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Journal articles on the topic 'Musicians, Black – South Africa'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 30 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

BALLANTINE, CHRISTOPHER. "Re-thinking ‘whiteness’? Identity, change and ‘white’ popular music in post-apartheid South Africa." Popular Music 23, no. 2 (May 2004): 105–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261143004000157.

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In South Africa, the prospects for social integration were auspicious after the first democratic elections in 1994. As the popular music of the time shows, it was not only blacks who exulted in the new ‘rainbow’ euphoria: many whites did so too. But for millions of black and white citizens, this moment was short lived. The government's adoption of neo-liberal policies had severe social consequences – which it and the new elite sought to conceal behind populist calls to ‘race’ solidarity, a new racial typecasting and slurs aimed at whites in general. ‘White’ popular music has responded to these reversals in a variety of ways – including direct criticism, sharp satire, humour and the expression of ‘fugitive’ identities. Perhaps more remarkably, white musicians have stressed the need for self-reinvention in music that is ironic, unpredictable, transgressive. These songs play with malleable identities; tokens of a disdain for fixed or essential identities, they are hopeful signposts towards a more integrated future.

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2

Ballantine, Christopher. "Looking to the USA: the politics of male close-harmony song style in South Africa during the 1940s and 1950s." Popular Music 18, no. 1 (January 1999): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261143000008709.

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In South Africa of the 1950s, night-clubs frequented by blacks were dangerous places. Fights, shootings and stabbings were commonplace, and some shows even ended in riots. Gangsters were an important catalyst for such events: they terrorised musicians and patrons alike. Miriam Makeba, whose singing career began in the 1950s, remembers what it was like:[T]hese men come in, sit in front, and pull out their bottles. They put these before them on the table. Then they take out their guns and put these in front of them on the table, too. We are all supposed to look, and we can't help ourselves: We do. They are like actors, these gangsters, although they do not play. In South Africa, movies are taken very seriously, and there is a movie in the cinemas now in which Richard Widmark plays a hoodlum. They call him Styles, and he dresses up in a hat, a belted jacket, and those Florsheim shoes. The black gangsters go out and dress just like him. In the movie, Richard Widmark eats an apple after each of his crimes. So, all the African hoodlums have gone and gotten apples, too. I see them right there on the tables between the bottles and the guns. (Makeba 1988, p. 49)

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3

JOHNSON-WILLIAMS, ERIN. "The Examiner and the Evangelist: Authorities of Music and Empire, c.1894." Journal of the Royal Musical Association 145, no. 2 (November 2020): 317–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rma.2020.16.

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AbstractIn the 1890s, two musicians travelled between Britain and South Africa. One was the first examiner to travel abroad to examine for the Associated Board of the Royal Schools of Music, Franklin Taylor. At the same time as Taylor’s arrival in the Cape in 1894, a black South African composer, John Knox Bokwe, prepared to republish a tonic sol-fa hymnal containing many hymns that eventually became popular in Britain, to which Bokwe travelled multiple times. Although these narratives might appear to reflect highly divergent contexts for musical experience, the fluctuating constructions of imperial authority encountered in the careers of both these men link their stories together more deeply than their geographical and cultural disparities set them apart. The synchronous presentation of their stories in this article thus raises questions of how music emerged as a metaphor for constructions of imperial knowledge across shifting cultural boundaries.

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4

Sykes, Tom. "Music Outside? Innovation and ‘Britishness' in British Jazz 1960-1980." European Journal of Musicology 16, no. 1 (December 31, 2017): 178–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.5450/ejm.2017.16.5786.

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The 1960s and 1970s are regarded by some historians as being particularly creative decades for jazz in Britain, when British jazz developed its own sound that was distinct from that of American jazz. While not denying that this was a creatively fruitful period in British jazz, in this paper I argue that a ‘British sound' in jazz is difficult, perhaps impossible, to define, even though some authors have referred to a sense of ‘Britishness', particularly in the work of certain musicians discussed by Ian Carr in his book Music Outside: Contemporary Jazz in Britain. Some British jazz, performed largely by white (and mostly male) musicians at this time, was influenced during the 1960s by the contribution of immigrant black musicians from South Africa and the Caribbean; at the same time, musicians such as Michael Garrick and John Surman were drawing to some extent on British folk music for inspiration. Referring to examples from the period, I suggest that although much British jazz from 1960 to 1980 was innovative and became less ‘American', development of its styles was affected by many musical, cultural and political factors. To what extent this music sounds ‘British' is debatable, but its influence has led to the pluralism of jazz styles in Britain that continues today.

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5

Dunkel, Mario. "“It Should Always Be a Give-and-Take”." European Journal of Musicology 16, no. 1 (December 31, 2017): 191–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.5450/ejm.2017.16.5787.

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The 1960s and 1970s are regarded by some historians as being particularly creative decades for jazz in Britain, when British jazz developed its own sound that was distinct from that of American jazz. While not denying that this was a creatively fruitful period in British jazz, in this paper I argue that a ‘British sound' in jazz is difficult, perhaps impossible, to define, even though some authors have referred to a sense of ‘Britishness', particularly in the work of certain musicians discussed by Ian Carr in his book Music Outside: Contemporary Jazz in Britain. Some British jazz, performed largely by white (and mostly male) musicians at this time, was influenced during the 1960s by the contribution of immigrant black musicians from South Africa and the Caribbean; at the same time, musicians such as Michael Garrick and John Surman were drawing to some extent on British folk music for inspiration. Referring to examples from the period, I suggest that although much British jazz from 1960 to 1980 was innovative and became less ‘American', development of its styles was affected by many musical, cultural and political factors. To what extent this music sounds ‘British' is debatable, but its influence has led to the pluralism of jazz styles in Britain that continues today.

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6

Ballantine, Christopher. "EDMUND “NTEMI” PILISO JAZZING THROUGH DEFEAT AND TRIUMPH: AN INTERVIEW by." African Music: Journal of the International Library of African Music 10, no. 4 (November 22, 2018): 144–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.21504/amj.v10i4.2237.

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Associated with the local swing style usually described as African jazz, Edmund “Ntemi” Piliso was one of the most highly regarded, frequently recorded, extensively consulted and best known South African musicians of the twentieth century. Renowned for his deep knowledge of the urban black South African popular music of his time, as well as for his reflexively intelligent insights into its relationship with mainstream international jazz, he is perhaps more appropriately thought of as an “organic intellectual” of his time, place, and musical culture. The article introduces Piliso and then presents a wide-ranging interview dealing with his life and work. Piliso recounts this history, offering numerous insights into many of the key social, political, and musical developments of his time.

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7

Gibson, Dylan Lawrence. "The impact of the fostering of European industry and Victorian national feeling on African music knowledge systems: Considering possible positive implications." Journal of European Popular Culture 10, no. 2 (October 1, 2019): 97–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jepc_00003_1.

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The European (Victorian) missionary influence on traditional African music in South Africa is largely seen in a negative light and not much focus is placed on possible positive implications. This article therefore serves to explore how external European influences, harnessed by some African musicians, partially aided in preserving and generating conceivably ‘new’ Euro-African hybrid traditional music genres – while at the same time preserving some fragmented forms of indigenous music knowledge for future generations. In general, the ultimate aim for the European missionaries was to allow Africans to, in effect, colonize ‘themselves’ by using their influence of Victorian (British nationalist) religion, education, technology, music and language as a means to socially ‘improve’ and ‘tame’ the ‘wild’ Africans. However, specifically with reference to music, African composers and arrangers – despite this colonizing influence – occasionally retained a musical ‘uniqueness’. John Knox Bokwe, an important figure in what can be termed the ‘Black Intellect’ movement, displays this sense of African musical uniqueness. His arrangement of ‘Ntsikana’s Bell’, preserved for future generations in the Victorian style of notation (or a version thereof), best illustrates the remnants of a popular cultural African indigenous musical quality that has been combined with the European cultural tonic sol-fa influence. Furthermore, the establishment of the popular cultural ‘Cape coloured voices’ also serves to illustrate one dimension of the positive implications that the fostering of European industry (industrialized developments) and Victorian national feeling/nationalism left behind. This is largely because this choral genre can be termed as a distinctly ‘new’ African style that contains missionary influence but that still retains an exclusive African quality.

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8

Cimbala, Paul A. "Black Musicians from Slavery to Freedom: An Exploration of an African-American Folk Elite and Cultural Continuity in the Nineteenth-Century Rural South." Journal of Negro History 80, no. 1 (January 1995): 15–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2717704.

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9

Muller, Carol A. "Why Jazz? South Africa 2019." Daedalus 148, no. 2 (April 2019): 115–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_01747.

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I consider the current state of jazz in South Africa in response to the formation of the nation-state in the 1990s. I argue that while there is a recurring sense of the precarity of jazz in South Africa as measured by the short lives of jazz venues, there is nevertheless a vibrant jazz culture in which musicians are using their own studios to experiment with new ways of being South African through the freedom of association of people and styles forming a music that sounds both local and comfortable in its sense of place in the global community. This essay uses the words of several South African musicians and concludes by situating the artistic process of South African artist William Kentridge in parallel to jazz improvisation.

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10

McNeill, Fraser G. "MAKING MUSIC, MAKING MONEY: INFORMAL MUSICAL PRODUCTION AND PERFORMANCE IN VENDA, SOUTH AFRICA." Africa 82, no. 1 (January 19, 2012): 93–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000197201100074x.

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ABSTRACTThis article presents an ethnographic analysis of the popular economy of informal musical production in the Venda region of South Africa. It focuses on the activities surrounding the Burnin' Shak Studio, a recording house that specializes in reggae music. Reliant on second-hand computers, pirated software, borrowed instruments, networks of trust and cycles of debt, musicians and producers in the Burnin' Shak occupy a distinctly peripheral position in South Africa's music industry. Unlike artists in the formal sphere of musical production, who sign deals with specific record labels, musicians in the informal sector seek out sponsors – usually young local businessmen – to fund their recordings with local producers. Marketing and distribution is the sole responsibility of the artist and the sponsor, who often develop a ‘patron–client’ relationship. And yet whilst the artists' entrepreneurial activity often earns them significant airplay on local radio stations, and associated cultural capital, the financial benefits are slim. In order to convert their cultural capital into cash, musicians in the informal sector must compete in the market for performances at government-sponsored shows. These shows are well funded by lucrative tenders, but they present musicians with a double-edged sword. To secure a contract with tender holders – or to entertain hopes of regular paid performances – musicians must ensure that these performances do not express critical political sentiment. As purveyors of a genre renowned for its critical social commentary, reggae musicians are particularly affected by this expectation of self-censorship. Informal musical production in the post-apartheid era thus affords musicians little artistic freedom. Rather, whilst the products of this culture industry may appear to be part of a ‘secondary’ economy, removed from the spheres of formalized production and control, they are in fact regulated and standardized through the process of tender allocation.

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11

Thorpe, Michael, and Jane Watts. "Black Writers from South Africa." World Literature Today 64, no. 4 (1990): 689. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40147062.

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12

Hillman, Jeffrey C. "Black Engineers in South Africa." Industry and Higher Education 7, no. 3 (September 1993): 141–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/095042229300700303.

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The need for South African industry to attract black engineers has necessitated its involvement in their university preparation. This article describes a pre-university course for black engineering students at the University of the Witwatersrand. A summary of its alumni's results to date is provided together with some comparative data.

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13

Steadman, Ian. "Black theatre in South Africa." Wasafiri 9, no. 19 (March 1994): 26–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02690059408574341.

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14

BARENDSE, WILLIAM. "Being black in South Africa." Nature 344, no. 6266 (April 1990): 484. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/344484a0.

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15

WATSON, JOHN GILLARD. "Being black in South Africa." Nature 344, no. 6266 (April 1990): 484. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/344484b0.

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16

Latakgomo, Joe. "Black Politics in South Africa Today." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 18, no. 2 (1990): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1166376.

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17

Heese, Karen. "Black Economic Empowerment in South Africa." Journal of Corporate Citizenship 2003, no. 12 (December 1, 2003): 93–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.9774/gleaf.4700.2003.wi.00010.

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18

DIGBY, ANNE. "EARLY BLACK DOCTORS IN SOUTH AFRICA." Journal of African History 46, no. 3 (November 2005): 427–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853705000836.

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The article adopts the approach of a group biography in discussing the careers and ambitions of early black South African doctors selecting both those trained abroad, and the first cohorts trained within South Africa who graduated at the Universities of Cape Town and the Witwatersrand from 1945–6. It focuses on the ambiguities involved, by looking at tensions between professional altruism and entrepreneurialism in pursuing a medical career, as well as that between self-interest and selflessness in attempting to balance the requirements of a medical practice against those involved in political leadership. The paper highlights the significance of the political leadership given by black doctors in the mid-twentieth century and indicates the price paid for this in loss of medical resources under the apartheid regime. Two annexes provide original data on the medical and political contributions of individuals.

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19

Latakgomo, Joe. "Black Politics in South Africa Today." Issue 18, no. 2 (1990): 11–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700501073.

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The political scene in South Africa today is perhaps one of the most complex in the modern world. The easiest analysis would be to have the white minority government on the one hand, and the back resistance and liberation organizations ranged against it on the other. Unfortunately, it is not that easy. The white minority itself is torn by divisions and differences in ideology, with essentially two divisions into the right-wing and the centrists. Both camps, however, are themselves divided into various notches on the scale to the right, but never beyond to the left of centrist. That position has been reserved for black politics, which is also positioned at various points on the scale to the left.

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20

Latakgomo, Joe. "Black Politics in South Africa Today." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 18, no. 2 (1990): 11–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1548450500003851.

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The political scene in South Africa today is perhaps one of the most complex in the modern world. The easiest analysis would be to have the white minority government on the one hand, and the back resistance and liberation organizations ranged against it on the other. Unfortunately, it is not that easy. The white minority itself is torn by divisions and differences in ideology, with essentially two divisions into the right-wing and the centrists. Both camps, however, are themselves divided into various notches on the scale to the right, but never beyond to the left of centrist. That position has been reserved for black politics, which is also positioned at various points on the scale to the left.

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21

Meldrum, Andrew. "South Africa on Trial." Current History 105, no. 691 (May 1, 2006): 209–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2006.105.691.209.

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22

Farred, Grant. "Unity and Difference in Black South Africa." Social Text, no. 31/32 (1992): 217. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/466227.

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23

Hirschmann, David. "The Black Consciousness Movement in South Africa." Journal of Modern African Studies 28, no. 1 (March 1990): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00054203.

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Black politics in South Africa changed dramatically after 1976. It spread far and fast, with black organisations multiplying at all kinds of levels. The African National Congress (A.N.C.) returned and the United Democratic Front (U.D.F.) emerged. The trade unions strengthened considerably and black youths demonstrated their power. Ideologies changed and evolved. Yet at the same time as the movement broadened and deepened its hold on black people, internal divisions grew more intense. Organisational, ideological, and strategic differences became more bitter, and leaders continued to accuse each other of betraying the struggle.

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24

Kandela, Peter. "South Africa THE TRAINING OF BLACK DOCTORS." Lancet 327, no. 8473 (January 1986): 146–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0140-6736(86)92276-2.

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25

Saunders, S. J. "TRAINING OF BLACK DOCTORS IN SOUTH AFRICA." Lancet 327, no. 8479 (March 1986): 505. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0140-6736(86)92966-1.

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26

Ross, Robert, and Tom Lodge. "Black Politics in South Africa since 1945." International Journal of African Historical Studies 18, no. 2 (1985): 369. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/217773.

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27

Suransky-Dekker, A. CAROLINE. "Portraits of Black schooling in South Africa." International Journal of Qualitative Studies in Education 11, no. 2 (April 1998): 291–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/095183998236773.

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28

Makino, Kumiko. "The Black Consciousness Movement in South Africa." Journal of African Studies 1997, no. 50 (1997): 3–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.11619/africa1964.1997.3.

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29

Drewett, Wendy. "LIBRARIES AND EDUCATION IN BLACK SOUTH AFRICA." New Library World 89, no. 12 (December 1988): 225–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/eb038763.

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30

McGee, Holly Y., Shameka Neely-fairbanks, Tristen Hall, and Jayni Walker. "South Africa and the Black American Imaginary." Contexts 20, no. 2 (May 2021): 48–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/15365042211012071.

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For the author and photographer of this photo essay—a well-rounded southern woman who has traveled to more than 17 countries—there was something different yet very familiar about South Africa. This essay follows a group on a cultural immersion trip from Cincinnati, Ohio, throughout several cities in South Africa over five weeks.

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31

Harris, Betty. "Black America and Black South Africa : Ideology and Political Economy." Présence Africaine 142, no. 2 (1987): 93. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/presa.142.0093.

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32

Stolp, Mareli. "New Music for New South Africans: The New Music Indabas in South Africa, 2000–02." Journal of the Royal Musical Association 143, no. 1 (2018): 211–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02690403.2018.1434354.

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ABSTRACTThis article explores the content, scope and impact of an annual contemporary music festival in South Africa, the first of which was presented in 2000 by New Music South Africa (NMSA), the South African chapter of the International Society for Contemporary Music (ISCM). It explores the New Music Indabas of 2000–02 against the background of the political and cultural transformations that characterized South Africa, especially in the aftermath of the end of apartheid. Research into the archive of NMSA provided an entry point into understanding South African cultural, social and political life in the early years of the country's democracy. The ‘separate development’ rhetoric of the totalitarian apartheid regime, in power from 1948 to 1994, prevented cultural exchange and connection between musics and musicians in South Africa for decades; this article explores the ways in which the New Music Indabas attempted to right these historical imbalances, and to forge new directions for South African art-music production and practice.

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33

Durrant, Colin. "Cultural exchanges: contrasts and perceptions of young musicians." British Journal of Music Education 20, no. 1 (March 2003): 73–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265051702005223.

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This article focuses on young musicians' perceptions of their musical and cultural experiences while on a tour of South Africa during the summer of 2000. The young musicians were asked to keep journals throughout the tour in order to be able to recall their reactions and feelings about their various experiences. The comments, particularly the written ones from the young musicians, vividly display the impact of such experiences on their musical and emotional life. While conclusions are incomplete, some implications for the nature of cultural exchange and understanding and music education in general are put forward.

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34

Ngcobo, Lauretta, and Susheila Nafta. "Motherlands: Black Women's Writing from Africa, the Caribbean and South Africa." Agenda, no. 13 (1992): 65. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4065615.

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35

Johns, Sheridan, and Andre Odendaal. "Black Protest Politics in South Africa to 1912." American Historical Review 91, no. 1 (February 1986): 165. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1867346.

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36

Nyeko, Balam, and Andre Odendaal. "Black Protest Politics in South Africa to 1912." International Journal of African Historical Studies 18, no. 4 (1985): 743. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/218819.

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37

Michalko, Ján. "The new black middle class in South Africa." African Affairs 117, no. 469 (September 14, 2018): 715–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/ady044.

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38

BREWER, JOHN D. "Move Your Shadow: South Africa Black and White." African Affairs 85, no. 340 (July 1986): 476. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a097812.

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39

Lemon, Anthony. "The New Black Middle Class in South Africa." Round Table 106, no. 2 (March 4, 2017): 241–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00358533.2017.1299482.

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40

MacDonald, Michael. "The new black middle class in South Africa." Cambridge Review of International Affairs 30, no. 4 (July 4, 2017): 439–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09557571.2018.1433808.

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41

IV, William B. Gould. "The Emergence of Black Unions in South Africa." Journal of Law and Religion 5, no. 2 (1987): 495. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1051244.

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42

Ball, J., and A. L. Wlodarski. "The Black Liberation Mosaic: South Africa and Mississippi." Oral History Review 38, no. 1 (April 12, 2011): 109–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ohr/ohr045.

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43

Koopman, Nico. "Reformed Theology in South Africa: Black? Liberating? Public?" Journal of Reformed Theology 1, no. 3 (2007): 294–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156973107x250987.

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AbstractThis paper discusses the inherent public nature of Reformed theology and demonstrates how Reformed theology informed and enriched the discourses of black theology, liberation theology, and public theology in both apartheid and post-apartheid South Africa. Black, Reformed theologian Allan Boesak emphasized the reign of the Triune God in all walks of life. Reformed theologian John De Gruchy cherished the central notion in Reformed theology that God especially identifies with the poor, wronged, and most vulnerable. Finally, Reformed theologian Dirkie Smit demonstrates how Reformed theology assists the development of public theology by focusing, on the one hand, on the rich Christian confessional tradition, and on the other hand, by participating in pluralistic public debates on the basis of this rich tradition. Based on this discussion, some lessons for the development of public theology from the Reformed tradition are spelled out.

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44

Okhamafe, E. Imafedia. "South Africa: A Story in Black and White." Black Scholar 16, no. 6 (November 1985): 18–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00064246.1985.11414369.

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45

Khaba, Busisiwe. "The New Black Middle Class in South Africa." Politikon 44, no. 3 (September 2, 2017): 470–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02589346.2017.1355016.

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46

Southall, Roger. "The ANC & black capitalism in South Africa." Review of African Political Economy 31, no. 100 (September 1, 2004): 313–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0305624042000262310.

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47

Schlemmer, Laurie. "Disinvestment and black worker attitudes in South Africa." Review of African Political Economy 14, no. 38 (April 1987): 77–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03056248708703716.

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48

Brooke, Peter. "Radio Soundings: South Africa and the Black Modern." South African Historical Journal 72, no. 3 (July 2, 2020): 546–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02582473.2020.1802505.

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49

Crewe, J. "Black Hamlet: Psychoanalysis on Trial in South Africa." Poetics Today 22, no. 2 (June 1, 2001): 413–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/03335372-22-2-413.

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50

Collis-Buthelezi, Victoria J. "The Case for Black Studies in South Africa." Black Scholar 47, no. 2 (April 3, 2017): 7–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00064246.2017.1295349.

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