Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Muslim citizenship'
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Pilgram, Lisa. "British-Muslim family law as a site of citizenship." Thesis, Open University, 2018. http://oro.open.ac.uk/57593/.
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The Archbishop of Canterbury's speech on 'Civil and Religious Law in England', delivered a decade ago, attracted considerable public and academic attention. In the years that followed a 'Sharia debate' emerged, where traces of (legal) orientalism became especially visible in an essentialist portrayal of 'Sharia' as being in opposition to 'the West'. What was absent in this debate, which was conducted at the abstract level of compatibility-incompatibility, East-West, law-religion, is an analysis of the actual practices of family law of Muslims in contemporary Britain. People marry, divorce, bring up their children and deal with inheritance by resorting to a variety of norms such as Muslim law, English family law and customary law. Drawing on legal pluralism scholarship and elements of Pierre Bourdieu's theory of the field, this thesis investigates the emergence of British-Muslim family law as a site of citizenship. It is based on research focusing on solicitors offering Islamic legal services and advice in the UK and clients of such services. By focusing on the creative capacities of legal professionals as well as clients in navigating between English and Muslim family law, the thesis is an attempt to present an alternative narrative of British-Muslim family law, which may inform a different understanding to what is commonly perceived as 'informal' legal practices threatening the cohesion of citizens in a the nation-state. The thesis argues that private practice in Islamic legal services is a particularly pertinent case for analysis. This is because solicitors' day-to-day practice in dealing with cases in between Muslim and English law challenges the presumed incompatibility of 'Muslim and English' family law, 'the foreign and the native', or 'the oriental and the occidental'.
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Malik, Abida. "The experiences of British Muslim civic actors : stigma, performance and active citizenship in Britain." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2015. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.715182.
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This thesis is a qualitative investigation that explores how British Muslim civic actors within Muslim organisations perceive belonging, citizenship and negotiate tensions. Fifty interviews with civic actors from fifteen national Muslim civic organisations were undertaken across Britain during 2007/08. The theoretical debates which shaped the study, are based on Goffman's notion of stigma, dramaturgy and frame analysis. The findings suggest that although facing alienation and exclusion, Muslim civic actors increased their participation and exercised forms of active citizenship. This was based on their frames, religious values and principles in difference to liberal and national normative conceptions. They performed an authentic Muslim self to present a diligence to participation, civic duty and responsibility. The civic actors circumvented the 'them and us' approach by actively participating in the front stage, British civil society. The marginalisation, framing, as 'bad Muslim', stigma and Islamophobia they experienced did not prevent them from identifying with British citizenship identities. Britishness, multiculturalism, cosmopolitanism and social cohesion were seen as other forms of belonging. These did not present a sense of 'divided loyalties' to the civic actors. The religious notion of the Ummah was perceived as a core identity, which provided participants with a sense of belonging amongst the uncertainties they found within Britain. In the present neoliberal political context, the findings suggest a need to increase dialogue between the state and Muslim civic organisations to counter divides and dissolve the perceived boundaries of 'us versus them'. This thesis furthers the debates on citizenship, integration, belonging and multiculturalism in a contemporary British socio-political context.
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Amin, Sara Nuzhat. "Contesting citizenship and faith: Muslim claims-making in Canada and the United States, 2001-2008." Thesis, McGill University, 2011. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=96799.
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This study analyzes the claims-making and counter-claims-making on citizenship and faith by American and Canadian Muslim political actors over the 2001-2008 period. It highlights the interactive processes by which competing discourses on citizenship and faith are negotiated to produce divergent constructions of Muslim citizenship: mainstream, liberal, secular, and progressive. Utilizing insights from theories of citizenship, collective identity and social movements, I show how divergent collective identities are produced within the same categorical group through complex interactions between: a) ideological baggage and biographies of claims-makers; b) demographic patterns of communities; c) historical tensions in the traditions and identities that are being negotiated; and d) the actual political constellations, both proximate and durable, in which such claims and counter-claims are being made. Moreover, such contests about collective identity, citizenship and faith are not only relevant for the group (American Muslim or Canadian Muslim), but also help highlight the inclusions, exclusions and blindspots in national narratives about belonging and hierarchies of obligations and how these are challenged.Cette recherche analyse les revendications et les contre-revendications liées à la citoyenneté et à la foi faites par les acteurs politiques musulmans américains et canadiens durant la période 2001-2008. Elle met en évidence les processus interactifs par lesquels des discours en concurrence sur la citoyenneté et sur la foi sont négociés et aboutissent à des constructions divergentes de la citoyenneté musulmane, ces constructions étant de type dominant, libéral, laïque ou progressiste. En utilisant des concepts des théories sur la citoyenneté, sur l'identité collective et sur les mouvements sociaux, la recherche explique comment des identités collectives divergentes sont produites au sein d'un même groupe à travers des interactions complexes entre : a) le bagage idéologique et les biographies des revendicateurs; b) les structures démographiques des communautés; c) les tensions historiques par rapport aux traditions et aux identités qui sont négociées; et d) les constellations politiques actuelles et préalables aux revendications et contre-revendications. De plus, ces contestations concernant l'identité collective, de la citoyenneté et de la foi ne sont pas seulement pertinentes pour le groupe étudié (les musulmans canadiens ou américains), mais elles contribuent aussi à mettre en relief les éléments qui sont inclus, exclus et omis dans les discours nationaux sur l'appartenance des citoyens et sur les hiérarchies dans les obligations, ainsi que la façon dont ces discours sont remis en question.
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Alhourani, Ala. "Performances of Muslim-ness in post-apartheid Cape Town: Authenticating cultural difference, belonging and citizenship." University of the Western Cape, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/6104.
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Philosophiae Doctor - PhD (Anthropology/Sociology)This thesis presents an ethnographic study of the resurgence of public performances of Muslim-ness and an exploration of the Muslim politics of cultural difference in the democratic, post-colonial, and liberal context of the post-apartheid South African nation-state. The central argument that underpins my approach throughout this thesis is that the post-apartheid cultural politics of 'rainbowism' has led to an enhanced and remarkable resurgence of public performance of Muslim-ness in Cape Town. This thesis posits that this resurgence has mediated a sense of belonging that is defined by the multiple allegiances of Muslims to their local cultural particularity, to the South African nation-state, and to the transnational Muslim Ummah.
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Tatsuni, Kayoko. "Coalition politics, ethnic violence and citizenship : Muslim political agency in Meerut, India, c.1950-2004." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2009. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2556/.
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This dissertation examines the responses of the Muslim community in Meerut city, in western Uttar Pradesh, India, to the rise of militant Hindu nationalism and to the anti-Muslim violence that shook Meerut in April-May 1987. I show how Meerut Muslims engaged in adaptive economic and political strategies in the wake of the 1987 violence and how these strategies culminated in a new style of participatory politics. This emerged under the leadership of the hitherto low status Qureshi (butcher) community. I show how Qureshi political activism has worked to create a Muslim political community which can be mobilised in terms both of civic and Muslim identities. I also demonstrate how Muslim political leaders have engaged in an instrumental politics of vote-trading with Hindu low- caste political parties. Both communities are exploiting new possibilities for representation in an era of multi-party coalition politics at state and national levels. My account of the 'new Muslim politics' in Meerut examines how Islam is understood alongside civic, or even secular, accounts of what it means to be a Muslim in contemporary India. More generally, my discussion of the production of ethnic peace in Meerut since c.1990 allows me to contribute to an ongoing debate on the causes and differential geography of 'communal' violence in India. I do not attempt to adjudicate between the competing accounts of 'votes and violence' offered by Steven Wilkinson, Ashutosh Varshney, Paul Brass and others. Instead, I seek to build on their work by offering a more considered discussion of Muslim political agency in the face of provocative militant Hinduism. Behind concerted campaigns for security and survival, the 'new Muslim politics' mirrors a commitment to the goals of respect and dignity that is also to be found among the region's poorest Hindu communities and the Scheduled Castes (dalits).
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Bull-McMahon, Aimee. "“Say no to burqas”: geographies of nation and citizenship in Newtown." Thesis, Department of Gender and Cultural Studies, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/8863.
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This thesis is concerned with the ways in which instances of everyday racism reproduce geographies of national belonging and exclusion in the city, focusing specifically on an activist campaign in Newtown, Australia, which called on the community to ‘Say no to burqas’. The focal point of this one-man campaign was a large, street facing mural, depicting a veiled woman, crossed out inside a red circle. The mural attracted much community opposition, and was defaced over sixty-four times. This thesis deconstructs the ways in which the mural campaign inscribed a particular national imaginary onto Newtown, constituted through the exclusion of the Muslim other; attending to the roots of this imaginary in racialised and gendered regimes of citizenship which privilege white, liberal civility. It goes on to show how the mural both reproduced, and was implicated in, the classed geographies of Australian multiculturalism, which figure the inner city as diverse and cosmopolitan, in opposition to the suburban as a site of ethnic criminality and multicultural failure. Finally, this thesis looks to various instances of organised opposition to the mural as examples of insurgent citizenship, capable of reimagining the relationship between place, nation and political community, in response to the ethical, political and practical task of living together in the multicultural city.
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Dhaka-Kintgen, Ujala. "Governance and Marginality: Politics of Belonging, Citizenship, and Claim-Making in the Muslim Neighborhoods of Mumbai." Thesis, Harvard University, 2012. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:10699.
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This dissertation analyzes how governance and community-based politics of claims in marginalized Muslim neighborhoods of Mumbai are continually reconfigured in relation to one another. By tracing this relationship, I problematize conceptualizations of governmental forms and community that don't adequately attend to their co-constitution in practice. More specifically, I examine the intersections between state practices and claims of belonging in Mumbai neighborhoods inhabited by Muslims who, impelled by regional economic inequalities, immigrated to the city from North India and other parts of the country. A large number of them traditionally belong to artisanal communities and are today engaged in the informal sector of the economy. I am interested in understanding how competing and converging claims are made to locality, urban space, labor, and caste in the interactions between these working-class Muslim communities and the state in a city that has become highly segregated along religious and regional lines. I argue that state and marginalized community in minoritized areas are not defined by independence and isolation, but by a relationship of co-generation marked by convergence and contradiction. My analysis of the interactions between community forms and state practices explores modes of laying claim to localizing forms of belonging with respect to urban space, public religiosity, histories of labor, kinship, and 'backward' caste politics.Anthropology
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Pettinato, Davide Domenico. "Understanding the discourse of British Muslim NGOs : Islamic relief and MADE as case studies." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/33164.
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Inspired by the increasingly high visibility of British Muslim NGOs (BMNGOs), by the lack of research on their discourses and by the growing salience of frames theory within the mainstream NGO sector, this thesis offers a significant and original contribution by exploring, describing, and analysing the discourse of two BMNGOs carefully selected as case studies: Islamic Relief (IR) and MADE (Muslim Action for Development and the Environment). The primary aim of the thesis is empirical, driven by the research question: ‘what frames seem to be at work in the discourse of BMNGOs?’ Through an in-depth analysis of a range of public documents produced by the two case studies (e.g. annual reports and websites), the thesis identifies and analyses the main frames used by IR and MADE to articulate three key aspects of their discourses: i) organisational identity; ii) mobilisation efforts; and iii) conceptualisations of their supporter base. Guided by this overarching research question, the thesis offers an original and interdisciplinary insight into the nuances of the case studies’ meaning systems, thereby showing their complexities and resonance with multiple narratives and ideational repertoires. The emerging ‘thick descriptions’ of IR and MADE represent, in and of themselves, the main results of the study, which is intended to enable readers from different disciplinary backgrounds to gain a nuanced insight into BMNGOs’ discourses. At a secondary level, the thesis also pursues the theoretical aim to start exploring how the frames identified in the study inform the two research sub-questions: ‘how to think about BMNGOs?’ and ‘how to think about British Muslim civic engagement?’ Several observations are put forward in this regard. Taken together, these suggest that IR can be understood as a faith-based organisation that simultaneously draws on a range of heritages and increasingly offers opportunities for active citizenship among British Muslims within the framework of what is broadly characterizable as a ‘NGO-led order’. On the other hand, the thesis suggests that MADE can be understood as an exemplar of the current era of ‘loose activist networks’, more precisely as a ‘Muslim lifestyle’ social movement organisation that promotes among British Muslims a multifaceted form of civic engagement inspired by an Islamic ethical framework.
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Davids, Nuraan. "Exploring the(in)commensurability between the lived experiences of Muslim women and cosmopolitanism : implications for democratic citizenship education and Islamic education." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/71662.
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Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2012.Includes bibliography
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Impressions and perceptions about Islām, particularly in a world where much of what is known about Islām has emerged from after the tragic devastation of the Twin Towers in New York, are creating huge challenges for Muslims wherever they may find themselves. Women as the more visible believers in Islām are, what I believe, at the forefront of the growing skepticism surrounding Islām. And central to the modern day debates and suspicious regard meted out to Muslim women today is her hijāb (head-scarf). Ironically, it would appear that the same amount of detail and attention that Islamic scholars have devoted to the role of women in Islām and how they are expected to conduct themselves is now at the centre of the modern day debates and suspicious regard. Yet, the debates seldom move beyond what is obviously visible, and so little is known about what has given shape to Muslim women’s being, and how their understanding of Islām has led them to practise their religion in a particular way. This dissertation is premised on the assertion that in order to understand the role of Muslim women in a cosmopolitan society, you need to understand Islām and Islamic education. It sets out to examine and explore as to whether there is commensurability or not between Muslim women and the notion of cosmopolitanism, and what then the implications would be for democratic citizenship education and Islamic education. One of the main findings of the dissertation is that the intent to understand Muslim women’s education and the rationales of their educational contexts and practices opens itself to a plurality of interpretations that reflects the pluralism of understanding constitutive of the practices of Islam both within and outside of cosmopolitanism. Another is that inasmusch as Muslim women have been influenced by living and interacting in a cosmopolitan society, cosmopolitanism has been shaped and shifted by Muslim women. By examining the concepts of knowledge and education in Islām, and exploring the gaps between interpretations of Islam and Qur’anic exegesis, I hope to demystify many of the (mis)perceptions associated with Muslim women, and ultimately with Islām. And finally, by examining how Islamic education can inform a renewed cosmopolitanism, and by looking at how democratic citizenship education can shape a renewed Islamic education, the eventual purpose of this dissertation is to find a way towards peaceful co-existence.
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Hameed, Qamer. "Grassroots Canadian Muslim Identity in the Prairie City of Winnipeg: A Case Study of 2nd and 1.5 Generation Canadian Muslims." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/32987.
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What are grassroots “Canadian Muslims” and why not use the descriptor “Muslims in Canada”? This thesis examines the novel concept of locale specific grassroots Canadian Muslim identity of second and 1.5 generation Muslims in the prairie city of Winnipeg, Manitoba. The project focuses on a generation of Muslims that are settled, embedded, and active in a medium sized Canadian metropolis. Locale plays a powerful part in the way people navigate identities, form attachments, find belonging, and negotiate communities and society. In order to explore this unique identity a case study was conducted in Winnipeg. Interviews with 1.5 and second generation Muslims explored the experience of grassroots Canadian Muslim identity. The project does not focus on religious doxy or praxis but rather tries to understand a lived Canadian Muslim identity by exploring discourse and space as well as strategies, social perceptions and expectations. Participant observation, community resources and literature also aid in the understanding of the grassroots Canadian Muslim experience. This study found that the attachments, networks, and experiences in the locale give room for an embedded Canadian Muslim experience and more negotiable identities than most studies on Muslims in Canada describe. These individuals are not foreigners living in Canada. Their worldviews develop out of this particular and embedded grassroots experience. They navigate a new kind of hybrid Canadian Muslim identity that is unique and flexible. This is the Canadian Muslim experience of 2nd and 1.5 generation Winnipeg Muslims.
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Gullupinar, Fuat. "Downward Integration." Phd thesis, METU, 2010. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12613195/index.pdf.
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The study examines the recent transformations of integration policies and citizenship laws in Germany with a special focus on the experience of the children of Turkish immigrants in Goslar, a small town. By following
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Shah, Ambreen. "South Asian Muslims : adjustments to British citizenship." Thesis, University of Bedfordshire, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10547/292565.
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Over the last twenty years there has been growing evidence of a distinct Islamic identity emerging from within the Western world, an identity that has been portrayed as incompatible with Western ideals. This thesis is based on a small-scale qualitative study of the reality of this identity, as experienced by twenty-three South Asian Muslims living in the south of England, and the impact on notions of citizenship and the rights and obligations this infers. The thesis contrasts Western notions of citizenship with Islamic thinking. It recognises that although there are points of convergence between the two, a fundamental difference remains. It is argued, where Western notions of citizenship give priority to individual sovereignty, Islamic notions place sovereignty in God and as such define citizenship as the relationship of the individual not to the state, but to God via the state. The thesis explores how this Islamic ideal is made relevant by South Asian Muslims living in Britain. Theoretically the thesis explores the way in which Muslim identity is universal, group centred and individual. It is argued that, despite differences, as humans we do share some universally shared values that give us a 'cornman human identity'. However these shared values are culturally embedded and experienced through distinct (albeit complex) 'cultural communities'. It is argued that just because people have, in certain circumstances, a group identity, it should not necessarily lead to the conclusion that everyone in that group will experience that identity in the same way. As such identity is simultaneously individual. Results of the research suggest that for South Asian Muslims of Britain assimilation is impossible and largely undesirable. However, they suggest that this does not mean that most Muslims do not want to be an 'integrated' aspect of British life. However integration does not mean 'being the same as'. There is a strong recognition that Muslims are different and there is to a large extent a desire for this difference to be maintained. Final analysis, of the data generated, indicates that there are four ideal typical strategies employed by British Muslims in making sense of their faith in the British context. These are identified as: That of 'Lapsed'/ambivalent Muslims where Islam is deemed important in that is provides a 'moral code' by which to live life but is, in the main, relegated to the private sphere. That of Selective Muslims where being a Muslim is of importance but for whom Islam does not impact on their lives in any substantive way. That of 'Traditional' Muslims where being a Muslim is very important but of equal importance is the ethno-cultural similarities they have with other Muslims. That of Engaged Muslims where there is an active engagement with Islam and a conscientious effort to implement Islam in all aspects of life Three levels of engagement with British society are also identified (although it must be recognised engagement with Islam does not necessarily lead to (dis)engagement with citizenship/the public sphere): engagement, partial engagement and disengagement. The thesis recognises that a multiculturalist paradigm has encouraged difference to be seen as static and unchanging, rather then fluid and dynamic as it is in reality. In this context Muslims' desire to keep to their faith (even if it is variously expressed), and retain (certain) social differences can be misunderstood as an unwillingness to 'integrate'. An ethnic notion of citizenship has made it hard for Muslims to be equal citizens contributing to their sense of being an 'outsider'. This thesis argues for a more inclusive definition of citizenship that understands that citizens will have multiple loyalties and responsibilities. Essentialist notions of Islam have perpetuated the misconception of Muslims as different with no commonalties with majority society. This is at the expense of historically rooted social and economic deprivation, and continuing (albeit not as obvious) prejudice and discrimination that many Muslim communities experience.
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Meer, Nasar. "Citizenship and double consciousness : Muslims and multiculturalism in Britain." Thesis, University of Bristol, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1983/9e0eb5c8-5d62-4dcd-b767-8f1a473a6411.
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This thesis makes both a theoretical and empirical contribution to the study of Muslims and multiculturalism in Britain. It specifically uses the work of the African-American thinker, W.E.B. Du Bois, to theorise how what I call 'Muslim-consciousness' connects to certain Muslim mobilisations for an improvement in their 'civic status'. Muslim-consciousness is characterised as the advent of salient Muslim identities that are being adopted and deployed in various permutations by many Muslims themselves. The emergence of Muslim-consciousness is examined at length with reference to debates concerning race, religion and ethnicity. Civic status, meanwhile, is understood to be derived from various conceptions of citizenship. It is argued that under the terms of a peculiarly British multiculturalism, a differentiated citizenship has prevailed for some minorities, which has recognised or supported some minority identity related particularities, and has helped to achieve an elevation of these minorities' civic status. The first part of the thesis explores these issues theoretically, before empirically investigating them in the second half of the thesis through the use of multi-method case-studies (including primary interviews, documentary evidence and discourse analysis). More specifically, the second half focuses upon salient Muslim mobilisations for the state funding of Muslim schools, discrimination legislation and a 'positive' public and media representation, as arenas in which Muslims are currently seeking an elevation of their civic status. It is argued that an exploration of what is termed Muslim-consciousness, within and amongst some Muslim communities themselves, alongside the way in which this consciousness is understood politically (at both an official, governmental, level as well as discursively in public and media commentary), allows us to observe the operation of at least two types of minority consciousness. According to this thesis, these types of consciousness have previously been theorised by what is called the 'Hegelian Du Bois', and comprise the movement from a consciousness that exists in itself, and which is derived from the treatment of a dominant party, to a consciousness that exists for itself, and which, as such, is capable of mobilising on its own terms for its own interests. In Du Bois' terms, this consciousness risks turning in on itself, and becoming a 'double consciousness', when it is benignly ignored or malignly coerced. These distinctions are framed within a schema taken from Du Bois and become progressively 'thicker' in capturing (a) the political dimension in which Muslim consciousness in Britain is formed, (b) the nature and content of this consciousness in and for itself, alongside (c) the transformative potential it heralds for society as a whole. The thesis ends with a typology of contemporary Muslim-consciousness in Britain, before looking forward to emerging research agendas on these topics.
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Vezzani, Giovanni. "European Muslims and Liberal Citizenship: Reconciliation through Public Reason: The Case of Tariq Ramadan's Citizenship Theory." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2016. https://dipot.ulb.ac.be/dspace/bitstream/2013/228062/4/Thesis.pdf.
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This study investigates the subject of Muslims’ citizenship in contemporary Western European societies from the viewpoint of John Rawls’s political liberalism, in particular in light of the ‘idea of public reason’ [see John Rawls, Political Liberalism, expanded edition (New York: Columbia University Press, 2005) and the 1997 essay “The Idea of Public Reason Revisited,” originally published in University of Chicago Law Review 64 (1997), 765-807 and now included in Political Liberalism, expanded edition, 440-490]. By its very nature, political liberalism does not prescribe a single model for being Muslim in contemporary Europe. Thus, one may wonder if it is too vague as a point of departure for the analysis. On the other hand, however, here I argue that political liberalism specifies a peculiar evaluative framework that allows citizens to answer questions such as “What is politically at stake when citizens of Muslim faith are publicly presented as permanent aliens in contemporary European societies?”, “On what grounds is such exclusion based?”, and “What requirements can European citizens be reasonably expected to meet?” in a distinctively political way and, ideally, to solve the political and social problems from which those questions spring. In this research, I claim that public reason provides a common discursive platform that establishes the ground for a public political identity and for shared standards for social and political criticism. Together, these two elements solve the two dimensions of the problem of ‘stability for the right reasons’ (in Rawls’s terms) in contemporary European societies, because they secure both the political inclusion of Muslims on an equal footing as citizens and civic assurance that they will remain committed to fair terms of social cooperation. A joint solution of these two apparently conflicting demands of stability for the right reasons (i.e. inclusion and mutual assurance) requires an effort in political reconciliation. After having compared public reason citizenship with two prominent normative alternatives, I will conclude that the former is an adequate ideal conception of citizenship for European societies. Finally, I will apply the justificatory evaluative methodological framework (whose requirements I will specify starting from the idea of public reason itself) to a conception of citizenship elaborated by one of the most renowned Muslim public intellectuals in Europe: Tariq Ramadan. (I justify the choice of this author in sections 2.3 and 6.1). Such an evaluation sheds light on one of the main insights of this research, that is, the idea that public reason makes a decompression of the public space possible: it frees the public space from those forces that would prevent citizens from the possibility of exercising effectively their two moral powers (once more in Rawls’s words, the ‘capacity for a sense of justice and for a conception of the good’) as free equals. In this sense, public reason tries to reconcile ideal political consensus and the fact of reasonable pluralism on a public political ground. I believe that this is the deepest meaning of what Rawls calls ‘reconciliation through public reason’: its aspiration is to reabsorb reasonable pluralism politically without annihilating it.This research is structured in three parts: the first is methodological, the second is reconstructive, and the third is evaluative. Each part is composed of two chapters.In chapter one (“General Framework”), I begin from some empirical observations about the role of perceptions and identities in relation to the issue of Muslims’ citizenship in contemporary Europe. I claim that from this point of view Islam seems to “make problem” in a very specific sense. This does not mean that Islam is a problem, but that Islam is frequently publicly presented and perceived as a problem. This is the background problem from which my work starts. Thus, I explore some dimensions of such a problem (see 1.1). Subsequently, I provide a more specific formulation of the research problem and questions and of the aims of this study. Then, the main research question (Q) is stated in these terms: Which ideal conception of citizenship should provide the common normative perspective in contemporary Western European societies, which are characterised by both demands of inclusion of Muslims and the need for solving a ‘problem of mutual assurance’ [on which, see in particular Paul Weithman, Why Political Liberalism? On John Rawls’s Political Turn (New York: Oxford University Press, 2010)] concerning citizens’ commitment to shared terms of social cooperation, so that those societies can be stable for the right reasons? In order to answer this question, I also specify three sub-questions that I call respectively Q1, Q2, and Q3 (see 1.2).In chapter two (“Toward a Justificatory Evaluative Political Theory”), I firstly try to frame the problem of public justification within Rawls’s political liberalism (see 2.1). I then consider a specific approach to the question of Muslim citizenship in liberal democracies which can be adopted from a Rawlsian perspective: namely, reasoning from conjecture (see 2.2). Finally, I explain my own approach (which I call justificatory evaluative political theory) by means of comparison with the method of reasoning from conjecture (see 2.3). In presenting the evaluative framework specified from a political liberal standpoint, I point out three political liberal evaluative requirements: the reciprocity requirement (RR), the consistency requirement (CR), and the civility requirement (CiR).Chapter three (“What is Public Reason?”) deals with the history of the notion of public reason from Kant to Rawls and its enunciation within Rawls’s work (see 3.1 and 3.2 respectively). In doing so, I also identify three specifications for the three political liberal evaluative requirements considered in the second chapter. Furthermore, in chapter three I also unpack CR in three different dimensions (PR1, PR2, and PR3).Chapter four (“Public Reason and Religion. Reinterpreting the Duty of Civility”) completes the reconstructive stage by analysing Rawls’s ‘wide view’ of public reason and two major lines of objection to it (see 4.1). After having discussed such criticisms, I then introduce my own interpretation of the ‘proviso,’ which is structured around a two-level (or bifurcate) model of the ‘duty of civility’ (see 4.2).Chapter five (“Reconciliation through Public Reason: Justificatory Evaluative Political Theory between Modelling and Application”) bridges the second and the third part, that is, the reconstructive and the evaluative stage respectively. In the first section of the chapter, I summarise the political liberal evaluative requirements developed in the second part. In doing this, my purpose is to present my justificatory evaluative model of public reason citizenship (see 5.1). In the second section, I firstly argue that a conception of citizenship grounded in public reason is not only possible in existing European societies, but also preferable if compared with alternative conceptions (I consider liberal multiculturalism and Cécile Laborde’s critical republicanism [Cécile Laborde, Critical Republicanism: The Hijab Controversy and Political Philosophy (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008)]) with reference to the problem under scrutiny in this research. In conclusion, I show that public reason citizenship is able to solve the theoretical problem and the main research question mentioned above: Which ideal conception of citizenship should provide the common normative perspective in contemporary Western European societies, which are characterised by both demands of inclusion of Muslims and the need for solving a problem of mutual assurance concerning citizens’ commitment to shared terms of social cooperation, so that those societies can be stable for the right reasons? In the final part of chapter five, I try to demonstrate that public reason citizenship can both include Muslim citizens and solve the assurance problem because it provides both shared standards for political criticism and a common political identity on the basis of which citizens politically recognise one another as free equals. If my argument succeeds, then public reason citizenship not only could but also should be adopted as the ideal conception of citizenship in European societies (see 5.2).In the sixth chapter (“Tariq Ramadan’s European Muslims and Public Reason”) I apply the evaluative framework based on public reason to the conception of citizenship for Muslims in Europe developed by Tariq Ramadan. (According to a principle introduced in chapter two which I call the “plausibility principle” PP, I argue that Ramadan’s theory of citizenship can be plausibly presented as a “European Muslim” approach to the issue of citizenship, see 6.1). The purpose of such an evaluative work is twofold. Firstly, it aims at examining whether and how the idea of public reason accounts for a version of European citizenship for Muslims coming from Muslims themselves. Secondly, it aims at disclosing whether what such a Muslim conception of citizenship in Europe says about the two dimensions of ‘stability for the right reasons’ of the system of social cooperation (namely, inclusion and ‘mutual assurance’) is consistent with the provisions of public reason citizenship (see 6.2-6.5).Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
N.B. 1) Le lieu de défense de la thèse en cotutelle est ROME (Luiss Guido Carli)2) L'affiliation du co-promoteur de la thèse en cotutelle (Sebastiano Maffettone) est: LUISS Guido Carli
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Mustafa, Anisa. "Active citizenship, dissent and power : the cultural politics of young adult British Muslims." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2015. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/30533/.
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We need to stop being afraid and realise that as individuals we have power and that power is the ability to use your own reason and just try and look beyond this. (Saif, 27, male, academic activist) This thesis presents findings from an ESRC-funded doctoral study on the cultural politics of young adult Muslims who participate in political and civic activism within British civil society. Based on ethnographic research in the Midlands area, it offers an empirically informed understanding of how these forms of activism relate to themes of political participation, citizenship, security and governance in Britain today. The thesis argues that the diverse mobilisations examined by the research collectively constitute a social movement to resist the marginalisation and stigmatisation of Muslim identities in a post 9/11 context. The war on terror, in response to the international crisis of militant Islam, has placed Muslim citizenship in many Western liberal democracies under fierce scrutiny, prompting uneasy and hard to resolve questions around issues of security, diversity, cohesion and national identity. In Britain, as in Europe, political and public responses to these questions have precipitated a climate of fear and suspicion around Muslims, rendering their citizenship contingent and precarious and undermining their ability to identify with the nation and participate in its political processes. This thesis reveals how young Muslim activists negotiate these challenges by engaging in a range of activities typical of social movements, not only in terms of distinctive modes of action but also with respect to their transformative social and political visions and imaginaries. Muslim activists engage in cultural politics to demand a more inclusive and post-national notion of citizenship, by seeking to turn negative Muslim differences into positive ones. Participants’ engagement in democratic processes through political repertoires commonly adopted by other progressive social movements challenges the moral panic engendered by the exceptionalism ascribed to Muslim identity politics. This thesis argues that these cultural politics constitute a British Muslim social movement to contest Islamophobia through resistance to two dominant forms of power in contemporary Western societies. Firstly, this movement is a response to the multiple technologies of power articulated by Foucault’s concept of ‘governmentality’, which are difficult to distinguish and confront due to their imperceptible and socially dispersed nature. Secondly, cultural politics is necessitated by direct threats of force that Foucault described as a ‘relationship of violence’ and which are discernible in the rise of the securitisation of citizenship in the wake of 9/11. The nature of resistance from Muslim activists suggests that their cultural politics are not only a strategic but also a less risky political response to both these prevailing forms of power. Foucault’s argument that the nature of power can be deciphered from the forms of resistance it provokes suggests responsive rather than reactive political strategies by young Muslims. The thesis concludes that these cultural politics represent forms of active citizenship premised on a more equal, participatory and radically democratic social contract than nationalist and neoliberal forms of governance presently concede.
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Sumanto. "Interreligious violence, civic peace, and citizenship: Christians and Muslims in Maluku, Eastern Indonesia." Thesis, Boston University, 2013. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/12856.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Boston UniversityThis dissertation focuses on the study of interreligious violence, civic peace, and citizenship in the Christian-Muslim conflict zone of Maluku (the Moluccas) in eastern Indonesia, especially in the region of Ambon. Violent conflict between Christians and Muslims broke out in the region on January 19, 1999, and continued for four years. Against this backdrop, the dissertation investigates factors underlying the interreligious violence as well as those shaping post-conflict peace and citizenship. The project examines the role of religious networks, organizations, and discourses before, during, and after the mayhem. It also explores the dynamics of Maluku's religious groups, government institutions, and civil society associations in responding to violence and reconciliation. The research, conducted from February 1, 2010, to March 30, 2011, utilizes ethnographic fieldwork, network and associational analysis, as well as historical and comparative research on the social formation of religious identities and associations in the Maluku region. It also draws on a questionnaire of one hundred former members of militia groups, both Christians and Muslims. The dissertation shows, first, that relations between Christians and Muslims in Maluku were not previously pacific but have been marked by competition and violence since European colonial times. Second, in the first phases of the Maluku wars, religious identities and discourses figured prominently in the framing and exacerbation of the strife. Third, synergy between state and society actors has been the key to stopping the mass violence and resolving conflict. The findings contrast with previous analyses that (1) portray pre-war Maluku as a stable area, (2) place singular emphasis on the political economy of the conflict, and (3) neglect the contribution of government in the peacemaking process. Fourth, while in some parts of Indonesia religious groups eagerly promote the application of Islamic Shari'a such as in Aceh or of Christian Law such as in Papua, the question of religious law did not figure prominently in Maluku. Fifth, in the aftermath of religious violence, ethnic difference, identification with clan, and regionalism are becoming more pronounced. If not addressed appropriately, these forces could serve as the sources for renewed collective conflict in the years to come.
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Henningsson, Denise. "Play that funky music." Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för lärande och samhälle (LS), 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-35582.
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Musik är en väsentlig del i identitetsskapandet för barn och unga världen över. Genom globaliseringen har musik, klädstilar och dylika centrala delar i uppbyggandet av jaget spridits världen över och kombinerats och inspirerats av varandra (Sernhede, 2006). Identitetsskapandet är en betydande del i huruvida ett aktivt medborgarskap tar form eller inte hos olika individer och grupper. Därav är identitetsskapandet en väsentlig del att bejaka vid undervisningen av medborgerlig bildning. Medborgare refererar till en person som reagerar på sin omgivning med medvetenhet om de sociala och politiska funktionerna i samhället (Hartsmar et al, 2013). Vad en medborgerlig bildning specifikt består av beror på vilka system, traditioner och värden som är förekommande där bildningen genomförs. Likheten med all medborgerlig bildning är att det syftar till en bildning som har målet att stärka medborgarnas förmåga att påverka samhällsutvecklingen positivt (ibid.)Ovanstående resonemang har lett mig till frågeställningarna "Hur används musik i skolor i Tanzania?", "Hur uttrycker sig lärare och elever gällande betydelsen av musikutbildning utifrån ett individ- och ett kollektivt perspektiv?" samt "Hur kan läroplanen appliceras på medborgerlig bildning för demokrati?". Anledningen till att just tanzaniska skolor står i fokus är det faktum att Tanzanias läroplan har ett ämne kallat vocational skills, där 12 ämnen ingår. Musik är ett av ämnena inom vocational skills som till störst del står för den medborgerliga bildningen i skolan. Enligt den svenska läroplanen ska medborgerlig bildning vara en del av samtliga ämnen, men skillnaden är att den tanzaniska läroplanen beskriver något mer specifikt hur det ska gå till - i synnerhet när det gäller musikundervisningen. Jag ansåg därför att det kunde vara intressant att undersöka musikens koppling till medborgerlig bildning i skolor i Tanzania. Detta har jag gjort genom en kvalitativ studie innehållande 15 intervjuer, varav tre personer var lärare och resterande elever i åldrarna 12 -14 år. Det visade sig i mitt resultat att musik ansågs vara en viktig del av identitetsskapandet och det framtida medborgarskapet, men även att detta är en möjlig väg för medborgerlig bildning, bland många andra.
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Abdelhalim, Julten [Verfasser], and Subrata [Akademischer Betreuer] Mitra. "Spaces for Jihād: Indian Muslims and Conceptions of Citizenship / Julten Abdelhalim ; Betreuer: Subrata Mitra." Heidelberg : Universitätsbibliothek Heidelberg, 2013. http://d-nb.info/1177148129/34.
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Beel, David E. "Reinterpreting the museum : social inclusion, citizenship and the urban regeneration of Glasgow." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2011. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/2668/.
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This thesis considers the contemporary work of the museum in the post-industrial setting of Glasgow. It interprets and understands how the museum as a space gives voice to New Labour’s concepts of social inclusion and citizenship whilst being embroiled in the wider process of urban regeneration and city enhancement. This research has been conducted using a mixed methodology incorporating policy analysis, participant observation and interviews, engaging with policy documentation, museum professionals and museum users in its goal to understand how the museum has been and is positioned within society. In exploring how museums have sought to become more socially inclusive, the research examined four different programmes in detail. These included two outreach projects; one working with adult learners and the other with different religious groups in the city. The research has also followed the contribution of a group of volunteers and finally it has engaged with the on-going processes surrounding the building of the city’s latest museum. The research findings have highlighted a complex and entangled set of power relations in the attempts to articulate social inclusion policy through the museum. This suggests, building upon the work of Foucault, that the museum embraces a soft-disciplinary power in relation to citizens. Specific programmes of the museum service targeting social inclusion reveal the benefits the individual may enjoy through participating in cultural events from which they might otherwise feel excluded. Yet, the reach of such programmes question the extent to which they are able to address social inclusion in the city. Recent developments – the production of the city’s newest museum as part of the riverside regeneration in particular – reveal how the installation of the iconic museum is closely allied to the wider project of urban economic regeneration. The planning of the Riverside Museum, however, has been attentive to the social inclusion agenda, particularly through the questions of access. Finally, the research shows how the city’s dominant growth agenda has resulted in a changing role for curators, shifting their agency away from a more traditional practice in which they were key gatekeepers, coordinating what museums displayed and how they did so, and towards a role that reflects a more scrutinised form of managerial control.
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Rootham, Esther Maddy. "(Re)Working citizenship : young people and colour-blind politics." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:1a140a0d-2255-4770-95cc-634d16fa393b.
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This study is about the manner in which ‘ethnicity’, ‘race’, ‘racism’ and ‘anti-racism’ are understood in contemporary France and how this affects the ways in which racialized young adults experience their schooling and early working lives. I explore the ways in which young people living and working in Paris and its surrounding suburbs understand the opportunities and barriers they face. I ground these narratives in an historicized account of the emergence of recent formulations of debates about the appropriate place of immigrants and racialized communities in public political culture in France. I do this through both an examination of the controversy surrounding the use of the categories ethnicity and ‘race’ for the purpose of monitoring discrimination as well as an analysis of a recently inaugurated national museum dedicated to the contribution of immigrants to the French nation. I argue that highly mediatised discussions in France revolving around the meaning of the French national identity, immigration and integration, youth unrest in the banlieues and the place of religion in French society are all implicitly discourses of ‘race’ and racism, despite the concerted and explicit avoidance of the deployment of racial terminology. I draw together an analysis of racialization processes as they take place at different scales and arenas from the denial of the significance of racialization in intellectual milieus, to the process of invisibilisation of racialization and colonialism at work in museum displays and memory narratives to the individual and collective everyday lived experience of racism of relatively high achieving young racialized adults. While rooted in human geography, I rely on a variety of qualitative methods and contribute to a range of academic fields, including the study of racism and anti-racism, the sociology of statistics, museum studies and political science.
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Harrison, Joan. "Musical Citizens: String Teachers' Perceptions of Citizenship Education in the Private Studio." Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/23783.
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This quantitative study explores string teachers’ perceptions of citizenship education and its use in the private lesson. Guided by Westheimer and Kahne’s (2004) model of citizenship education the study sought to identify (a) how private string teachers perceive citizenship education, and (b) the factors that influence these perceptions. Four hundred and fifteen (415) members of the American String Teachers Association (ASTA) participated in this study by completing an on-line survey that contained both closed and open-ended questions. The resulting data was coded and organized according to the survey questions and the conceptual framework. Research findings revealed that, although teachers did not explicitly consider citizenship education a part of their lessons, their intentions and their report on pedagogical practices could be described as citizenship education when viewed through the conceptual framework used in the study. Indeed, nearly all of the participant responses revealed intentions to include attributes of what Westheimer and Kahne refer to as the Personally Responsible Citizen in their music lessons with students. Educating for traits of other types of citizenship was also reported.
Factors deemed influential in string teachers’ perceptions of citizenship education included the following: If the teachers had earned certification in Suzuki pedagogy; the number of years of teaching experience; if teachers self-identified as primarily educators, performers, or both; the age of the students who are taught. Additionally, the study addresses teachers’ statements about the use of competitions, dialogue in lessons, and general attitudes about the appropriateness of citizenship education in several different learning environments.
The study findings add to a small but growing body of research that furthers understandings of the links between citizenship education and music education. In addition, the findings contribute to our understanding of the complexity of the relationship between private teachers and their students.
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Baghdadi, Fadi. "Abnaa’u Marj el-Zhour: Lebanese Migration and Citizenship in Wollongong." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/20697.
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The confessional system in Lebanon was designed in response to the diversity of cultures and religions in Lebanon’s sectarian society. However, Lebanese immigrant communities are commonly understood through their shared national identity. In Australia, the majority of Lebanese migrants emigrated from Northern Lebanon and settled in Western Sydney. This has resulted in the dominant image of Lebanese living in Australia constructed academically and discursively in the national imaginary through the experiences of Western Sydney Lebanese who emigrated from Northern Lebanon. Drawing on 38 semi-structured interviews from four generations of Lebanese migrants from Marj el-Zhour living in Wollongong, this study explores how Lebanese Muslim migrants living in Wollongong maintain the social relations of their transnational diaspora village, navigate questions surrounding their citizenship and political loyalty, and form their own localised ethnic and religious identities in the contemporary globalised multicultural nation-state. Like many high immigrant intake Western nations, Australia’s immigration policy in the 1970s and 1980s was one which asked unskilled migrants to assimilate and succumb to their proletarianization. However, a fundamental morality of social reciprocity fostered in the village of Marj el-Zhour, challenged the process of individuation and independence promoted by an individualist Australian capitalism. I draw on Pierre Bourdieu’s theoretical framework of field, habitus, capital, and illusio to understand how the social relations of reciprocity that are fostered in Marj el-Zhour continue to orient and guide the migrants when navigating the new social, political, and economic environments they entered in the migration process. Migration studies documents the ways multicultural societies are comprised through the formation of ethnic communities. Drawing on the theoretical framework of Renato Rosaldo, I chart the increasing visibility of Lebanese ethnicity as marking one culturally visible and therefore signifying their distance from the dominant Anglo-Celtic culture of Australian society. Following the events of the 9/11 Islamist terrorist attacks in New York, international migration was increasingly framed as a security problem in the West and debate about Muslim difference in Australia and throughout the western world shifted from a discussion about cultural compatibility to a politics of loyalty. The marrying of a “security threat” and “politics of loyalty” symbolised through a transnationalised Muslim Other marks Lebanese Muslim citizens as visible through an essentialised cultural difference. In this environment, there is a conditionality of Muslim citizenship on the basis Muslim citizens continuously demonstrate their loyalty to the nation-state. This loyalty is signified by their commitment to achieving cultural invisibility. Therefore, I explore the various strategies Lebanese Muslims adopt to reduce their distance from the dominant Anglo-Celtic culture and overcome the conditionality of the citizenship in Australian society. However, Lebanese Muslim migrants living in Wollongong are not merely victims who endure, lacking agency in a social field which internationalises the conditionality of their citizenship. Rather, by understanding their experiences through the enduring influence of a culture of moral reciprocity and the generative properties of the habitus, I illustrate the ways Lebanese Muslim migrants in Wollongong actively engage with and affect social change in Australian society.
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Newman, Christy. "Repeat-The-Beat: Industries, Genres and Citizenships in dance Music Magazines." Thesis, Newman, Christy (1997) Repeat-The-Beat: Industries, Genres and Citizenships in dance Music Magazines. Honours thesis, Murdoch University, 1997. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/41379/.
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This thesis examines a particular cultural object: dance music magazines. It explores the co-imbrication of the magazines with dance music and considers how a reconfiguration of the field of genre theory can help to dismantle the generic separations of ‘textual’ and ‘industrial’ approaches to cultural objects. The main argument of the thesis is as follows.
The magazine industries produce an object of cultural exchange which is made commercially viable through a narrowing of its target audiences. These audiences arise in the space created by the dance music industries’ negotiation of an imagined contest between 'underground' authenticity and 'mainstream' productivity. In turn, dance music magazines produce a powerfully exclusive space for the communication networks of the dance music genre by capitalising on the desire to stabilise genre and therefore taking up generic instability as a positive youth marketing strategy.
According to this position, genre is thought of as that which schematises the ordinary cultural operation of making decisions. The ethics of genre means that each generic judgment or decision is a moment of enacting opinion, and thus of participating within the negotiation of community. With respect to dance music in particular, its ethics is set up as a response to (what are perceived as) deliberate misunderstandings in the traditional media and is energetically taken up through dance music journalism's defensive celebration of the ephemeral and negotiated performativity of the (personal and collective) rave.
Each of the chapters of this thesis was designed to approach dance music magazines from a different angle: the first as ‘industries’; the last as ‘citizenships’; and between these a bridging overview of ‘genres’. In order to undertake a thorough investigation, both the industries which produce, and the citizenships which use, a cultural object must be considered. These approaches are immediately complementary: citizenships participate in the regulation of genre through negotiating the ordering of generic rules; and those rules impact upon and are simultaneously ordered through the operation of industries.
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Hunt, Catalina. "Changing Identities at the Fringes of the Late Ottoman Empire:The Muslims of Dobruca, 1839-1914." The Ohio State University, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1429644189.
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Shaw, Nancy (Nancy Alison) 1962. "Modern art, media pedagogy and cultural citizenship : the Museum of Modern Art's television project, 1952-1955." Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=36790.
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The Museum of Modern Art's television project sponsored by the Rockefeller Brother's Fund between 1952 and 1955 was designed to educate a democratic and cultured citizenry through the principles and practices of modern art and liberal humanism. Through a close reading of four television programs, related policy documents and exhibitions, as well as critical, educational and promotional literature, this study will show how within the context of the MoMA's mandate and history, the television project was a decisive, yet highly troubled attempt to forge cultural citizenship through the burgeoning media of modern art and television. This exploration will establish how the television project was an integral aspect of the MoMA's efforts since World War II to situate modern art as essential to the formation of an international polity shaped around the promise of universality, yet dependent on upholding the primacy of free and creative individuals. In addressing such a challenge, this dissertation will contend that television was not necessarily antithetical to modernism, rather it was just one among an array of struggling forces falling within the rubric of the modern. Moreover, this analysis will consider the importance of culture in logics of liberal governance. In order to elucidate the dimensions of cultural democracy as they emerged through the MoMA's television project, this study will be shaped around a discussion of three components crucial to the formation and maintenance of citizenly conduct---civic education, democratic cultural communications, and cross-cultural governance. To these ends, a range of sources from the disciplines of Communications, Cultural Studies and Critical Artistic Studies will be drawn on in order to investigate the provisional links forged between modern art, media pedagogy, and cultural citizenship in the Cold War period.
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Algers, Maria. "Museums as tools for Cultural Citizenship: Two case studies in New Zealand." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-21590.
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This thesis will explore the concept of cultural citizenship by researching visitor’s responses to five exhibitions across two museums in the Lower Hutt region of New Zealand. The thesis will also examine museum management and staff’s perspectives on these exhibits, and compare these to visitor’s. The aim of the thesis is to understand how museum visitors reflect upon and use museum exhibits as tools in relation to their cultural heritage and cultural citizenship. This approach provides a focus for reflection regarding the cultural importance of museum exhibitions. Stuart Hall’s encoding/decoding model will serve as an overall framework for the study, and the theoretical concepts of memory, rhetoric, meaning making and cultural citizenship will further inform the analysis. The results indicate that museum visitors reflect upon exhibits as tools for reminding, and also indicate that exhibits are seen important for learning and representation. Furthermore, the study finds that visitors do not find exhibits particularly challenging or personal. Museum staff provide other perspectives on the importance of museum exhibits, such as their art historical, representational and community-museum relationship building potential, but the study finds that these themes are seldom explicitly recognised by visitors. The concluding discussion reflects on these results, and suggests avenues for future research.
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Martin, Tania Josephine. "Protest music, society and social change." Doctoral thesis, Universidad de Alicante, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10045/98012.
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Desde los años 1990 (Curtis, Ward, Sharp, & Hankin, 2013), con el desarrollo de un mundo cada vez más globalizado e individualista, diferentes estudios (Andreotti, 2014; Brown, 2017; Byram, 2014b; Guilherme, 2002, 2007; Hoskins, 2006; Hoskins & Crick, 2010; Osler & Starkey, 2015; Shultz, 2007; VanderDussen Toukan, 2017) han mostrado la necesidad de desarrollar políticas educativas que impliquen una forma de aprendizaje donde los estudiantes sean capaces de desarrollar proyectos y competencias cívicas que aborden temas referidos a cuestiones sociales, económicas o ambientales, entre otras. Este enfoque global y colaborativo de la educación es conocido como Global Citizenship Education (GCED), y en él se abordan contenidos como la paz y los derechos humanos, la interculturalidad, la educación ciudadana, el respeto por la diversidad y la tolerancia, y la inclusividad. Partiendo de estos principios, la pregunta de investigación planteada es ver si la canción protesta tiene elementos que pueden servir como materia transversal en el ámbito educativo especialmente en la formación de la GCED en alumnos universitarios. El antecedente del uso de la canción protesta, por ejemplo, para despertar sentimientos hacia movimientos sociales que estaban o están en contra de la guerra y en consecuencia buscar la mejora de los derechos civiles, no es algo novedoso. Los episodios que protagonizó la sociedad estadounidense contra la guerra de Vietnam se pueden considerar como un hito histórico en la reivindicación de estos –The Civil Rights Movement-, pero en la actualidad, dada la globalidad y la individualización del mundo, como ya se ha señalado, parece ser que la canción tipo protesta, a pesar de su producción y conocimiento por parte de la sociedad, no tiene el mismo vigor ni magnitud que en épocas anteriores. Esta aparente carencia de vigencia cuando el mensaje que subyace es el mismo a largo del tiempo, pone de manifiesto una serie de inputs que deben de ser analizados con el fin de comprender y profundizar en los procesos y las complejas interacciones entre este tipo de músicas y la construcción de significados que respondan a los principios de la GCED. Por este motivo el estudio tiene cuatro fases. La primera ha consistido en hacer un vaciado que relacionara prensa y canción protesta, pues se ha considerado que la prensa en el año 2003 –Guerra de Irak-, todavía actuaba como formadora de opiniones. En segundo lugar, se abordaron aquellas canciones que respondieran al concepto de canciones antiguerra de Irak y ver si tenían en la población algún efecto de tipo transversal que respondiera a los principios de la GCED- En tercer lugar, comprobar si una canción mayoritariamente desconocida por los alumnos universitarios Stange Fruit (Meeropol, 1939) que pone de manifiesto y clama contra la violencia racial (Lynching) podría todavía tener vigencia transversalmente en la actualidad en el ámbito educativo universitario, como en la sociedad en general. En cuarto lugar, se decidió estudiar el impacto de un texto con un alto contenido contra el racismo y la venganza con la finalidad de explorar si la carencia de acompañamiento musical produjera los mismos resultados que los estudios anteriores. El texto fue un extracto conocido como “Hath not a Jew eyes? ”de la obra de Shakesepare, “The Merchant of Venice” Global Citizenship Education (GCED), la promoción de educación para una ciudadanía global, representa un compromiso a nivel internacional para abordar temas actuales y globales como pueden ser: medio ambiente y desarrollo sostenible, justicia social, derechos humanos, pobreza y la paz, entre otros.
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Afonso, Ana Sofia. "Interactive science and technology museum and citizenship : contributions to the development of an understanding of acoustics, sound, and hearing." Thesis, University of Reading, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.423828.
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Müller, Dietmar. "Staatsbürger auf Widerruf : Juden und Muslime als Alteritätspartner im rumänischen und serbischen Nationscode : ethnonationale Staatsbürgerschaftskonzepte 1878-1941 /." Wiesbaden : Harrassowitz, 2005. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb40083835q.
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McLaughlin, David. "Sampling Hip Hop and Making `Noiz': Transcultural Flows, Citizenship, and Identity in the Contestatory Space of Brazilian Hip Hop." The Ohio State University, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1431071301.
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Luiz, Magali Maria Géara. "Educação musical na escola pública: em que medida contribui para a formação do cidadão?" Universidade de São Paulo, 2012. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/48/48134/tde-26062012-160224/.
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Esta pesquisa analisa em que medida a Educação Musical na escola pública pode contribuir para a formação do cidadão, a partir de sua obrigatoriedade imposta pela Lei 11.769, sancionada pelo Presidente da República em 18 de agosto de 2008. Nessa direção, questiona os objetivos do ensino de música enquanto conteúdo escolar: se a formação de artistas virtuoses, de bons ouvintes, de criadores, ou de consumidores. Nesse sentido, investiga de que ponto se parte para a instalação da disciplina Analisa-se, ainda, seus objetivos, ou até mesmo sua justificativa, se direcionam de alguma forma, para a formação do cidadão, conforme os documentos oficiais. Com base no referencial teórico apresentado por Rousseau, destacando seus textos Discurso sobre a origem e os fundamentos da desigualdade entre os homens, Discurso sobre as Ciências e as Artes e Ensaio sobre a Origem das Línguas (mais especificamente os capítulos XII, XIII, XIV, XVI, XVII e XIX Origem e relações da música, Da melodia, Da harmonia, Falsa analogia entre as cores e os sons, Erro dos músicos, prejudicial à sua arte e Como degenerou a música, respectivamente) e Emílio ou Da Educação, fazem-se apontamentos que possam contribuir para a reflexão sobre o ensino de música na escola pública atual e a possibilidade de sua interferência nos costumes sociais.The present study sets out to analyze how Music Education may contribute to citizen education, since Act 11,769, sanctioned by the President of the Republic on August 18th 2008, made it mandatory. What would be the goal of Music education as a discipline? Virtuous artists? Good listeners? Composers? Consumers?Whats the starting point for establishing this discipline? Are the goals of this course, or even its reason, somehow aimed to citizen education according to official documents? Based on the theoretical frame presented by Rousseau mainly in Discourse on the Origin and Basis of Inequality Among Men, Discourse on the Arts and Sciences, Essay on the Origin of Languages (more specifically in chapters 12, 13, 14, 16, 17 and 19 The Origin of Music and Its Relations, On Melody, On Harmony, False Analogy between Colors and Sounds, An Error of Musicians Harmful to Their Art, and How Music Has Degenerated, respectively) and Emile: or, On Education, it is expected to bring up issues and contribute to music education debate in todays schools as well the possible influence in social customs.
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Björkelid, Joakim. "“In the spirit of the constitution” : A study of Amit Shah’s rhetoric on immigration and Indian identity." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för lingvistik och filologi, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-412756.
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The purpose of this paper is to analyse how India’s Minister of Home Affairs, Amit Shah, constructs the image of minorities and refugees in articles, speeches, and on social media platforms. The analysis is performed with the method of qualitative content analysis within a theoretical framework of propaganda put against the backdrop of Hindu nationalism. The main analysis is divided into four categories, based upon Jowett and O'Donnell’s model of analysing propaganda, going into the themes of: context surrounding the speech; communalism; values; and target audience. This paper argues that Amit Shah’s speech in the upper house of the parliament of India, is a part of a larger Hindu nationalist campaign concerning questions of Indian identity that dates back to, at least, the early 20th century.
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Craft, Elizabeth Titrington. "Becoming American Onstage: Broadway Narratives of Immigrant Experiences in the United States." Thesis, Harvard University, 2014. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:11633.
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This dissertation examines the Americanization of immigrants as a defining theme in American musical theater. It does so through studies of productions from across the past century about Irish Americans, Chinese Americans, and Latino/a Americans, and in each case, at least one of the creators is a member of the ethnic American group depicted. I contend that these artists found the musical to be a constructive tool for voicing their experiences of the struggle of Americanization and broadening notions of American identity. The resulting narrative expands upon the substantial "golden age"-centered literature on Jewish assimilation and the American musical. Decentralizing the "golden age," I show how the genre has helped write into cultural citizenship a broad range of immigrant groups during fraught periods in which their national belonging was contested. I draw upon a wide range of disciplines - especially immigration history, ethnic studies, and American studies as well as musicology - and diverse methods, including archival research, oral history, textual and musical analysis, reception history, and historically based hermeneutics.Music
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Gaulier, Armelle. "ZEBDA, TACTIKOLECTIF, ORIGINES CONTROLEES : la musique au service de l'action sociale et politique à Toulouse." Thesis, Bordeaux, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014BORD0217/document.
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Le groupe de musique Zebda est né d’une aventure associative pendant les années 1980 à Toulouse.Composé de français issus de l'immigration maghrébine postcoloniale et des immigrations espagnoleset italiennes du début du XXème siècle en région Midi-Pyrénées, Zebda connaît un certain succès enFrance pendant les années 1990. En revenant sur l'histoire de la création du groupe, liée notamment aumouvement des marches pour l’égalité des années 1980 et à une aventure associative et militante quiaboutira à la création du Tactikollectif dans les années 1990, cette thèse cherche à comprendre etcaractériser l’outil musical Zebda. La problématique de recherche est la suivante : en quoi la musiquedu groupe Zebda permet-elle de questionner les fondements de la société française : son processus decitoyenneté comme son vivre ensemble ?Zebda, a musical group from Toulouse, appeared during the 1980s. Closely linked to a local voluntaryorganisation, it includes French citizens of foreign descent, whose families migrated to the Midi-Pyrénées region from the Maghreb, but also from Italy and Spain. Zebda became famous in the 1990sas a “mixed band” playing “hybrid” music. This dissertation begins by analysing the conditions inwhich the band emerged and its relationships with the movement of the Marches pour l’égalité in the1980s, and with a militant organisation that will eventually become Tactikollectif in the 1990s. Then itshows that Zebda can be defined as a “musical tool”, which allows answering the question: How doesZebda’s music question the foundations of French society? That is, conceptions of citizenship andconditions for living together in harmony
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Antichan, Sylvain. "Mettre la France en tableaux : la formation politique et sociale d’une iconographie nationale au musée historique du château de Versailles (1830-1950)." Thesis, Paris 1, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA010331.
Full textAbstract:
En 1837, le château de Versailles est « converti » en un vaste musée visant à « réunir tous lessouvenirs historiques nationaux qu’il appartient aux arts de perpétuer ». Durant près d’unsiècle, cette histoire muséale de la France est reconduite, remaniée et actualisée jusqu’auprésent du Second Empire puis de la Troisième République. Notre thèse tente de comprendre,à partir d’un matériau archivistique dense, la contribution du musée à l’élaboration tout autantqu’à la diffusion d’un imaginaire national et civique.L’analyse iconographique de près de 1300 peintures, réinscrites dans leur cadre palatial,permet d’approcher les mises en forme picturales et matérielles du politique, ses variations etses invariants. Dès lors, l’enjeu est d’appréhender comment ces visions historicisées d’unÉtat-nation ont pu tenir et être appropriées. Leurs succès ne relèvent pas seulement d’uneaction politique et administrative mais s’arriment à l’agencement réciproque de différentessphères sociales et strates d’appartenance. Cette histoire nationale se forme en retraduisant lesunivers les plus familiers des acteurs, en empruntant à la mémoire domestique des « grandsnotables », aux normes et aux enjeux de groupements professionnels (peintres, historiens,militaires) ou encore en solennisant les pratiques routinières d’un « public mêlé ». L’histoirede France s’objective dans cette interpénétration des identités et des loyautés, dans cesconsolidations croisées de secteurs sociaux, dans ces dynamiques de politisation du social etde socialisation du politique. Saisir la formation, le contenu et la diffusion de cet imaginairenational équivaut alors à scruter des systèmes de relation entre groupements sociaux, desarticulations variables entre le quotidien et le national, entre l’art et l’histoire, entre le social etle politiqueIn 1837, the Palace of Versailles was « converted » into a vast museum aiming to « gather allthe national historical memories that it belongs to the arts to perpetuate ». For about a century,the Second Empire, followed by the Third Republic, maintained, reshuffled and expanded themuseum, to include representations of contemporaneous events. This thesis aims tounderstand, based on a dense network of archival materials, the museum’s contribution to theelaboration and diffusion of a national and civic imagination.The iconographic analysis of nearly 1,300 paintings within the context of their palatialframework allows us to explore the pictorial and material representations of the political, theirsimilarities and differences. The issue, therefore, is to apprehend the manner in which thesehistoricized visions of the nation-Statecould hold and become internalized. Their success isnot only the result of political and administrative action, but also finds its source in the mutualreinforcement of different social spheres and loyalties. This national history takes shape byreproducing the actors’ most familiar environments, by borrowing from the domestic memoryof the “great notables” and from the norms and issues of professional groups (painters,historians, the military), or by solemnizing the popular habits. The history of France becomesobjective through this interpenetration of identities, through this mutual reinforcement ofsocial sectors, in these processes of politicization of the social and socialization of thepolitical. To understand the formation, content and diffusion of this national imaginationamounts to scrutinizing the systems of relationships between social groups, the evolvinginterrelations between everyday life and the national, between art and history, and betweenthe social and the political
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AIANI, MARINA. "LE NUOVE CITTADINE ED IL CONSUMO DI NOTIZIE: UN'INDAGINE SU PARTECIPAZIONE, APPARTENENZE E TRASMISSIONE CULTURALE DELLE GIOVANI DI ORIGINE ARABA A MILANO." Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/6098.
Full textAbstract:
Sebbene la presenza dei figli degli migranti stia assumendo sempre maggior rilievo anche in Italia la ricerca ha posto poca attenzione alle loro scelte di consumo mediale e all’appropriazione dei media come risorse sociali ed ambientali. La tesi si focalizza sul caso delle giovani donne di origine araba per indagare il ruolo giocato dal consumo di notizie nella cornice più complessa dei processi di negoziazione di identità. Un focus è riservato alle tre dimensioni di appartenenze, partecipazione e trasmissione culturale tra generazioni – in relazione alle madri e ai coetanei. Un’indagine, a livello più “macro”, indaga le possibili implicazioni per il dialogo interculturale. Attraverso la raccolta di quarantotto storie di vita un primo livello di analisi diacronico indaga presenza e intensità del consumo di news nelle fasi della vita per comprendere se possa rappresentare un rito di passaggio all’età adulta, mentre una seconda pista cerca di comprendere come esso si leghi alla questione del sentirsi “cittadini”, in termini di riconoscimento, appartenenza e per scoprire se il consumo di news possa diventare una risorsa per essere soggetti attivi nella sfera pubblica. Tutte le giovani donne di origine araba vivono a Milano, hanno tra i diciotto e i trentadue anni e differiscono per le variabili di 1) nascita o arrivo in Italia dopo i 6 anni; 2) attivismo e 3) religiosità (musulmane, copte ortodosse, atee).Although the presence of migrants’ sons and daughters is gaining more and more importance also in Italy, the research have not given special attention to their choices concerning media consumption and to the appropriation of the media as social and environmental resources. This thesis is focused on the case of young women of Arab origin in order to investigate the intersections between news consumption and the negotiation of the social identity. A first focus is on three dimensions: participation, belonging and cultural transmission – in comparison with mothers and peers. A second “macro” level of the research investigates the implications as regard to intercultural dialogue. Through the collection of forty-eight life histories, a first level of diachronic analysis investigates the presence and the intensity of news consumption in different stages in order to understand if it could be a rite of passage to the adulthood, while a second track tries to understand how this is connected to the feeling of being “citizens”, in terms of identification, belonging and to investigate if news consumption may be a resource to be active citizens in the public sphere. All young women of Arab origin live in Milan, they are between eighteen and thirty-two years old, and differ in variables 1) they were born or arrived in Italy since they were 6 years old, 2) activism and 3) religion (Muslims, Coptic Orthodox or atheists).
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AIANI, MARINA. "LE NUOVE CITTADINE ED IL CONSUMO DI NOTIZIE: UN'INDAGINE SU PARTECIPAZIONE, APPARTENENZE E TRASMISSIONE CULTURALE DELLE GIOVANI DI ORIGINE ARABA A MILANO." Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/6098.
Full textAbstract:
Sebbene la presenza dei figli degli migranti stia assumendo sempre maggior rilievo anche in Italia la ricerca ha posto poca attenzione alle loro scelte di consumo mediale e all’appropriazione dei media come risorse sociali ed ambientali. La tesi si focalizza sul caso delle giovani donne di origine araba per indagare il ruolo giocato dal consumo di notizie nella cornice più complessa dei processi di negoziazione di identità. Un focus è riservato alle tre dimensioni di appartenenze, partecipazione e trasmissione culturale tra generazioni – in relazione alle madri e ai coetanei. Un’indagine, a livello più “macro”, indaga le possibili implicazioni per il dialogo interculturale. Attraverso la raccolta di quarantotto storie di vita un primo livello di analisi diacronico indaga presenza e intensità del consumo di news nelle fasi della vita per comprendere se possa rappresentare un rito di passaggio all’età adulta, mentre una seconda pista cerca di comprendere come esso si leghi alla questione del sentirsi “cittadini”, in termini di riconoscimento, appartenenza e per scoprire se il consumo di news possa diventare una risorsa per essere soggetti attivi nella sfera pubblica. Tutte le giovani donne di origine araba vivono a Milano, hanno tra i diciotto e i trentadue anni e differiscono per le variabili di 1) nascita o arrivo in Italia dopo i 6 anni; 2) attivismo e 3) religiosità (musulmane, copte ortodosse, atee).Although the presence of migrants’ sons and daughters is gaining more and more importance also in Italy, the research have not given special attention to their choices concerning media consumption and to the appropriation of the media as social and environmental resources. This thesis is focused on the case of young women of Arab origin in order to investigate the intersections between news consumption and the negotiation of the social identity. A first focus is on three dimensions: participation, belonging and cultural transmission – in comparison with mothers and peers. A second “macro” level of the research investigates the implications as regard to intercultural dialogue. Through the collection of forty-eight life histories, a first level of diachronic analysis investigates the presence and the intensity of news consumption in different stages in order to understand if it could be a rite of passage to the adulthood, while a second track tries to understand how this is connected to the feeling of being “citizens”, in terms of identification, belonging and to investigate if news consumption may be a resource to be active citizens in the public sphere. All young women of Arab origin live in Milan, they are between eighteen and thirty-two years old, and differ in variables 1) they were born or arrived in Italy since they were 6 years old, 2) activism and 3) religion (Muslims, Coptic Orthodox or atheists).
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Nagra, Baljit. "Unequal Citizenship: Being Muslim and Canadian in the Post 9/11 Era." Thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1807/29823.
Full textAbstract:
My dissertation is the first empirically based study to closely examine the impacts of 9/11 on Canadian Muslim youth. It develops a critical analysis of how the general public supported by state practices, undermine the citizenship of Canadian Muslims, thereby impacting their identity formation. Conducting qualitative analysis, through the use of 50 in-depth interviews with Canadian Muslim men and women, aged 18 to 30, I have arrived at several important findings. These include findings related to citizenship, the racialization of gender identities and identity formation. First, despite having legal citizenship, Canadian Muslims often do not have access to substantive citizenship (the ability to exercise rights of legal citizenship), revealing the precarious nature of citizenship for minority groups in Canada. My research shows that the citizenship rights of Canadian Muslims may be undermined because they do not have access to allegiance and nationality, important facets of citizenship. Second, young Canadian Muslims are racialized and othered through increasingly stereotypical conceptions about their gender identities. Muslim men are perceived as barbaric and dangerous and Muslim women are imagined as passive and oppressed by their communities. As a result of these dominant conceptions, in their struggle against racism, young Canadian Muslims have to invest a great deal of time establishing themselves as thinking, rational, educated and peaceful persons. Third, to cope with their marginalization, many young Canadian Muslims have asserted their Muslim identities. In order to understand this social process, I extend the work done on ‘reactive ethnicity’ and theorize Muslim identity formation in a post 9/11 context, something not yet been done in academic literature. To do so, I coin the term ‘reactive identity formation,’ and illustrate that the formation of reactive identities is not limited to strengthening ethnic identity and that religious minority groups can experience a similar phenomenon. Furthermore, I find that while claiming their Muslim identity, most of my interviewees also retain their Canadian identity in order to resist the notion that they are not Canadian. By doing so, they attempt to redefine what it means to be Canadian.
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Imam, Zeba. ""Our Women": Construction of Hindu and Muslim Women's Identities by the Religious Nationalist Discourses in India." 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1969.1/ETD-TAMU-2009-12-7568.
Full textAbstract:
Secular nationalism, India?s official ideology and the basis for its secular
Constitution, is being challenged by the rising religious nationalist discourses. This has
resulted in an ongoing struggle between the secular and religious nationalist discourses.
Since women are regarded as symbols of religious tradition and purity, the religious
nationalist discourses subject them to increasing rules and regulations aimed at controlling
their behavior to conform to the ideal of religious purity.
In this study I examine the subject positions that the Hindu and Muslim nationalist
discourses in India are constructing for "their women" and its implication for women's
citizenship rights. I focus my research on two topics, where religious nationalist discourses
intersect with the women's question in obvious ways. These are "the Muslim personal law"
and "marriages between Hindu women and Muslim men". The Muslim personal law has
emerged as the most important symbol of Muslim identity over the years, and holds an
important position within the Hindu and the Muslim nationalist discourses as well as the
secular discourse. The debates around the Muslim personal law are centered on questions of
religious freedom and equal citizenship rights for Muslim women. The issue of marriages between Hindu women and Muslim men is located in the Hindu nationalist discourse?s larger
theme pertaining to the threat that the Muslim "other" poses to the Hindu community/nation.
I juxtapose the religious nationalist discourses with the secular nationalist discourse
to understand how the latter is contesting and negotiating with the former two to counter the
restrictive subject positions that the religious nationalist discourses are constructing for
Hindu and Muslim women. The study is based on the content of debates taken from three
mainstream English newspapers in India. Further, interviews with people associated with
projects related to women rights and/or countering religious nationalism are used to
supplement the analysis.
The analysis is carried out using concepts from Laclau and Mouffe's discourse
theory. The analysis suggests that the subject positions being constructed by the religious
nationalist discourses for Hindu and Muslim women, although different from each other,
freeze them as subjects of religious communities, marginalizing or rejecting their identities as
subjects of State with equal citizenship rights. The women rights and secular discourse
counters this by offering a subject position with more agency and rights compared to the
former two. However, it is increasingly getting trapped within the boundaries being set by the
religious nationalist discourses. I argue that there is a need for women rights and secular
discourse to break the boundaries being set by the religious nationalist discourses. In order to
prevent the sedimentation of the meaning "women as subjects of community", the secular
discourse needs to employ the vocabulary of liberal citizenship as rearticulated in feminist,
pluralist terms.
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Perkins, Alisa Marlene. "From the mosque to the municipality : the ethics of Muslim space in a midwestern city." 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/19619.
Full textAbstract:
This dissertation analyzes the pluralist religious claims that ethnically and racially diverse Muslim American communities make on the public and political culture of Hamtramck, Michigan. These claims include appeals for recognition, such as in a campaign for municipal approval to issue the call to prayer. They involve bids for resources, such as the use of public funds to establish alternative Muslim-majority public education institutions. They entail struggles for representation, such as political interventions into LGBTQ-rights debates to safeguard a “traditional” moral order in the city. The study also examines how transnational Islamic frameworks for organizing gender and public space influence the civic engagement strategies of South Asian and Arab American Muslim women respectively, in ways that sometimes challenge dominant gendered spatial norms. With this, the study explores women’s leadership in mosques and religious study circles, examining how gender and generation shape female religious authority, and also present opportunities for women to cross racial, class, and ethnic lines within the city. Postulating a charged, dynamic and mutually constitutive connection between the development of religious, racial, and ethnic identities and the production urban space, the study analyzes how individual and collective forms of minority identity find expression in urban public and political projects, and how liberal secular frameworks in turn condition the production of minority religious sensibilities, affiliations, and practices in American cities. In analyzing how these dynamics shape civic life and local politics, the study approaches Hamtramck as a "post-secular city," or a zone of interchange and heterogeneity in which religious, secular, and humanistic frames of reference converge to configure new possibilities for urban change. This work advances interdisciplinary scholarship on how religion impacts the civic engagement of immigrants and minorities; on how gender systems are preserved, challenged, or transformed in migration; and on how diverse communities living in close proximity negotiate conflicting ideas about the common good.text
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Somani, Reshma. "Educating for Citizenship in the English Secondary Classroom: A Case Study of Teacher Perspectives and Practice in Public and Islamic Schools in Ontario." Thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1807/30108.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis explores the extent to which English curriculum, teachers’ literary
choices, and a high demographic of Muslim students, influence the way English
teachers educate for citizenship, in public and Islamic schools in Ontario. The three
aspects this thesis examines are the following: how English teachers conceptualize
citizenship education using informed, purposeful, and active citizenship learning
expectations; in what ways their practice and literary choices enhance dimensions of
citizenship education; and to what extent the English citizenship educator provides an
inclusive space for Muslim perspectives. While the study shows that English teachers
were successful at infusing purposeful citizenship, the study suggests that a more
explicit link is needed in curriculum and in teacher practice, to inculcate informed and
active citizenship outcomes in English. This study also implies, that teachers’ specific
literary choices coupled with a citizenship education pedagogy, provides a more
inclusive space for Muslim hybrid identities in English.
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Ferrara, Carol. "Pious citizens of the republic: Muslim and Catholic negotiations of national identity and ethical plurality in contemporary France." Thesis, 2019. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/34898.
Full textAbstract:
France is often described as a strongly secular or culturally Catholic country despite the internal plurality that always belied a presumed national uniformity. In recent decades, the increasingly public presence of Islam has raised concerns over the stability of French national identity and a putative common French culture. The added threat of terrorism and the rise of the far right have aggravated the challenges of plurality and the mieux vivre ensemble (living better together). Amidst these tense national debates, this dissertation provides an ethnographic comparison of pious Catholic and Muslim citizens’ experiences with plurality, public ethics, citizenship, and Frenchness. Employing ethnographic methods and a small-scale survey, I carried out research in sites of religious education, including churches, mosques, private Muslim schools, and interfaith initiatives in Paris, Lyon, and Lille, France from 2013-2014.
My research showed similarly broad spectrums of piety and ethical commitments among Catholics and Muslims as well as many shared public ethical concerns. However, there was much less convergence in the framing of ethical concerns, agency in civic engagement, and experiences of French citizenship and belonging among Catholics and Muslims respectively. Moreover, in contrast to prominent social science scholarship on Islam in France, I found that Muslim exclusion from French belonging was not attributable to a single cause, such as secular Republicanism, strong religious commitments, class, race or ethnicity. Instead, this research suggests that many of these factors worked together to produce the normative aesthetic, ethical, and performative boundaries of francité. While francité literally denotes Frenchness, it indexes a complex history of national identity and belonging from late French colonialism to today. Catholics and Muslims described francité in similar terms. However, Catholics claimed to confidently embody francité, while Muslims often excluded themselves from its experience and meaning. Contributing to the scholarship on Islam in France and Europe, my research indicates that it is circumscribed notions of francité that work to exclude “Others” from French belonging, and which impinge upon otherwise inclusive possibilities of belonging under secular Republicanism. Contributing to the literature on citizenship, ethics, and the challenge of plurality, I suggest that scholars need to disentangle juridico-legal citizenship, secular Republicanism, and francité in order to better analyze the challenges of French citizenship and the effort to mieux vivre ensemble.2021-02-27T00:00:00Z
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Warat, Marta. "Imigrantki czy obywatelki? : muzułmanki w Wielkiej Brytanii." Praca doktorska, 2011. https://ruj.uj.edu.pl/xmlui/handle/item/53538.
Full text
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LU, Scott S. C., and 呂松成. "The Citizenship of the French Muslims: A Historical Analysis." Thesis, 2002. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/70257031431929721429.
Full textAbstract:
碩士南華大學
歐洲研究所
90
The substance of this eassy is to illustrate the concept of “Citizenship” and introduced how the citizenship of French Muslims has been grew. Firstly, the article indicated the citizenship rights in Europe at the different ages, from ancient to nowadays. Secondly, I exposed when the Muslims moved to France. Some of the new minority communities obtained the French nationality while some did not. The nationalism was only the political acceptance. They still have trouble to live with the French society. Being a minority community, do the French Mulism really have a fair citizenship right? I have gradually explored how the French Government to issue their policies. In the Macroscope of view, the thesis has also discussed on the influence of the Internatioanl Islamic Force, The European Union and the French Political Parties, related to the French Mulism’s citizenship.
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Batainah, Heba. "The politics of belonging in Australia : multiculturalism, citizenship and Islamophobia." Phd thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/117180.
Full textAbstract:
In the decade since the events of 9/11, Muslims and Islam came to act as symbols for the putative correlation between immigration and the erosion of social cohesion in a number of Western countries, including Australia. Increasingly, immigrant integration was believed to be key to the maintenance of social cohesion and individual immigrant integration was seen as the main factor in successful integration. The Howard Government distanced itself from multicultural policies by rejecting group identities for 'ethnic' minorities, while, conversely, strengthening group identity in terms of nationalism and citizenship. Following other Western societies, the integration of Muslims in Australia became characterised as a security imperative and the responsibilities of Muslim citizens increasingly became embedded within the discourse of terrorism, where Muslim citizens are simultaneously suspected as potential terrorists and encouraged to act as community watchdogs. Politicians also came to see terrorism as something harboured within Islamic communities in Australia and Muslim lack of belonging came to be viewed as having 'cultural' and 'religious' underpinnings. As a result of the securitisation of Islam and the view that Islam and Muslims are problematic, all Muslims were characterised as potential terrorists and negative ideas and actions toward Muslims, what some have called 'Islamophobia', were normalised and justified. There has, however, been remarkably little systematic attempt to examine any continuity between broader understandings of the official definitions of belonging and how and why Muslims are viewed as incapable of belonging. This research demonstrates the links between ideas about the 'Other' and their place in Australian society and how these ideas give meaning to the ways Muslims and Islam are thought not to belong. The focus on Muslim Australians as refusing integration and challenging Australia's national identity is contextualised within the wider framework of Australian national identity, immigration policies (entry, settlement and citizenship) and the wider prevalence of 'Islamophobia' in Australia. This dissertation explicitly politicises the concept of belonging in order to demonstrate the social and political barriers to belonging for Muslim Australians. This dissertation uses Allen's (2010) concept of 'Islamophobia as ideology' to empirically examine discourses about Islam and Muslims in the House of Representatives (2000-2006). The findings indicate that deeply-entrenched views about who belongs (and who does not), and how they belong in Australia, informed parliamentary discourse on Muslims and Islam. Islamophobia in the Australian House of Representatives demonstrates the ways in which discourses about the 'Other' are systematically used to strengthen negative meaning about Islam and Muslims and to consistently present them as anathema to everything 'Australian'.
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Burnside, Bruce Snedegar. "Inclusive National Belonging - Intercultural Performances in the “World-Open” Germany." Thesis, 2020. https://doi.org/10.7916/d8-h1jc-y986.
Full textAbstract:
This dissertation explores what it means to belong in Berlin and Germany following a significant change in the citizenship laws in 2000, which legally reoriented the law away from a “German” legal identity rooted in blood-descent belonging to a more territorially-based conception. The primary goal is to understand attempts at performing inclusive belonging by the state and other actors, with mostly those of “foreign heritage” at the center, and these attempts’ pitfalls, opportunities, challenges, and strange encounters. It presents qualitative case studies to draw attention to interculturality and its related concepts as they manifest in a variety of contexts. This study presents a performance analysis of a ceremony at a major national museum project and utilizes a discursive analysis of the national and international media surrounding a unique controversy about soccer and Islam. The study moves to a peripheral neighborhood in Berlin and a marginal subject, a migration background Gymnasium student, who featured prominently in an expose about failing schools, using interviews and a text analysis to present competing narratives. Finally it examines the intimate, local view of a self-described “intercultural” after-school center aimed at migration-background girls, drawing extensively on ethnographic interviews and media generated by the girls.These qualitative encounters help illuminate how an abstract and often vague set of concepts within the intercultural paradigm becomes tactile when encountering those for whom it was intended.
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Yang, Shi-Xian, and 楊世顯. "A Study of Marine Museum Experiential Learning to Marine Issue Interest and Marine Citizenship." Thesis, 2018. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/74945g.
Full textAbstract:
碩士國立臺灣海洋大學
教育研究所
106
This study is mainly to learn from the students of the primary school in the "National Marine Science and Technology Museum" permanent exhibition hall, and then to change the degree of their marine issues interest for them marine education, and then examine the impact on their marine citizenship. This study adopts the questionnaire survey method. After the experiential learning, the school teachers will transfer research questionnaires to understand the impact of experiential learning on marine issues interest and the marine citizenship. This study applies the questionnaire survey method. After the experiential learning, the school teachers will issue research questionnaires to understand the impact of experiential learning on marine issues and the spirit of marine citizenship. A total of 400 questionnaires sent out and 394 questionnaires were collected. The questionnaires had a recovery rate of 98.5%. After removing the invalid questionnaires, the actual numbers of valid questionnaires are 325, and the questionnaire effective rate is 82.4%. Data processing was conducted in SPSS 22 and Amos 22 versions for narrative analysis, reliability analysis, confirmatory factor analysis, structural equation fitness, correlation analysis, and path analysis. The results of this study are as follows: First, marine experiential learning is positive related to the marine citizenship. Second, the marine issues interest is positive related to the marine citizenship. Third, marine experiential learning is related to marine issues interests. Fourth, Marine issues interest mediates the relationship between marine experiential learning and marine citizenship. The study suggests the following: First, the activities better recommend museum guides or educators who are familiar with the exhibition hall. Second, marine education experiential learning to promote the change of marine citizenship requires the bridge of marine interest’s knowledge. Third, the marine museum can sustain more marine experiential learning activities to enhance the marine issues interest and the effectiveness of marine citizenship. Fourth, the marine crisis is a problem that humanity needs to face considerately. The public's marine education is imperative. The following research proposals are as follows: First, explore the impact of differences in gender and the availability of reading books about marine science. Second, the marine museum's exhibition activities are diverse and can be further studied. Third, add more experimental research on marine citizenship.
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Tekelioglu, Ahmet Selim. "Negotiations of national and transnational belonging among American Muslims: community, identity and polity." Thesis, 2016. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/14559.
Full textAbstract:
This dissertation explores two inter-related questions: a) how US born Muslim Americans (converts, second generation and African American individuals) negotiate national and transnational belonging in the post- 9/11 context and b) how competing discursive practices around the concept of umma (transnational Muslim community) influence the way in which American Muslims negotiate an American-Muslim identity. The research presented in the dissertation is based on in-depth interviews and ethnographic fieldwork conducted in six ethno-racially and socio-economically diverse American Muslim communities in Boston and San Francisco Bay Area, including mosque communities, educational institutions and third-space organizations. By contrast to work focused on organized political movements, the interviews in this research focused on the way in which ordinary American Muslims give meaning to their identity as Muslims through everyday discursive practices and quotidian understandings of community, belonging, and identity.
The 22 months-long data collection reveals that rather than primarily through saliently foreign policy related or “ideological” considerations, American Muslims negotiate transnational and national belonging through i) simultaneous considerations of inclusion and exclusion in the wider American religious landscape, ii) citizenship practices that respond to voices that seek to marginalize American Muslims, and iii) through the medium of cultural belonging and identity. The discourse analysis and ethnographic fieldwork suggests that American Muslims primarily utilize cultural notions of belonging an identity rather than political considerations relating to national or international developments in giving meaning to their dual identity. The dissertation also notes some differences across and within research sites in Boston, San Francisco Bay Area and Los Angeles. American Muslims imagine themselves a particular micro-community with particular needs, priorities, and cultural outlook that is different from other Muslim populations, in both Muslim majority and minority contexts. On the other hand a hybrid set of factors, not simple political considerations, shape American Muslims’ understanding of transnational Muslim identity. This is also reflected in their internal debates about questions of inclusion and exclusion (gender- based or racial), and whether unity requires uniformity regarding contentious domestic and international developments.2018-02-01T00:00:00Z
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LU, MEI-FEN, and 盧梅芬. "Towards the Colonial History in Contact Zone:The Indigenous Citizenship in the National Museum Classification System." Thesis, 2017. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/tq5g43.
Full textAbstract:
博士國立臺灣藝術大學
藝術管理與文化政策研究所
105
Under the national museum classification system of colonialism and nationalism, indigenous citizenship faces two main issues. The first is "classification". Indigenous peoples have been excluded from national history museums and art galleries, but have become a part of natural history museums and ethnographic museums. This has created segregation (“self” and “other”) and hierarchical ranking (superior colonists/inferior indigenous peoples) among citizens. The second is "separateness of time". When a nation-state undergoes a period of prosperity and continuous evolution of civilization, indigenous people are "frozen in the past", and represented through "spectacularization" and "authenticity". This modernist epistemology covers up the "co-existence" of “self” and “other”. Another side to the progress and prosperity of a nation is national violence, such as in colonial history in the contact zone when both the colonizers and the colonized are in the same place at the same time. The research question addressed in this study is why the indigenous peoples have been absent as historical subjects in Taiwan's democratic transformation from assimilation policies to multiculturalism. This is especially interesting, as during the eight-year Chen Shui-bian administration there was support for indigenous peoples and culture. It is also important to explore this question in the deconstruction and reconstruction of the national museum classification system under the new national history project. Why has there been no representation of the colonial history in the contact zone of Taiwan (President Tsai Ing-wen's so-called “national violence history”)? In this study, subjects are national museums (including National Palace Museum, National Museum of Taiwan History) involved in the new national history project and cultural identity constructs and which claim to include indigenous peoples, and ethnic museums (National Museum of Indigenous Peoples, Austronesian Culture Park). Moreover, comparisons are made with the National Taiwan Museum's reconstruction of "Taiwan's modernity" and its neglect of colonization, the termination of the Austronesian Culture Park vs. the establishment of the National Hakka Culture Park, and the lack of institutionalization of indigenous peoples’ historic justice vs. the institutionalization of human rights of transitional justice (Green Island Human Rights Culture Park). The research question is discussed on two levels. From the top level - museum classification, this comprehensive institutional and knowledge development system is a power technique to separate “self” and “other”. This discipline, in terms of the indigenous peoples, not only functions in ethnographic museums, but also in other types of museums. The regulation and control of national history and citizen identity are not individual and isolated power techniques. They are structurally arranged and complementary. The second is the presentation of "about the other", which emphasizes the analysis of indigenous peoples in permanent exhibitions and index special exhibitions. To conclude, following Taiwan's transformation to democracy, and with the hostility between Taiwan and China, it is difficult to achieve intersubjectivity of indigenous and ethnic Chinese peoples. On the contrary, the rights of indigenous peoples have been diluted. During the process of constructing the new national history and cultural identity, the rulers have announced the inclusion of the relatively powerless indigenous peoples, who have been most deeply harmed by assimilation, to manifest the image of democracy in political power. However, in practice, the highest level of acceptance is not "the other", but the new rulers of the Hokkien ethnic group. Moreover, colonial history in the contact zone has not yet unfolded, mainly due to the inability to deconstruct the "model of identity" (pride in indigenous identity) of the 1990s, as well as the limitations of multiculturalism (beautification of indigenous culture). President Tsai's apology to the indigenous people has initiated another type of new national history narrative and brought various ethnic groups into “co-existence”. However, there is not yet the awareness that through museums colonial history in the contact zone can be institutionalized and publicized.
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Van, der Merwe Janelize. "Music education as/for artistic citizenship in the Field Band Foundation / Janelize van der Merwe." Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10394/15637.
Full textAbstract:
This study views the Field Band Foundation’s activities through the lens of artistic citizenship. The aim of this study is to create an expanded theoretical framework for music education as/for artistic citizenship by analysing the related literature and data gathered from the Field Band Foundation in the Gauteng area.
In Another Perspective: Music Education as/for Artistic Citizenship Elliott (2012a) gives practitioners three goals to realize if they wish to empower participants to achieve artistic citizenship. These three goals may be summarized as: 1) putting music to work in the community 2) infusing music with an ethic of care and 3) making music as ethical action for social justice. These three goals served as the initial compass during the conception and analysis stages of this study.
This study was designed as an instrumental case study. The eclectic data set is made up of literature, interviews, documents, visual and audio-visual data gathered from March 2013 to July 2014. Atlas.ti7 was used to analyse the data. A preliminary theoretical framework was created from the literature. In this framework each of the three themes, expressed through Elliott’s goals, are expanded to include various categories. This framework was used as a priori codes to better understand artistic citizenship as lived in the Field Band Foundation. During the analysis of the data gathered from the Field Band Foundation the categories identified in the literature was expanded to include sub-categories. After analysing the data, gathered in the Field Band Foundation, an expanded theoretical framework for artistic citizenship was
created. From the view point of artistic citizenship a community music education project, such as the Field Band Foundation, is shown to empower participants to achieve personal and communal transformation.MMus (Musicology), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2015