Journal articles on the topic 'Muslim citizenship'
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Chaudhary, Zahid R. "Sacrificing Citizenship." Social Text 37, no. 3 (September 1, 2019): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01642472-7585026.
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This article analyzes the discourse concerning the assimilation of Muslim minorities in the United States and suggests that calls for assimilation are solicitations for a form of self-renunciation and sacrifice. Yet such solicitations occur against the economic and political background of neoliberalism, in which all citizens are asked to make sacrifices for the sake of economic health. How does one read, then, the discourse of Muslim assimilation in light of the psychological, political, and economic realities of neoliberalism? The article explores the transformation of the so-called Jewish question into the contemporary concern with the “Muslim problem.” Drawing on Theodor Adorno and Max Horkheimer’s reflections on the affinities between capitalism and fascism (especially their reading of Odysseus), as well as Sigmund Freud’s reflections on narcissism and group psychology, the article analyzes the figure of the sacrificial victim in the context of neoliberalism’s authoritarian tendencies and argues that sacrificial figuration allows us to think past the polarizations (West/rest; Trump supporters/Muslims) of our contemporary historical moment.
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Irfan, Try Wiganda. "Classical and Modern Citizenship Concept in Islamic Perspective." Journal of Moral and Civic Education 2, no. 1 (August 1, 2018): 38–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.24036/885141221201889.
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There are two concepts of Islamic citizenships, the Muslims and dhimmi. The concept of dhimmi citizenship is a non-Muslim citizen in the practice of country life received unequal preferential treatment, and different treatment is based on religious differences. In contrast to the concept of modern Islamic citizenship that gives equal treatment to all citizens regardless of religion. The concept of citizenship by the Messenger of Allah (peace and blessings of Allaah be upon him) in the city of Madinah al munawarah is the best citizenship concept of all time. Rasulullah shollallahu 'alaihi wasallam gives examples of the concept of the best citizenship that there are values of divinity, humanity, democracy and justice. The doctrine of the concept of citizenship of the Messenger of Allah sallallaahu 'alaihi wasallam is the concept of citizenship kosmpolitan.
Keywords: citizenship, dhimmi, rasulullah shollallahu 'alaihi wasallam, cosmopolitan
ABSTRAK
Konsep kewarganegaraan Islam terdapat dua, yaitu muslim dan dhimmi. Konsep kewarganegaraan dhimmi adalah warga negara non muslim dalam praktik kehidupan negara mendapat perlakuan istimewa yang tidak sama, dan perlakuan berbeda didasarkan karena perbedaan agama. Berbeda dengan konsep kewarganegaraan Islam modern yang memberikan perlakuan yang sama kepada semua warga tanpa membedakan agama. Konsep kewarga-negaraan yang diterapkan oleh Rasulullah shollallahu 'alaihi wasallam di kota Madinah al munawarah merupakan konsep kewarganegaraan yang terbaik sepanjang masa. Rasulullah shollallahu 'alaihi wasallam memberikan contoh konsep kewarganegaraan terbaik yang terdapat nilai-nilai ketuhanan, kemanusiaan, kerakyatan serta keadilan. Ajaran konsep kewarganegaraan Rasulullah shollallahu 'alaihi wasallam merupakan konsep kewargane-garaan kosmpolitan.
Kata kunci: kewarganegaraan, dhimmi, Rasulullah shollallahu 'alaihi wasallam, kosmopolitan
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Bagley, Christopher Adam, and Nader Al-Refai. "Multicultural integration in British and Dutch societies: education and citizenship." Journal for Multicultural Education 11, no. 2 (June 12, 2017): 82–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jme-12-2015-0040.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to review and synthesize published studies and practice in the “integration” of ethnic and religious minorities in Britain and The Netherlands, 1965-2015, drawing out implications for current policy and practice. Design/methodology/approach This paper is an evaluative review and report of results of work on citizenship education for young Muslims and their peers in English schools. Findings Young Muslims have positive attitudes to “good citizenship”, as Islamic socialization makes them particularly responsive to citizenship messages. But there is hard-core racial prejudice and Islamophobia in about 25 per cent of adults. In The Netherlands, this xenophobia has supported far-right politicians who are strongly anti-Muslim. This paper cites evidence that continued prejudice may lead to alienation and radicalization of some minorities. Research limitations/implications Unchecked prejudice concerning minorities can have negative implications for both majority and minority groups – this broad hypothesis deserves further research in both Dutch and British societies. Practical implications In Britain, success in Muslim schools in fostering positive citizenship implies that Muslim groups can maintain “quiet dignity” in following Islamic pathways to good citizenship. Social implications State support for religious-foundation schools should be offered to all religious groups and should not be withheld from Muslim minorities for “security” reasons. Originality/value This overview by two Muslim educators offers new insights and proposals in the acceptance of Muslim minorities in Europe.
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Alaa, Fathimath, Kennimrod Sariburaja, Arvin Tajari, and Muhammad Ammar Hisyam Mohd Anuar. "INDIA’S CITIZENSHIP AMENDMENT ACT (CAA) OF 2019: A CASE STUDY OF ANTI-MUSLIM SENTIMENT IN INDIA." International Journal of Interdisciplinary and Strategic Studies 3, no. 5 (October 28, 2022): 268–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.47548/ijistra.2022.51.
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Ethnic violence has long been prominent in India, especially among Hindus and Muslims. Debates have taken place over the value of India’s secularist principle, as Muslims in India are continuously faced with discrimination. They are subjected to hate crimes with the rise of Hindu Nationalism. The government’s legislature and policies must embody national unity rather than fuelling the already existing divisions among Hindus and Muslims as a secular state. This study examines India’s Citizenship Amendment Act of 2019 and how it has led to anti-Muslim sentiments in the country. Drawing from the concept of Nationalism, the research will focus on the relation between Hindu nationalistic ideals and the Citizenship Amendment Act. The analysis results revealed that the Citizenship Amendment Act was flawed and had overtones of anti-Muslim sentiments. Further analysis revealed that the Citizenship Amendment Act had violated Articles 13,14, and 25 of the Indian constitution directly and indirectly. In addition to this, the study also showed the link between ultra Hindu Nationalism and the Citizenship Amendment Act. It also found that the intention of the Act to protect minorities facing religious persecution has failed as India lacks proper refugee laws. The overall research of this study concludes that the Citizenship Amendment Act has led to anti-Muslim sentiments in the country and furthered the identity crisis Muslims face in India.
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Meyer, James H. "IMMIGRATION, RETURN, AND THE POLITICS OF CITIZENSHIP: RUSSIAN MUSLIMS IN THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE, 1860–1914." International Journal of Middle East Studies 39, no. 1 (February 2007): 32a. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743807222512.
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Based upon research undertaken in Turkey, Russia, Azerbaijan, and the Crimea, this article consists of three principal and interconnected fields of inquiry. The first focuses upon changing Russian and Ottoman policies toward the immigration of Russian Muslims to the Ottoman Empire in the second half of the 19th century. The second examines questions that complicate the historiographical narrative surrounding this immigration, including issues such as Muslim return immigration to Russia and the retention of Russian citizenship by Muslim immigrants in the Ottoman Empire. The third examines the increasingly contested nature of citizenship and its role in the relations between Russian Muslims and the Russian and Ottoman bureaucracies. This section investigates battles between Ottoman and Russian bureaucrats who assert authority over Muslims of ambiguous citizenship status and the strategies deployed by Russian Muslims to take advantage of this ambiguity in their dealings with the bureaucracies of both empires.
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Silvita, Mary. "Presiden Non-Muslim dalam Komunitas Masyarakat Muslim." ISLAMICA: Jurnal Studi Keislaman 7, no. 1 (January 21, 2014): 44. http://dx.doi.org/10.15642/islamica.2012.7.1.44-60.
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This paper examines the notion of state and leadership according to the contemporary Islamic thought. To be more precise, the paper asks whether it is possible for a non-Muslim to be the president of the majority Muslim country. To answer this, the paper will dwell into the problem of citizenship both in classical and modern Islamic thought by taking into account the political and social situation that shapes this thought. The paper maintains that many Muslims—both in the past and at the present—fail to offer a proper discourse on statehood and leadership in Islamic perspective. The mainstream discourse on this issue—the paper argues—is that which keeps in a good balance the notion of religiosity and citizenship. The rightwing Muslims will provide a textual understanding of the problem, while the left-wing will otherwise offer a secular interpretation of it. This paper will try to keep the two in a balance, and present a fair understanding of what the Qur'an and the Sunnah say about the problem at hand.
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Kadiwal, Laila. "Feminists against Fascism: The Indian Female Muslim Protest in India." Education Sciences 11, no. 12 (December 6, 2021): 793. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/educsci11120793.
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This article explores contestations around ideas of India, citizenship, and nation from the perspective of Indian Muslim female university students in Delhi. In December 2019, the Hindu majoritarian government introduced new citizenship legislation. It caused widespread distress over its adverse implications for Muslims and a large section of socio-economically deprived populations. In response, millions of people, mainly from Dalit, Adivasi, and Bahujan backgrounds, took to the streets to protest. Unprecedentedly, young Muslim female students and women emerged at the forefront of the significant public debate. This situation disrupted the mainstream perception of oppressed Muslim women lacking public voice and agency. Drawing on the narratives of the Indian Muslim female students who participated in these protests, this article highlights their conceptions of, and negotiations with, the idea of India. In doing so, this article reflects on the significance of critical feminist protest as a form of “public pedagogy” for citizenship education as a powerful antidote to a supremacist, hypermasculine, and vigilante idea of India.
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Johns, Amelia. "Muslim Young People Online: “Acts of Citizenship” in Socially Networked Spaces." Social Inclusion 2, no. 2 (August 20, 2014): 71–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v2i2.168.
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This paper reviews the current literature regarding Muslim young people’s online social networking and participatory practices with the aim of examining whether these practices open up new spaces of civic engagement and political participation. The paper focuses on the experiences of young Muslims living in western societies, where, since September 11, the ability to assert claims as citizens in the public arena has diminished. The paper draws upon Isin & Nielsen’s (2008) “acts of citizenship” to define the online practices of many Muslim youth, for whom the internet provides a space where new performances of citizenship are enacted outside of formal citizenship rights and spaces of participation. These “acts" are evaluated in light of theories which articulate the changing nature of publics and the public sphere in a digital era. The paper will use this conceptual framework in conjunction with the literature review to explore whether virtual, online spaces offer young Muslims an opportunity to create a more inclusive discursive space to interact with co-citizens, engage with social and political issues and assert their citizen rights than is otherwise afforded by formal political structures; a need highlighted by policies which target minority Muslim young people for greater civic participation but which do not reflect the interests and values of Muslim young people.
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Ali, Arshad Imtiaz. "The Impossibility of Muslim Citizenship." Diaspora, Indigenous, and Minority Education 11, no. 3 (May 22, 2017): 110–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15595692.2017.1325355.
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Memon, Nadeem, and Sameena Eidoo. "Nation, Citizenship, and Belonging." American Journal of Islam and Society 26, no. 2 (April 1, 2009): 150–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v26i2.1405.
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TheAssociation ofMuslim Social Scientists of NorthAmerica (AMSS) heldits fifth annual Canadian Regional Conference in Waterloo, Ontario, atWilfred Laurier University (WLU) on 21 May 2009. The Muslim StudiesOption Program Committee and the Department of Religion and Culture atWLU cosponsored this event, and Jasmin Zine (WLU) andMeena Sharify-Funk (WLU) were the cochairs. The Tessellate Institute, a CanadianMuslimthink tank, coordinated and cosponsored the keynote panel.The theme, “Nation, Citizenship, and Belonging: Muslim CulturalPolitics in Canada,” brought together academics, emerging scholars, andcommunity activists to explore critical questions about the space in the middlewhere engaged Muslim Canadians stand. In her opening remarks,Sharify-Funk identified that space as being located on an isthmus betweenthe realities of abject discrimination and the potentialities of citizenship. Sheremarked that this conference sought to ask the difficult questions aboutwhetherMuslim Canadians can engage the challenges and move beyond theinternal contradictions that inherently shape Muslim cultural politics ...
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Hefner, Robert William. "Muslims, Catholics, and the Secular State." American Journal of Islam and Society 36, no. 3 (July 23, 2019): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v36i3.186.
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Any attempt to explore the relationship between representations of Muslims and public advocacy in modern Western societies must at some point situate both processes in relation to the broader crises of liberal citizenship currently afflicting Western democracies. Calls heard in the 1990s for multicultural citizenship and pluralist “recognition” have long since given way to demands for the exclusion of new immigrants and the coercive assimilation of those – especially Muslims -- long since arrived. This essay examines French Catholic and Muslim perspectives on secularism and citizenship in contemporary France. It highlights disagreements among progressive secularists as well as mainline Catholics and Muslims over how to engage the secular state as well as one’s fellow citizens. It explores the ways in which Catholic advocacy for and with Muslim citizens has been challenged by conservative trends in French Catholicism, as well as the perceived rise of Salafism and, most important, growing support for far-right and Islamophobic movements. The example shows that real-and-existing public spheres look less like the genteelly deliberative public spaces Jurgen Habermas described a generation ago. They are landscapes reshaped by movements, social media, and political entrepreneurs making use of reductionist arguments and media caricature (“fake news”) as much as or even more than deliberative reasoning. These realities present serious challenges to those who hope to use education and dialogue in public advocacy with and for Muslim citizens.
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Hefner, Robert William. "Muslims, Catholics, and the Secular State." American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 36, no. 3 (July 23, 2019): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v36i3.186.
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Any attempt to explore the relationship between representations of Muslims and public advocacy in modern Western societies must at some point situate both processes in relation to the broader crises of liberal citizenship currently afflicting Western democracies. Calls heard in the 1990s for multicultural citizenship and pluralist “recognition” have long since given way to demands for the exclusion of new immigrants and the coercive assimilation of those – especially Muslims -- long since arrived. This essay examines French Catholic and Muslim perspectives on secularism and citizenship in contemporary France. It highlights disagreements among progressive secularists as well as mainline Catholics and Muslims over how to engage the secular state as well as one’s fellow citizens. It explores the ways in which Catholic advocacy for and with Muslim citizens has been challenged by conservative trends in French Catholicism, as well as the perceived rise of Salafism and, most important, growing support for far-right and Islamophobic movements. The example shows that real-and-existing public spheres look less like the genteelly deliberative public spaces Jurgen Habermas described a generation ago. They are landscapes reshaped by movements, social media, and political entrepreneurs making use of reductionist arguments and media caricature (“fake news”) as much as or even more than deliberative reasoning. These realities present serious challenges to those who hope to use education and dialogue in public advocacy with and for Muslim citizens.
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Yakar, Sümeyra, and Emine Enise Yakar. "The Approach of the Fiqh Council of North America towards Identity Problems of Contemporary Muslim Minorities." Method & Theory in the Study of Religion 34, no. 1-2 (December 17, 2021): 44–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700682-bja10072.
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Abstract The status of being a Muslim minority in a non-Muslim country has obtained public and international attention with the consequence of globalization and immigration in the contemporary world. The increasing rate of immigration to the United States after the 1980s resulted in a new identity that mainly includes two main ingredients: Muslim identity and American identity. Especially, the following generation of the first immigrants has unexpectedly confronted the issue of an identity crisis ensuing from the simultaneous belonging to American and Muslim identities. With permanent settlement and acquiring American citizenship, Muslim Americans have shouldered dual responsibilities and duties. Occasionally, the dual identity of Muslim Americans has resulted in clashes between the religious and citizenship responsibilities. The Fiqh Council of North America (FCNA), a voluntarily established fatwā institution, tries to find Islamic legal solutions to that of American Muslims’ paradoxical predicaments. In the light of particular fatwās (legal opinion) issued by the FCNA, this paper will analyse how the identity crises of Muslim Americans are resolved; which Islamic legal methodologies are predominantly deployed to obliterate the mundane and religious paradoxes of those Muslim Americans; and whether the preponderance is given to American identity or Muslim identity by the FCNA.
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Cato, Johan, and Jonas Otterbeck. "Active Citizenship among Muslims in Sweden: From Minority Politics to Political Candidacy." Tidsskrift for Islamforskning 8, no. 1 (February 23, 2014): 223. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/tifo.v8i1.25329.
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Islam and Muslims are hot topics in politics. Muslims engaged in politics are accused of wanting to turn Sweden into an Islamic state; others try to find parallels between the Christian groups of political parties and Muslim interests. The article discusses the development in recent decades when individuals and organizations with an Islamic agenda have become politically active citizens. It looks at the different stages of initial organization and lobbying, and later, cooperation with established political actors. Finally, it discusses the individual candidacies in the 2010 election of some individuals who emphasized their Muslim identity
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Sahib, Rizwan. "Iftar at the Train Station." Australian Journal of Islamic Studies 5, no. 2 (September 27, 2020): 51–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.55831/ajis.v5i2.271.
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This autoethnographic study explores how I am a citizen culturally speaking; that is, my Muslim identity and religious customs are positively recognised by my non-Muslim Australian work-colleague. In our interactions at my workplace—a train station—my colleague’s actions towards me made me feel included within Australian society. I also claimed recognition of my cultural identity and custom by including my work colleague in my Eid celebration. I interpret my colleague’s actions and my own as examples of cultural citizenship. This finding lends weight to the results of previous research that illustrate a positive trend vis-à-vis Muslims and Australian citizenship.
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Lathion, Stephane. "Muslims in Switzerland: Is Citizenship Really Incompatible with Muslim Identity?" Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs 28, no. 1 (April 2008): 53–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13602000802011077.
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Suslo, Maryna. "Muslims-immigrants: Reasons of Relocation to Ukraine and Related Problems (Based on the Material of Kyiv City)." Ethnic History of European Nations, no. 66 (2022): 105–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2518-1270.2022.66.13.
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The article tells about the issues of migration of Muslims to Ukraine, clarifies the reasons for relocating and analyzes the problems that foreign Muslims face when they relocate to Ukraine. The author found out that the most popular countries from which Muslims often relocate to Ukraine are former countries of the Soviet Union (Azerbaijan, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, the Russian Federation), North Africa (Morocco, Lebanon, Algeria, Egypt), Turkey and the Middle East (Jordan, the United Arab Emirates, Kuwait, Syria, Saudi Arabia). The reasons for choosing Ukraine as a country for relocation among Muslim foreigners were established and analyzed. The motives of Muslim migrants to relocate to Ukraine were classified into four groups. According to Muslims, the reasons for migration were the following: high level of religious tolerance among Ukrainian citizens; availability of higher education (due to relatively low prices at universities); motivation to start one’s own business in Ukraine (due to the simple process of legal registration of a business). The article shows several examples of Muslims who came to Ukraine primarily for higher education and then remained here on a permanent basis, formed a family and acquired citizenship. In addition, the obstacles that arise on the way to a convenient relocation of Muslims to Ukraine were found out. The obstacles were divided into two groups. The first group is related to bureaucratic obstacles (difficulties with obtaining a residence permit, visa and citizenship of Ukraine). The second group includes household background problems: non-adaptation of Ukrainian cities and villages to the needs of the Muslim community (lack of Muslim communities (jamaat), insufficient number of mosques, places to pray, Muslim schools, halal food services, etc.).
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Nagra, Baljt, and Paula Maurutto. "Crossing Borders and Managing Racialized Identities: Experiences of Security and Surveillance Among Young Canadian Muslims." Canadian Journal of Sociology 41, no. 2 (June 30, 2016): 165–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/cjs23031.
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While it is widely acknowledged that Canadian Muslims are targeted at airports and borders, few studies have focused on their actual experiences of state surveillance practices. Moreover, little attention has been paid to how these experiences impact and shape identity formation and their understanding of citizenship. To address this gap, we conducted 50 in-depth interviews with young Canadian Muslims living in Vancouver and Toronto. Our interviewees referred to being repeatedly stopped, questioned, detained, and harassed by security personnel. They felt that any evidence of their Muslim identity – name, country of birth, appearance, or clothing – makes them a target for extra surveillance, resulting in heightened fears about being stripped of their rights and a lack of ability to assert their religious identities. This paper explores the implications of racialized border practices on identity formation and citizenship depletion among Muslim Canadians.
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Sholihuddin, Muh. "Fiqh Al-Muwatanah: Nahdlatul Ulama's Interpretation About Citizenship." Millah 21, no. 1 (August 2021): 149–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.20885/millah.vol21.iss1.art6.
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This article examines the influence and challenges of fiqh al-muwatanah in Indonesia. The discussion of this article focuses on a description of the pros and cons of the al-muwatinun concept offered by Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) and the challenges faced in implementing it. The method used is a literature study with a historical and comparative approach, then analyzed using content analysis. The research findings show that al-muwatinun as a socio-political concept is a new term that will not be found in the treasures of classical Islamic thought. Al-muwatinun is a product of NU ulama's ijtihad as a response to the strengthening of takfiri in Indonesia. Al-muwatinun contains values and teachings about equality, justice, and equality is a continuation of the mission brought by al-muwatinun to form a tolerant and peaceful society by eliminating the mention of infidels non-Muslims. All Indonesian people have the same status, whether Muslim or non-Muslim, and there is no majority or minority. Al-muwatinun is a form of fiqh typical of the archipelago. This idea has been started by previous Muslim thinkers who tried to contextualize Islamic law in Indonesia. On the other hand, the al-muwatinun concept shows NU's consistency in guarding the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia (NKRI).
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Al-Anani, Khalil. "The Muslim Brotherhood’s Conception of Citizenship Rights in Egypt." Contemporary Arab Affairs 11, no. 3 (September 2018): 25–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/caa.2018.113002.
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How do Islamist movements perceive citizenship rights, particularly in conservative societies such as the case in the Middle East? This study attempts to answer this question by examining the case of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt. Conventional wisdom demonstrates that Islamic movements adopt illiberal views towards women and minorities, particularly non-Muslims, because of their conservative and rigid interpretation of religion. This study argues that religion is not the only factor that shapes these views. By unpacking the position of the Brotherhood towards women and Christians’ rights in Egypt, it shows that the Islamists’ conception of citizenship is driven by ideological and political considerations. It contends that the Brotherhood adopts an ambivalent and ambiguous understanding of citizenship that can be construed by three key factors: ideological stance, organizational cohesion, and political calculations.
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Previsic, Ivana, and Elke Winter. "Citizenship Revocation in the Mainstream Press: A Case of Re-ethnicization?" Canadian Journal of Sociology 42, no. 1 (March 31, 2017): 55–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/cjs28660.
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Under the government of Stephen Harper’s Conservative Party (2006-2015), Canada witnessed numerous alterations of its immigration and citizenship rules. Under the new Citizenship Act (2014), dual citizens who have committed high treason, terrorism or espionage could lose their Canadian citizenship. In this paper, we examine how the measure was discussed in Canada’s mainstream newspapers. We ask: who/what is seen as the target of citizenship revocation? What does this tell us about the direction that Canadian citizenship is moving towards? As promoters of civic literacy, mainstream media disseminate information about government actions and legislation, interpret policies and are highly influential in forming public opinion. Our findings show that the newspapers were more often critical than supportive of the citizenship revocation provision. However, they also interpreted the measure as only likely to affect Canadian Muslims in general and omitted discussing the involvement of non-Muslim and, in particular, white, Western-origin Canadians in terrorist acts. Thus, despite advocating for equal citizenship in principle, Canadian Muslims were nonetheless constructed as less Canadian.
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Modood, Tariq. "MULTICULTURAL CITIZENSHIP AND MUSLIM IDENTITY POLITICS." Interventions 12, no. 2 (July 2010): 157–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1369801x.2010.489688.
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Pilgram, Lisa. "British-Muslim family law and citizenship." Citizenship Studies 16, no. 5-6 (August 2012): 769–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13621025.2012.698506.
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Krishna, Gopal. "Islam, minority status and citizenship: Muslim experience in India." European Journal of Sociology 27, no. 2 (November 1986): 353–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975600004653.
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Indian muslims have been a large and an active constituent of Indian politics and society for a very long time. Throughout the twentieth century their political endeavours have been directed towards achieving communal autonomy in a plural society. The aspiration to autonomy has been sufficiently strong to unite an otherwise extremely heterogeneous population, divided by language, class, caste and sect. Muslim politics were never monolithic but the dominant tendency was wedded to the cause of autonomy, which entailed a substantial struggle to determine the character and the scope of the state's jurisdiction.
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Enright, Máiréad. "The beginning of the sharpness: loyalty, citizenship and Muslim divorce practice." International Journal of Law in Context 9, no. 3 (September 2013): 295–317. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1744552313000141.
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AbstractMuslim divorce practice is a feminist issue, insofar as it often departs from core principles of Anglo-American divorce law. When legal feminists have examined the reception of Muslim divorce practice in common-law courts, they have tended to measure those departures in terms of financial outcome. There is a danger that, in consequence, our theory of Muslim women's legal agency is reduced to pragmatic matters of choice, money and advantage-taking. That theory seems hugely impoverished when read against the political background in Britain, where Muslims‘ legal agency upon divorce is bound up with deeper questions of belonging and allegiance. Feminist work ought to be able to advance a theory of citizens’ commitment to civil law in litigation which can give a complex account even of the unsettling litigation of Muslim divorce disputes in civil courts. This article draws on existing work in feminist multiculturalism to sketch the beginnings of that theory.
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Srimulyani, Eka. "Indonesian Muslim Diaspora in Contemporary South Korea: Living as Religious Minority Group in Non-Muslim Country." Samarah: Jurnal Hukum Keluarga dan Hukum Islam 5, no. 2 (December 26, 2021): 668. http://dx.doi.org/10.22373/sjhk.v5i2.9733.
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The process of migration and cross border mobility occurs for a number of reason or background such as politics, economics, education and so forth has made a number of Muslim leave their homeland to another countries. Due to this migration, a significant number of Muslims becomes a diasporic communities in other countries and sometimes lives as religious minority group in non-Muslim country. It is reported that one third of Muslims in the world live as minority in a number of countries both in the West and also in some Asian countries such as India, Japan, South Korea, etc. In general, the existing academic discourse and publication has focused more Muslim in the West, and overlooked the Muslims minority in Eastern countries which is also considered as non-Muslim land such as Japan, South Korea, and such. This article discusses the Muslim minorities in South Korea, with a specific focus on Indonesian Muslim as it made up a significant number of Muslim in South Korea recently. Their challenge, balancing their personal identity and loyal citizenship as well as integration issues will also discussed from fiqh (Islamic jurisprudence) of minorities (fiqh al-aqaliyyat) point of view.
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Kabir, Nahid Afrose. "Australian Muslim Citizens." Australian Journal of Islamic Studies 5, no. 2 (September 27, 2020): 4–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.55831/ajis.v5i2.273.
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Muslims have a long history in Australia. In 2016, Muslims formed 2.6 per cent of the total Australian population. In this article, I will discuss Australian Muslims’ citizenship in two time periods, 2006–2018 and 2020. In the first period, I will examine Australian Muslims’ identity and sense of belonging, and whether their race or culture have any impact on their Australian citizenship. I will also discuss the political rhetoric concerning Australian Muslims. In the second period, 2020, I will examine Australian Muslims’ placement as returned travellers during the COVID-19 period. I conclude that, from 2006 to 2018, Islamophobia was rampant in “othering” many Australian Muslims. And in 2020 the Australian government has adopted a policy of inclusion by repatriating its citizens (both Muslims and non-Muslims), but with the COVID-19 crisis, a new dimension of discrimination has been added onto ethnic minorities – in this case Bangladeshi Australians who are mostly Muslims. They are now looked upon as the “other quarantined” or “detained Australian citizens”.
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Meyer, James H. "IMMIGRATION, RETURN, AND THE POLITICS OF CITIZENSHIP: RUSSIAN MUSLIMS IN THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE, 1860–1914." International Journal of Middle East Studies 39, no. 1 (February 2007): 15–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743807212516.
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The immigration of Muslims into the Ottoman Empire, especially from Russia and the Balkans, is a feature of late imperial Ottoman history whose legacy remains strong to this day. Millions of individuals in present-day Turkey trace their roots back to the Balkans or Russia, and interest in these regions remains high in Turkey. Estimates of Muslim immigrants to the Ottoman Empire vary, although most sources place the total number of Muslims leaving Russia for the Ottoman Empire in the latter half of the 19th century and early 20th century at well over one million. As Russian Muslims in 1897 were considered to number nearly 20 million while Ottoman Muslims counted in the same year numbered 14.1 million, this population shift involved a significant proportion of the Muslim populations of both empires.
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Marcinkowski, Christoph. "Dialogue between the German Government and Muslims Living in Germany: Prospects and Challenges for the 'Deustsche Islamkonferenz' (DIK)." ICR Journal 3, no. 4 (July 15, 2012): 747–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.52282/icr.v3i4.516.
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In recent decades, Germany has become religiously and culturally more diverse, a fact which is mainly due to the arrival of immigrants from countries with a Muslim background. Meanwhile, approximately four million Muslims live in Germany, and already just under half of them have German citizenship.
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Ozalp, Mehmet, and Mirela Ćufurović. "Religion, Belonging, and Active Citizenship: A Systematic Review of Literature on Muslim Youth in Australia." Religions 12, no. 4 (March 26, 2021): 237. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12040237.
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Muslim youth have been under scrutiny over the last two decades from a radicalisation and countering violent extremism lens. This bias has largely carried itself to research conducted on Muslim youth in the West. This article undertakes a systematic review and analysis of literature conducted on Muslim youth in the West and in Australia in the last two decades since 11 September 2001. The body of literature in this field can be grouped under three main themes: (1) the impact of terrorism policies and discourse on Muslim youth and their disengaged identities, (2) the relationship between religion (Islam) and civic engagement of Muslim youth, and (3) Muslim youth as active citizens. An important conclusion of this review is that most of the research is dated. There have been significant changes in the development of youth as they quickly evolve and adapt. The systematic review of literature exposed a number of gaps in the research: the current literature ignores generic adolescent factors and external social factors other than Islam that also influence Muslim youth; studies that examine both online and traditional activism and volunteering space are needed to understand the dynamics of change and shift; research needs to focus on Muslim youth who were born and raised in Australia rather than focus only on migrant youth; the ways some Muslim youth use their unique sense of identity as Australian Muslims to become successful citizens engaged in positive action is not known; how Muslim youth use avenues other than their faith to express themselves in civic engagement and their commitment to society is underexplored; it is not known the degree to which bonding networks influence the identity formation and transformation of Muslim youth; there is no research done to examine how adult–youth partnership is managed in organisations that successfully integrate youth in their leadership; there is a need to include Australian Muslim youth individual accounts of their active citizenship; there is a need to understand the process of positive Muslim youth transformations as a complement to the current focus on the radicalisation process. Addressing these gaps will allow a more complete understanding of Muslim youth in the West and inform educational and social policies in a more effective manner.
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Salaymeh, Lena. "Taxing Citizens: Socio-legal Constructions of Late Antique Muslim Identity." Islamic Law and Society 23, no. 4 (November 17, 2016): 333–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685195-00234p01.
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The regulations pertaining to Islamic charity taxation illuminate underappreciated dimensions of how Muslims defined identity boundaries in late antiquity. To demarcate the contours of a historical process of Muslim identity construction, I analyze Islamic jurisprudential debates about who is and who is not obligated to pay the charity tax. Most late antique and medieval jurists made the charity tax incumbent on minors or others lacking full legal capacity, even though these groups were exempt from “for-thedivine” practices. I suggest Muslim citizenship as a framework for understanding late antique Muslim identity. Because charity tax liability had socio-political and economic implications, it functioned simultaneously as a gate into and out of a Muslim community. This article contributes to the discourse on Islamic beginnings by exploring the intricacies of Muslim self-conceptions in late antiquity.
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Haddad, Yvonne. "Good Copt, Bad Copt: Competing Narratives on Coptic Identity in Egypt and the United States." Studies in World Christianity 19, no. 3 (December 2013): 208–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2013.0058.
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This study analyses the relationship between the Coptic community in the United States and Egyptian Copts regarding the status of Coptic citizenship in the Egyptian state. The conception of citizenship for the Coptic Christian minority has been debated since the formation of the modern nation-state and has acquired greater relevance after the revolution that brought the Muslim Brotherhood to power. One primary narrative of citizenship is promoted by the Egyptian Church. It recognises that, while Copts may not feel like equal citizens, they are devoted to their homeland. They try to promote greater equality through civil discourse, opposing foreign intervention and seeking to foster positive relations with Egypt's Muslims. While many Diaspora Copts echo the message of the Egyptian Church, a minority of activist Copts have challenged that narrative. Inculcated with ideas of Islamophobia and neoconservatism, they tend to dismiss hopes of national unity and focus rather on incidents of persecution. These diaspora activist groups continue to challenge the Coptic Church. Their policies have influenced American foreign policy and have broader implications for Muslim–Christian relations in Egypt.
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Hefner, Robert W. "How Indonesia Became a World Leader in Islamic Education: A Historical Sociology of a Great Transformation." Muslim Education Review 1, no. 1 (July 26, 2022): 3–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.56529/mer.v1i1.25.
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Over the past twenty years, educators around the world have worked to devise curricula to educate students about how to live together as citizens in diverse societies. In Muslim educational circles, this task has been made additionally challenging by jurisprudential legacies from classical times that make strict and hierarchical distinctions between Muslims and non-Muslims. This essay presents a historical sociology of educational reform in Islamic schools in Indonesia with regards to education about citizenship and nation. This study shows that the late-nineteenth century ascendance of madrasa-like institutions across the Indonesian archipelago meant that the widespread adoption of a more-or-less standardized fiqh-focused curriculum (like that long common in Middle Eastern and South Asian madrasas) coincided with two other developments: the rise of Indonesian nationalism, with an emphasis on multi-religious citizenship, and the spread of modernist-style “Islamic schools” (sekolah Islam) with a broad-based academic curriculum. The coincidence of these three currents ensured that here in Indonesia Islamic schooling adopted a general curriculum emphasizing the sciences of the world in addition to Islamic sciences more readily than in many other Muslim lands. In a manner that anticipated a shift recently seen in other Muslim-majority countries, Islamic educators did so while also prioritizing Islamic ideals of the public good (maslahat) and purpose-driven (maqasid) ethics over legal formalism, and rallying to the ideal of Indonesian traditions of multi-religious citizenship. In all these regards, Islamic higher education contributed greatly to contemporary Indonesia’s cultural and democratic reform.
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Hannell, Briony. "Muslim Girlhood, Skam Fandom, and DIY Citizenship." Girlhood Studies 14, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 46–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ghs.2021.140205.
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While fandom is a dominant girlhood trope, few accounts examine faith in the context of girls’ fandom. Addressing this gap, using a feminist poststructural analysis, I draw on interviews and participant observation to locate fan communities as a space in which Muslim girls can enact citizenship. Combining youth cultural studies, girlhood studies, and fan studies, I explore how Muslim fangirls of the Norwegian teen web-drama Skam (2015–2017) draw on their desire for recognition and their creativity as cultural producers to engage in participatory storytelling that challenges popular representations of Muslim girls. This process enables the production of communities rooted in shared interests, experiences, and identities. I suggest that fandom should be recognized for its capacity to generate new meanings of citizenship for minority youth.
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Newcomb, Rachel. "Stolen Honor." American Journal of Islam and Society 26, no. 4 (October 1, 2009): 126–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v26i4.1373.
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With Stolen Honor: Stigmatizing Muslim Men in Berlin, anthropologistKatherine Ewing has made a timely and valuable contribution to the literatureon Muslims in Europe. Ewing explores the stigmatization of Muslimsof Turkish origin in light of multiple societal controversies ranging fromhonor killings to citizenship tests meant to determine who can belong to theGerman nation.While the focus in both the popularmedia and social scienceliterature has typically been on Muslim women in western societies, StolenHonor offers a novel perspective on men, who are usually overlooked bysocial scientists and demonized by the media ...
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Peucker, Mario. "On the (In)compatibility of Islamic Religiosity and Citizenship in Western Democracies: The Role of Religion for Muslims’ Civic and Political Engagement." Politics and Religion 11, no. 3 (March 9, 2018): 553–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048317000700.
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AbstractQuestioning the compatibility of Islam with liberal democratic principles has become a common argument in the public rhetoric across the socio-political spectrum. This article examines this claimed irreconcilability through the prism of a constitutive dimension of healthy democracies: active citizenship. Drawing on a systematic synthesis of recent studies, the article argues that, while it is impossible to ultimately decide whether Islam as a faith is compatible with liberal democratic norms, the lived religiosity of most Muslims is generally not an obstacle to civic engagement in non-Muslim majority countries; active involvement in mosques rather tends to enhance their active citizenship. Data from an explorative study on Muslims’ engagement in Australia and Germany allow new insights into the different ways civically active Muslims refer to their faith as a driver for their citizenship. Some describe it as a religious duty, while for others ‘serving humanity’ constitutes a fundamental aspect of lived religiosity.
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Jamil, M. Mukhsin, Solihan Solihan, and Ahwan Fanani. "The Dynamic of Muslim Identity In Multicultural Politic of Australia." Jurnal THEOLOGIA 31, no. 2 (March 29, 2021): 313–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.21580/teo.2020.31.2.7946.
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This research aims to explore the dynamic of Muslim Identities in a multicultural context. Taking Brisbane as a research locus, the research investigates modes of conflict resolution that are enacted in a Muslim minority area by considering the operation of Islam and Islamic modes negotiating identity within the wider society. The prime concern of the research based on the questions of how does the Muslim in Australia expresses their identity by developing the adaptation strategy as social action in a multicultural context?. Based on the questions, this article focused on the issues of the strategy of Muslim that used in responding to view and practices of multiculturalism. This research shows that Muslims in Australia have a wide variety of historical and social backgrounds. Amid Australia's multicultural politics, Australian Muslims have different responses to negotiate Islamic identity on the one hand and as Australian citizens on the other. The adaptation of Muslim in Australia then ranges from a moderate pattern, accepting a secular culture, to being reactionary as the impact of the feeling of being marginalized people as a “stepchild” in Australian citizenship.
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Robby, Hadza Min Fadhli. "India’s Relations with Muslim Countries during the Implementation of CAA/NRC." Nation State: Journal of International Studies 5, no. 2 (December 31, 2022): 156–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.24076/nsjis.v5i2.879.
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In 2005, Imtiaz Ahmad wrote an article on the relations between India and the Muslim World. Ahmad argued that the ties between India and the Muslim World would be determined mainly by two factors: (1) the diverse and multiple identities of Indian Muslims and (2) the “relative moderation” driven by the Indian model of secularism. In the wake of the current Indian government led by the Hindu nationalist BJP, it is essential to review Ahmad’s argument. Although BJP is known as a party that strives to strengthen the Hindu nationalists’ agenda in Indian polity, it is vital to note that BJP maintains good relations with most Muslim countries. As BJP furthers its plan to scrap the special status of Kashmir and amend the Citizenship Act, there are worries that India’s stature in the Muslim World will worsen. This article would like to investigate whether the Hindu nationalist outlook in contemporary Indian politics and the standing of the current government towards Indian Muslims will eventually affect India’s relations with the Muslim World, especially in the case of India-Indonesia and India-Malaysia Relations.
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Roose, Joshua M., and Anita Harris. "Muslim Citizenship in Everyday Australian Civic Spaces." Journal of Intercultural Studies 36, no. 4 (July 4, 2015): 468–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07256868.2015.1049984.
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Joseph, Suad. "Gender and citizenship in muslim communities: Introduction." Citizenship Studies 3, no. 3 (November 1999): 293–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13621029908420716.
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Suneetha, A., and M. A. Moid. "Mediating Muslim citizenship? AIMIM and its letters." Contemporary South Asia 27, no. 1 (January 2, 2019): 117–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09584935.2019.1573213.
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Newbigin, Eleanor. "The codification of personal law and secular citizenship." Indian Economic & Social History Review 46, no. 1 (January 2009): 83–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001946460804600105.
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Recent debates about personal law and a uniform civil code in India have seen both Hindu and Muslim leaders insist on the ‘religious’ status of Muslim law vis-à-vis a more secular or ‘civil’ Hindu legal system. This article argues that such claims obscure very important similarities in the development and functioning of these legal systems. Tracing the origins of the current debate to late nineteenth and early twentieth-century debates about law reform, it argues that the systems of personal law in operation in India today are the outcome of late colonial attempts by Hindu and Muslim male reformers to alter their legal systems in ways that served their own interests. The ways in which they succeeded in securing these ends were very different; colonial constructions of Hindu and Muslim religious practices, and later partition, shaped the context within which male reformers sought to assert their claims, before the state and their own religious communities. Thus, far from marking an inherent difference between Hindu and Muslim law, claims about the ‘civil’ or ‘religious’ status of the legal systems serve in both cases to underpin particular forms of patriarchal authority and gender inequality.
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Krutova-Soliman, N., and E. V. Grinevich. "European Politics towards Muslim-Migrants." MGIMO Review of International Relations 15, no. 4 (September 9, 2022): 186–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2022-4-85-186-198.
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Book review: Annemarie Profanter, Elena Maestri (2021). Migration and Integration Challenges of Muslim Immigrants in Europe. Series Title: Politics of Citizenship and Migration. Palgrave Macmillan. 289 p. https://link.springer.com/book/10.1007/978-3-030-75626-0
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Barry, Yahya. "Role-Model Natives: Influences of Intergroup Contact on Muslim Perceptions of Right-wing Populism." Journal of Dialogue Studies 8 (2020): 195–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/edbo4504.
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Right-wing populism has risen from the periphery to govern centre politics. According to some scholars, the status quo is an apocalyptic ultimatum to Muslims in Europe; Is it going to be an Islamised Europe or Europeanised Islam? But with Muslim voices almost absent from the literature, this article critically addresses such tropes by questioning the extent to which such matters relate to the everyday lived contingencies of Muslims in Europe and the relationships they establish in society. By giving Muslims a voice, they tell us not only what is really affecting them, but also how they relate with significant ‘others’ in society as they negotiate their senses of belonging and citizenship. Scholarship has highlighted role models as important to minority communities or disadvantaged groups because they provide a template of behaviours for achievement, success and social acceptance. How do Muslim youth who come into significant contact with non-Muslim mentors through educational and vocational trajectories relate to them? This study contributes to the outlined literatures with a small-scale study of second-generation and convert Muslim responses to Right-wing Populism in Edinburgh, Copenhagen, and Malmo. Through narrative analysis, the article focuses on the theme of ‘role-model natives’, unravelling how intergroup contact and relationships influence Muslim perceptions of right-wing populism.
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Fadel, Mohammad. "Muslim Reformists, Female Citizenship, and the Public Accommodation of Islam in Liberal Democracy." Politics and Religion 5, no. 1 (March 16, 2012): 2–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048311000617.
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AbstractThe European Court of Human Rights (ECHR), in a trilogy of cases involving Muslim claimants, has granted state parties to the European Convention on Human Rights a wide margin of appreciation with respect to the regulation of public manifestations of Islam. The ECHR has justified its decisions in these cases on the grounds that Islamic symbols, such as the ḥijāb, or Muslim commitments to the shari‘a — Islamic law — are inconsistent with the democratic order of Europe. This article raises the question of what kinds of commitments to gender equality and democratic decision-making are sufficient for a democratic order, and whether modernist Islamic teachings manifest a satisfactory normative commitment in this regard. It uses the arguments of two modern Muslim reformist scholars — Yūsuf al-Qaraḍāwī and ‘Abd al-Ḥalīm Abū Shuqqa — as evidence to argue that if the relevant degree of commitment to gender equality is understood from the perspective of political rather than comprehensive liberalism, doctrines such as those elaborated by these two religious scholars evidence sufficient commitment to the value of political equality between men and women. This makes less plausible the ECHR's arguments justifying a different treatment of Muslims on account of alleged Islamic commitments to gender hierarchy. It also argues that in light of Muslim modernist conceptions of the shari‘a, there is no normative justification to conclude that faithfulness to the shari‘a entails a categorical rejection of democracy as the ECHR suggested.
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Pine, Savannah. "Conscription, Citizenship, and French Algeria." Undergraduate Research Journal for the Humanities 1, no. 1 (September 1, 2016): 44–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.17161/1808.21406.
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This paper questions why the Third Republic of France imposed conscription on Muslim Algerians in 1912. This action is peculiar because conscription was a tenant of French citizenship, which the French thought that Muslim Algerians were too inferior to have. A politician named Adolphe Messimy, the members of the Third Republic in control of the government in 1912, and a group called the Young Algerians convinced France to contradict its laws and beliefs to impose conscription. They did so because the self-interests of all three groups met at one moment in time and wanted conscription. This paper meticulously explains the motives of Adolphe Messimy, the Third Republic, and the Young Algerians to explain why each agreed to conscription. This research fits into the broader schematic of French Algerian history because it argues that Algeria, in part, gained its independence in 1962 due to the imposition of conscription in 1912.
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Kassam, Shelina. "Rendering Whiteness Palatable: The Acceptable Muslim in an Era of White Rage." Journal of Critical Race Inquiry 7, no. 2 (October 28, 2020): 74–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/jcri.v7i2.13544.
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In this paper, I analyze the perspectives of the Acceptable Muslim (Kassam, 2018)in two Canadian case studies: (a) Irshad Manji, a Canadian Muslim journalist and activist who has been an active commentator on a variety of issues including those related to Muslims; and (b) the CBC sitcom Little Mosque on the Prairie (2007-2012), which was the first Canadian mainstream television series featuring Muslim characters. I suggest that these case studies illuminate the figure of the Acceptable Muslim (Kassam, 2018)who is represented as a “moderate,” modern, and assimilable Muslim, and who espouses a privatized faith with few public expressions of religious/cultural belonging. Centrally implicated in Canadian debates about multiculturalism, gender equality, citizenship, and secularism, Acceptable Muslims (re)confirm the racial boundaries of the nation-state, becoming icons of multiculturalism, reanimating the whiteness at the heart of the Canadian nation-state. The Acceptable Muslim sustains the narrative of the Canadian nation-state as liberal, secular, modern, and inclusive even as it relentlessly excludes, punishes, and eliminates the Muslim Other, enabling such policies to be legitimated as “race-neutral.” Acceptable Muslims stand as sentries at the (symbolic) borders of the nation, reanimating racialized boundaries of acceptability and signalling that those beyond these boundaries can be legitimately policed by the nation-state. My analysis provides insights into how Canada has re-configured the power and persistence of its white fantasy and, through the strategic use of the Acceptable Muslim, cloaks its deeply racialized coding in more palatable grammars of multiculturalism, gender equality, and secularism.
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Abbas, Tahir. "Islamophobia as racialised biopolitics in the United Kingdom." Philosophy & Social Criticism 46, no. 5 (February 12, 2020): 497–511. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0191453720903468.
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This article provides a Foucauldian perspective on the racialised biopolitics of Islamophobia in the global north. It is argued that a pervasive, wide-ranging racialised logos is being used to undermine the citizenship potential of Muslim groups now forming an active presence in urban concentrations across wide political and cultural spaces. The negative characterisations of Muslim minority groups in the global north focus on various parameters of othering, with the experiences of Muslim minorities in the United Kingdom acting as a test case. A dominant hegemonic discourse perpetuates the view that British Muslims are undesirable because (a) they embody the most extreme ‘other’, (b) they are a risk to national security due to dangers associated with inherent radicalisation and (c) Muslim voices of resistance are untrustworthy. These forms of Islamophobia provide perspectives on anti-immigration, xenophobia and depopulation that racialises the Muslim minority category in the sphere of neoliberal globalised capital accumulation. It has significant local area implications for Muslim minority and wider identitarian politics, ultimately perpetuating a cyclical process through which political biases within dominant politics reproduce the racialised discourses of Islamophobia.
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Peçe, Uğur Z. "The Conscription of Greek Ottomans into the Sultan's Army, 1908–1912." International Journal of Middle East Studies 52, no. 3 (July 21, 2020): 433–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743820000392.
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AbstractWith the reinstatement of the parliament in 1908, the Ottoman state faced new challenges connected to citizenship. As a policy to finally make citizens equal in rights as well as duties, military conscription figured prominently in this new context. For the first time in Ottoman history, the empire's non-Muslims began to be drafted en masse. This article explores meanings of imperial citizenship and equality through the lens of debates over the conscription of Greek Ottomans, the largest non-Muslim population of the Ottoman Empire. In contrast to the widespread suggestion of the Turkish nationalist historiography on these matters, Greek Ottomans and other non-Muslim populations enthusiastically supported the military service in principle. But amidst this general agreement was a tremendous array of views on what conscription ought to look like in practice. The issue came to center on whether Greek Ottomans should have separate battalions in the army. All units would eventually come to be religiously integrated, but the conscription debates in the Ottoman parliament as well as in the Turkish and Greek language press reveal some of the crucial fissures of an empire as various actors were attempting to navigate between a unified citizenship and a diverse population.
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Ali, Jan A. "Editor's Introduction." Australian Journal of Islamic Studies 5, no. 2 (September 27, 2020): 1–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.55831/ajis.v5i2.319.
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