populism. Francis broadened his critique to the role of market capitalism, as well as nationalism has failed the peoples of the world when they need co-operation and solidarity in the face of the world-wide corona virus pandemic. Humankind needs to unite into “a new sense of the human family [Fratelli Tutti, “Brothers All”], that rejects war at all costs” (Pope, 2020, 6-A). Our journey takes us first to Russia, with the able eye and honed expertise of Richard D. Anderson, Jr. who teaches as UCLA and publishes on the subject of his chapter: “Putin, Russian identity, and Russia’s conduct at home and abroad.” Readers should find Dr. Anderson’s analysis fascinating because Vladimir Putin, the singular leader of Russian foreign and domestic policy these days (and perhaps for the rest of his life, given how malleable Russia’s Constitution has become) may be a short man physically, but has high ambitions. One of these involves restoring the old Russian (and Soviet) empire, which would involve re-subjugating a number of nations that broke off as the old order dissolved about 30 years ago. President (shall we say czar?) Putin also has international ambitions, notably by destabilizing the United States, where election meddling has become a specialty. The sight of Putin and U.S. president Donald Trump, two very rich men (Putin $70-$200 billion; Trump $2.5 billion), nuzzling in friendship would probably set Thomas Jefferson and Vladimir Lenin spinning in their graves. The road of history can take some unanticipated twists and turns. Consider Poland, from which we have an expert native analysis in chapter 2, Bartosz Hlebowicz, who is a Polish anthropologist and journalist. His piece is titled “Lawless and Unjust: How to Quickly Make Your Own Country a Puppet State Run by a Group of Hoodlums – the Hopeless Case of Poland (2015–2020).” When I visited Poland to teach and lecture twice between 2006 and 2008, most people seemed to be walking on air induced by freedom to conduct their own affairs to an unusual degree for a state usually squeezed between nationalists in Germany and Russia. What did the Poles then do in a couple of decades? Read Hlebowicz’ chapter and decide. It certainly isn’t soft-bellied liberalism. In Chapter 3, with Bruce E. Johansen, we visit China’s western provinces, the lands of Tibet as well as the Uighurs and other Muslims in the Xinjiang region, who would most assuredly resent being characterized as being possessed by the Chinese of the Han to the east. As a student of Native American history, I had never before thought of the Tibetans and Uighurs as Native peoples struggling against the Independence-minded peoples of a land that is called an adjunct of China on most of our maps. The random act of sitting next to a young woman on an Air India flight out of Hyderabad, bound for New Delhi taught me that the Tibetans had something to share with the Lakota, the Iroquois, and hundreds of other Native American states and nations in North America. Active resistance to Chinese rule lasted into the mid-nineteenth century, and continues today in a subversive manner, even in song, as I learned in 2018 when I acted as a foreign adjudicator on a Ph.D. dissertation by a Tibetan student at the University of Madras (in what is now in a city called Chennai), in southwestern India on resistance in song during Tibet’s recent history. Tibet is one of very few places on Earth where a young dissident can get shot to death for singing a song that troubles China’s Quest for Lebensraum. The situation in Xinjiang region, where close to a million Muslims have been interned in “reeducation” camps surrounded with brick walls and barbed wire. They sing, too. Come with us and hear the music. Back to Europe now, in Chapter 4, to Portugal and Spain, we find a break in the general pattern of nationalism. Portugal has been more progressive governmentally than most. Spain varies from a liberal majority to military coups, a pattern which has been exported to Latin America. A situation such as this can make use of the term “populism” problematic, because general usage in our time usually ties the word into a right-wing connotative straightjacket. “Populism” can be used to describe progressive (left-wing) insurgencies as well. José Pinto, who is native to Portugal and also researches and writes in Spanish as well as English, in “Populism in Portugal and Spain: a Real Neighbourhood?” provides insight into these historical paradoxes. Hungary shares some historical inclinations with Poland (above). Both emerged from Soviet dominance in an air of developing freedom and multicultural diversity after the Berlin Wall fell and the Soviet Union collapsed. Then, gradually at first, right wing-forces began to tighten up, stripping structures supporting popular freedom, from the courts, mass media, and other institutions. In Chapter 5, Bernard Tamas, in “From Youth Movement to Right-Liberal Wing Authoritarianism: The Rise of Fidesz and the Decline of Hungarian Democracy” puts the renewed growth of political and social repression into a context of worldwide nationalism. Tamas, an associate professor of political science at Valdosta State University, has been a postdoctoral fellow at Harvard University and a Fulbright scholar at the Central European University in Budapest, Hungary. His books include From Dissident to Party Politics: The Struggle for Democracy in Post-Communist Hungary (2007). Bear in mind that not everyone shares Orbán’s vision of what will make this nation great, again. On graffiti-covered walls in Budapest, Runes (traditional Hungarian script) has been found that read “Orbán is a motherfucker” (Mikanowski, 2019, 58). Also in Europe, in Chapter 6, Professor Ronan Le Coadic, of the University of Rennes, Rennes, France, in “Is There a Revival of French Nationalism?” Stating this title in the form of a question is quite appropriate because France’s nationalistic shift has built and ebbed several times during the last few decades. For a time after 2000, it came close to assuming the role of a substantial minority, only to ebb after that. In 2017, the candidate of the National Front reached the second round of the French presidential election. This was the second time this nationalist party reached the second round of the presidential election in the history of the Fifth Republic. In 2002, however, Jean-Marie Le Pen had only obtained 17.79% of the votes, while fifteen years later his daughter, Marine Le Pen, almost doubled her father's record, reaching 33.90% of the votes cast. Moreover, in the 2019 European elections, re-named Rassemblement National obtained the largest number of votes of all French political formations and can therefore boast of being "the leading party in France.” The brutality of oppressive nationalism may be expressed in personal relationships, such as child abuse. While Indonesia and Aotearoa [the Maoris’ name for New Zealand] hold very different ranks in the United Nations Human Development Programme assessments, where Indonesia is classified as a medium development country and Aotearoa New Zealand as a very high development country. In Chapter 7, “Domestic Violence Against Women in Indonesia and Aotearoa New Zealand: Making Sense of Differences and Similarities” co-authors, in Chapter 8, Mandy Morgan and Dr. Elli N. Hayati, from New Zealand and Indonesia respectively, found that despite their socio-economic differences, one in three women in each country experience physical or sexual intimate partner violence over their lifetime. In this chapter ther authors aim to deepen understandings of domestic violence through discussion of the socio-economic and demographic characteristics of theit countries to address domestic violence alongside studies of women’s attitudes to gender norms and experiences of intimate partner violence. One of the most surprising and upsetting scholarly journeys that a North American student may take involves Adolf Hitler’s comments on oppression of American Indians and Blacks as he imagined the construction of the Nazi state, a genesis of nationalism that is all but unknown in the United States of America, traced in this volume (Chapter 8) by co-editor Johansen. Beginning in Mein Kampf, during the 1920s, Hitler explicitly used the westward expansion of the United States across North America as a model and justification for Nazi conquest and anticipated colonization by Germans of what the Nazis called the “wild East” – the Slavic nations of Poland, the Baltic states, Ukraine, and Russia, most of which were under control of the Soviet Union. The Volga River (in Russia) was styled by Hitler as the Germans’ Mississippi, and covered wagons were readied for the German “manifest destiny” of imprisoning, eradicating, and replacing peoples the Nazis deemed inferior, all with direct references to events in North America during the previous century. At the same time, with no sense of contradiction, the Nazis partook of a long-standing German romanticism of Native Americans. One of Goebbels’ less propitious schemes was to confer honorary Aryan status on Native American tribes, in the hope that they would rise up against their oppressors. U.S. racial attitudes were “evidence [to the Nazis] that America was evolving in the right direction, despite its specious rhetoric about equality.” Ming Xie, originally from Beijing, in the People’s Republic of China, in Chapter 9, “News Coverage and Public Perceptions of the Social Credit System in China,” writes that The State Council of China in 2014 announced “that a nationwide social credit system would be established” in China. “Under this system, individuals, private companies, social organizations, and governmental agencies are assigned a score which will be calculated based on their trustworthiness and daily actions such as transaction history, professional conduct, obedience to law, corruption, tax evasion, and academic plagiarism.” The “nationalism” in this case is that of the state over the individual. China has 1.4 billion people; this system takes their measure for the purpose of state control. Once fully operational, control will be more subtle. People who are subject to it, through modern technology (most often smart phones) will prompt many people to self-censor. Orwell, modernized, might write: “Your smart phone is watching you.” Ming Xie holds two Ph.Ds, one in Public Administration from University of Nebraska at Omaha and another in Cultural Anthropology from the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Beijing, where she also worked for more than 10 years at a national think tank in the same institution. While there she summarized news from non-Chinese sources for senior members of the Chinese Communist Party. Ming is presently an assistant professor at the Department of Political Science and Criminal Justice, West Texas A&M University. In Chapter 10, analyzing native peoples and nationhood, Barbara Alice Mann, Professor of Honours at the University of Toledo, in “Divide, et Impera: The Self-Genocide Game” details ways in which European-American invaders deprive the conquered of their sense of nationhood as part of a subjugation system that amounts to genocide, rubbing out their languages and cultures -- and ultimately forcing the native peoples to assimilate on their own, for survival in a culture that is foreign to them. Mann is one of Native American Studies’ most acute critics of conquests’ contradictions, and an author who retrieves Native history with a powerful sense of voice and purpose, having authored roughly a dozen books and numerous book chapters, among many other works, who has traveled around the world lecturing and publishing on many subjects. Nalanda Roy and S. Mae Pedron in Chapter 11, “Understanding the Face of Humanity: The Rohingya Genocide.” describe one of the largest forced migrations in the history of the human race, the removal of 700,000 to 800,000 Muslims from Buddhist Myanmar to Bangladesh, which itself is already one of the most crowded and impoverished nations on Earth. With about 150 million people packed into an area the size of Nebraska and Iowa (population less than a tenth that of Bangladesh, a country that is losing land steadily to rising sea levels and erosion of the Ganges river delta. The Rohingyas’ refugee camp has been squeezed onto a gigantic, eroding, muddy slope that contains nearly no vegetation. However, Bangladesh is majority Muslim, so while the Rohingya may starve, they won’t be shot to death by marauding armies. Both authors of this exquisite (and excruciating) account teach at Georgia Southern University in Savannah, Georgia, Roy as an associate professor of International Studies and Asian politics, and Pedron as a graduate student; Roy originally hails from very eastern India, close to both Myanmar and Bangladesh, so he has special insight into the context of one of the most brutal genocides of our time, or any other. This is our case describing the problems that nationalism has and will pose for the sustainability of the Earth as our little blue-and-green orb becomes more crowded over time. The old ways, in which national arguments often end in devastating wars, are obsolete, given that the Earth and all the people, plants, and other animals that it sustains are faced with the existential threat of a climate crisis that within two centuries, more or less, will flood large parts of coastal cities, and endanger many species of plants and animals. To survive, we must listen to the Earth, and observe her travails, because they are increasingly our own.