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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Music and diplomacy – History'

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Published: 10 March 2023

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1

Kube, Sven. "Born in the U.S.A. / Made in the G.D.R.: Anglo-American Popular Music and the Westernization of a Communist Record Market." FIU Digital Commons, 2018. https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3656.

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Scholars from various disciplines have demonstrated that popular culture factored significantly in Cold War contestation. As a pervasive form of cultural content and unifying medium for baby boomers worldwide, pop music played an important part in the power struggle between the era’s two adversarial camps. Historical studies of the past thirty years have identified initiatives of cultural diplomacy, from radio broadcasting to live concert tours, as key to disseminating Western music in Eastern Bloc societies. This project explains how cultural commerce across the divide of the Iron Curtain familiarized millions of music fans in the German Democratic Republic (GDR) with popular sounds from the United States, the United Kingdom, and other Western democracies. Detailing a process that affected all Bloc states in similar ways, it seeks to enrich the scholarly discourse on the role of pop culture in the twentieth century’s defining ideological conflict. Through analysis of previously unavailable or inaccessible sources, the dissertation reconstructs the economic development of a communist culture industry and measures the commercial significance of Western commodities in one Eastern Bloc marketplace. Drawing on untapped archival files, it traces the evolution of Deutsche Schallplatten (German Records) from a small private firm into a flagship enterprise on the GDR’s cultural circuit. It illuminates how dependency on technology and resources from capitalist countries prompted East Germany’s managers to prioritize the westward export of classical recordings for the purpose of earning hard currencies. Based on oral histories of contemporary witnesses, it documents how the Amiga label through the parent company’s business ties to capitalist partners advanced the import of Western jazz, blues, rock, pop, and dance music to exhaust the purchasing power of the home audience. Empirically evaluating formerly classified production data for a total of 143 million records, it reveals how the state-owned monopolist engineered a de facto takeover of the domestic marketplace by American, British, and West German performers to achieve high profitability. The dissertation argues that intensifying Westernization of its walled-in music market exemplified the GDR’s decision to concede the Cold War battle over cultural preferences and political loyalties of its citizens out of economic necessity.
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2

Kralli, Ioanna. "Early Hellenistic Athens : leadership and diplomacy." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.338994.

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3

Mayo-Bobee, Dinah. "War and Diplomacy in the Early Republic." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2016. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/738.

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4

Clayton, Roderick. "Diplomats and diplomacy in London, 1667-1672." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.307360.

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5

McCollister, Robert Jarrett. "Summit diplomacy : the consequences of cold war summits /." The Ohio State University, 1992. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487776801319461.

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6

Button, Lee. "German Foreign Policy & Diplomacy 1890-1906." TopSCHOLAR®, 1990. https://digitalcommons.wku.edu/theses/2206.

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From 1871 to 1914, Germany experienced its first taste of world power and the failure of controlling and retaining that power. German power after 1871 had sought only a dominance of continental politics and a maintenance of a status quo in Europe favorable to Germany. Following 1890, however, the German course deviated to include a vision of world power. German foreign policy until 1890 was based on two things: hegemonic control of the heart of Europe and the force of will of one man, Otto von Bismarck. Yet despite relative control of the European situation and a cautious and able statesman at the helm, Germany was quickly intoxicated by its new power as much as reacting against the almost oppressive control of Bismarck. By all measures, the German appetite for power was growing faster than ordinary diplomatic conquests could satisfy it. The need for instant gratification caused a recklessness in foreign policy and diplomacy best characterized by Krisepolitik, or crisis diplomacy. This dilemma not only resulted from a growing appetite for power, but also from a lack of understanding of international politics. The European reaction to the new German aggressiveness and to the lack of direction in German policy was one of suspicion. With the cancellation of the Reinsurance Treaty with Russian in 1890, every German move was viewed by increasingly hostile eyes. Axes of power began to form which much threatened the growing world power of Germany, a Germany which saw the need to contest the powers on as many points as possible, while avoiding war, to retain its power in the 1890s and the first years of the twentieth century.
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Maddox, William Stuart. "The Quiet Diplomacy: President Eisenhower and Dien Bien Phu." W&M ScholarWorks, 1990. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625626.

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8

Maxson, Brian. "Claiming Byzantium: Papal Diplomacy, Biondo Flavio, and the Fourth Crusade." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2013. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/6176.

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The humanist Biondo wrote three different narratives of the Fourth Crusade aimed at establishing the legitimacy of western claims to lands in the east. Biondo had played an integral part in the ephemeral reunification of the Greek and Latin Churches at the Council of Florence in July 1439. Biondo blamed the Greeks for the failure and thus did not mourn the loss of their empire to the Ottoman Turks in 1453. However, Biondo did urge several states in the Italian Peninsula to set out en mass to fight the Turks. He viewed the fall of Constantinople as an opportunity for the Latin West to reestablish its rightful empire in the east. He explicated this opinion in at least two different treatises dedicated to rulers shortly after the fall of the ancient city. To Alfonso of Aragon, Biondo argued that the King could establish a peaceful and prosperous extension of his maritime holdings to include a fallen empire with no legal ruler. To the Venetians, he presented the Fourth Crusade as a glorious victory that established their legal claim to rule the now-lost remnants of the Byzantine Empire. Biondo shaped his source material of the Fourth Crusade into an historical narrative that made this primary argument and urged powerful rulers in the Italian peninsula to take back what was rightfully theirs.
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Maxson, Brian Jeffrey. "Expressions of Power in Diplomacy in Fifteenth-Century Florence." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2017. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/2665.

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10

Maxson, Brian. "The Certame Coronario, Ritual, and Diplomacy in Fifteenth-Century Florence." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2014. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/6224.

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11

Beacom, Robert John Aaron. "The new diplomacy? : British foreign relations and the Olympic Movement." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.269814.

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12

Mills, Penny Brundage. "Diplomatic recognition as coercive diplomacy: The inter-American experience." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/284316.

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This work examines U.S. recognition policy toward governments obtaining power through extra-legal means (coup d'etat or revolution). The purpose of the research is to evaluate the effectiveness of withholding diplomatic recognition as an instrument of U.S. foreign policy. Through empirical analysis of U.S. recognition policy toward Latin American states (1913-1994), the research determines if the withholding of diplomatic recognition enabled the United States to influence the behavior and policies of target governments, under what conditions the strategy is successful, and what conditions influence the U.S. to withhold recognition. Withholding recognition is treated as a bargaining strategy intended to elicit a desired response from the target state in exchange for diplomatic recognition by the United States. An analytical framework derived from the coercive diplomacy model, developed by Alexander George, is used to evaluate policy effectiveness. The intent is not only to determine if the U.S. recognition strategy succeeded or failed but also to identify conditions conducive to successful use of the policy in order to guide contemporary foreign policy choices.
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Smith, Robert Wilmer. "A Republican Abroad: John Adams and the Diplomacy of the American Revolution." W&M ScholarWorks, 1991. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625694.

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14

Deery, Phyllis Anne 1967. "The indigenous international diplomacy of Indian Territory." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/278023.

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Because of the removal policy of the American government, Indian Territory was made the new home of over thirty Indian nations, including the Five Civilized Tribes of the Southeast. In an effort to stabilize and maintain peaceful and helpful relations between these immigrant nations over fifty international councils were called throughout the history of this territory. During the 1870's, the delegates of the nations attending the Okmulgee Council also attempted to form a confederacy. These circumstances provide an excellent microcosm of Native American internationalism, and by analyzing the nature of the diplomacy that occurred among these nations this thesis will propose a pattern or model that will hopefully be useful in understanding the international relations that occurred between the indigenous nations over the last 500 years.
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15

Bidgood, Lee. "History of Bluegrass Music." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2012. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/1087.

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16

Bidgood, Lee. "Bluegrass Music in History." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2012. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/1085.

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17

Maxson, Brian. "In the Presence of Mine Enemies: Pope Martin V, Florence, Diplomats, and Diplomacy." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2011. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/6222.

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18

Maxson, Brian. "The Many Shades of Praise: Politics and Panegyrics in Fifteenth-Century Florentine Diplomacy." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2011. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/6187.

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Fifteenth-century diplomatic protocol required the city of Florence to send diplomats to congratulate both new and militarily victorious rulers. Diplomats on such missions poured praise on their triumphant allies and new rulers at friendly locations. However, political realities also meant that these diplomats would sometimes have to praise rulers whose accession or victory opposed Florentine interests. Moreover, different allies and enemies required different levels of praise. Jealous rulers compared the gifts, status, and oratory that they received from Florence to the Florentine entourages sent to their neighbors. Sending diplomats with too little or too much social status and eloquence could spell diplomatic disaster. Diplomats met these challenges by varying the style, structure, and content of their speeches. Far from formulaic pronouncements of goodwill, diplomatic orations varied from one speech to the next in order to meet the demands of the complex diplomatic world into which they fit. Contextualizing these orations reveals the subtle reservations of diplomats praising a hostile ruler, the insertion of specific citations to flatter specific audiences, and the changing intellectual and stylistic interests of humanists throughout the fifteenth century. This essay will examine the different shades of flattery practiced by Florentine diplomats and the contexts that explain these variations.
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19

Jones, Joseph L. "Hegemonic rhythms: The role of Hip-Hop music in 21st century American Public diplomacy." DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 2009. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/94.

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This research addressed two areas of interest: the contemporary role of American public diplomacy in the post-9/11 world and the formal and informal role of hip-hop music in 21st century American public diplomacy. This study examined the formal and informal role of hip-hop music in American public diplomacy to determine the degree to which the U.S. government is formally employing hip-hop music as a tool for public diplomacy. The researcher hypothesized that the U.S. government uses hip-hop music as means to champion its foreign policy objectives and American democratic values vis-à vis cultural imperialism. This study employed the case study model as its principal research method and used three data analysis techniques: content analysis, process model analysis, and voice analysis. The conclusion whether hip-hop reflects or champions American cultural imperialism is mixed. From a formal perspective, the answer is no for three reasons: the stated objectives of the Rhythm Road program, the types of artists that are chosen to serve as cultural diplomats, and the prior existence of hip-hop communities throughout the world. On the other hand, when considering informal hip-hop diplomacy from an economic and political perspective, it is feasible to argue that it does reflect what James Petras describes as American cultural imperialism. In the final analysis, the researcher concludes that the U.S. government does in fact practice and promote cultural imperialism vis-à-vis public diplomacy: however, the use of hip-hop music in the formal process plays no significant role in this process.
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20

House, Christina Susanna. "Eugenio Pacelli: His Diplomacy Prior to His Pontificate and Its Lingering Results." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1308272248.

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21

O'Connell, Kaete Mary. "Weapon of War, Tool of Peace: U.S. Food Diplomacy in Postwar Germany." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2019. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/574976.

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History
Ph.D.
This dissertation examines U.S. food diplomacy in occupied Germany. It argues that the origins of food aid as an anti-communist strategy are located in postwar Germany. Believing a punitive occupation was the best insurance against future conflict, Allied leadership agreed to enforce a lower standard of living on Germany and did not allow relief agencies to administer aid to German civilians. Facing a growing crisis in the U.S. Zone, President Truman authorized food imports and permitted voluntary agencies to operate in 1946. This decision changed the tenor of the occupation and provided the foundation to an improved U.S.-German relationship. It also underscored the value of American food power in the emerging contest with the Soviet Union. Food served as a source of soft power. It bridged cultures and fostered new relationships while reinforcing notions of American exceptionalism. Officials recognized that humanitarian aid complemented foreign policy objectives. American economic security was reflected in their abundance of food, and the dispersal of this food to war-torn Europe, especially a former enemy, made a strong statement about the future. As relations with the Soviet Union soured, policymakers increasingly relied on American food power to encourage German embrace of western values. Occupation officials portrayed food relief as an expression of democratic ideals, emphasizing the universality of Freedom from Want and focusing on well-nourished German children as the hope for future peace. American food fostered the spread of liberal democracy but its dispersal also contained communism. This work bridges diplomatic history and food studies to investigate the consequences and significance of the transnational food exchange. Food aid had layered political, cultural, and emotional implications. Adopting an interdisciplinary approach, this dissertation examines the role of compassion in diplomacy and the symbolism inherent in food to demonstrate the lasting political currency of humanitarian aid. Paying close attention to the food relationships that emerge between Germans and Americans allows one to better gauge the value of U.S. food aid as a propaganda tool. Food embodies American power; it offers a medium for understanding the experience and internalization of the occupation by Americans and Germans alike. Food aid began as emergency relief in 1946, reflecting the transition from a punitive to rehabilitative occupation policy. Recognizing Germany’s need for stability and self-sufficiency Military Government officials then urged economic recovery. Food aid was an important piece for German economic recovery, with supporters emphasizing Germany’s potential contribution toward European recovery. The positive press generated by the Marshall Plan and Allied airlift of Berlin contributed to the growing significance of propaganda in the emerging Cold War. Food relief was both good policy and good public relations, providing a narrative that cast the United States as a benevolent power in a rapidly changing world. Food aid to Germany underscored America’s humanitarian obligations, conscripted emotion into the Cold War, and swayed public opinion on the home front and with the former enemy.
Temple University--Theses
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22

Maxson, Brian Jeffrey. "Diplomatic Oratory." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2017. https://www.amzn.com/0888445660.

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Book Summary:Diplomacy has never been a politically neutral field of historical research, even when it was confined to merely reconstructing the context of wars and revolutions. Since the nineteenth century, Renaissance Italy has been at the forefront of scholarship on diplomacy; today, with increasing awareness of the long history of the subject as well as a broader spectrum of case studies, the study of Italian diplomacy has become sophisticated and highly articulated, offering scholars many new directions for further exploration. During the period c. 1350–c. 1520 covered by the present volume, diplomatic sources became extremely rich and abundant. This sourcebook presents a selection of primary materials, both published and unpublished, which are mostly unavailable to English readers: a broad range of diplomatic sources, thematically organized, are introduced, translated, and annotated by an international team of leading scholars of the Italian Renaissance. The aim of this volume is to illustrate the richness of diplomatic documents both for the study of diplomacy itself as well as for other areas of historical investigation, such as gender and sexuality, crime and justice, art and leisure, and medicine.
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23

Maxson, Brian Jeffrey. "Book Review of The Black Prince of Florence." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2017. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/2679.

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24

Ishii, Noriyuki. "Japan be Number One Internationalism and History of Japanese Diplomacy, 1853-2006." Thesis, Department of History, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/8826.

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This thesis engages with two bodies of scholarship: Japanese diplomacy and internationalism. Japan’s interaction with the international community and how it started and developed in the course of history is analysed. It is argued that Japanese leaders had strived to grant Japan a just place in the world. Their path, however, was not a straightforward one. The problems caused by identity issues, a West-centric world order, and the concept of ‘honour’ muddled the Japanese attempt. The words and practices of key figures were examined to illustrate the comprehensive development of Japanese diplomacy and internationalism between 1853 and 2006.
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25

Smith, Robert W. "Keeping the republic: Ideology and the diplomacy of John Adams, James Madison and John Quincy Adams." W&M ScholarWorks, 1997. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539623906.

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This dissertation explores the extent to which the political ideology that formed the basis for the American republic shaped American diplomacy, using John Adams, James Madison and John Quincy Adams as case studies. American statesmen drew on a variety of sources for republican principles of diplomacy. The law of nations and the Scottish political economists supplied the ideas of an international balance of power and freedom of trade. English writers of the Opposition Whig school provided concepts such as political separation from Europe, reliance on a navy for defense, abhorrence of a standing army and, indirectly, the belief that the United States could use its economic power to secure its diplomatic goals.;John Adams began his career with a high degree of confidence in the virtue of the American people and the coercive power of American trade. He combined a classical martial ethic with an Opposition whig strategic sense. Adams's experience in Europe disproved these beliefs, and as president he fell back on the republican realpolitik, based on naval power and separation from Europe, suggested by the Opposition Whig school.;James Madison never held out a classical model of virtue and never lost faith in the coercive power of American commerce. His combination of political economy with Opposition thought led him to reject both an army and a navy as monarchical tools of diplomacy. He saw the Constitution as a vehicle for harnessing American economic power. Madison's conception of a republican diplomacy led him, as secretary of state and president, to rely on the Embargo and similar economic measures.;John Quincy Adams combined republican realpolitik with a sense of Christian purpose and saw American government and diplomacy as a vehicle for moral improvement. Adams's republic rested on a continental union and a diplomacy directed against European colonization, as a manifestation of monarchy. Non-colonization included removing Spain as a neighbor in North America, preventing European political encroachment in the Western Hemisphere, and securing a hemisphere-wide consensus on neutral rights. as a congressman and critic of slavery-driven expansion, Adams demonstrated the persistence of Opposition Whig thought in American politics.
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26

Esposito, Karina Faria Garcia. "Naval Diplomacy and the Making of an Unwritten Alliance| United States-Brazilian Naval Relations, 1893-1930." Thesis, West Virginia University, 2017. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10270031.

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This dissertation explores U.S.-Brazilian relations through the prism of naval diplomacy between 1893 and 1930. Broadly, this dissertation explains the growth of U.S. naval involvement in Brazil, emphasizing the motives of Brazilian and American policymakers, and the role of naval officers in strengthening bilateral relations. This study begins by examining the Brazilian Navy Revolt of 1893-94, contextualizing it within the formative years of the Brazilian Republic, while discussing U.S. naval intervention in the conflict. It then explores U.S.-Brazilian naval relations in the early twentieth century, explaining the growing association between the two countries’ navies after the turn of the century. That collaboration culminated in cooperation during World War I, and with the establishment of an American Navy Commission to teach at the Brazilian Naval War College. Finally, this dissertation explores the dynamics of the U.S. Navy Mission in Brazil during the first formative years after its establishment in 1922. Introducing naval diplomacy to the historiography of U.S.-South American relations illuminates the origins of American influence in Brazil, including the crucial role of Brazilians in pursuing closer ties, as well as the development of a U.S. policy focused on reducing European influence, promoting regional security, and increasing U.S. commercial power in the region.

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Lai, Keshia Shu-Hui. "Mormons in the Lion City: Grassroots Diplomacy on Race, Gender, and Family, 1968-1995." The Ohio State University, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1500464012301894.

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28

Metsner, Michael. "Grassroots Diplomacy: American Cold War Travelers and the Making of a Popular Detente, 1958-1972." Case Western Reserve University School of Graduate Studies / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=case15230271471541.

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29

Sundman, Willhelm. "SWEDEN IN THE UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL : Influence and history in high-table diplomacy." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-354835.

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The Swedish state has participated as an elected member of the United Nations Security Council three times and is entering their fourth. The UNSC is an old institution that is not equal to what powers the states within it has. The permanent states, the victors from the second world war, have a more prominent role in the council and do not have to be elected every two years as the other states that want to be a part of the council. The cost of for small states like Sweden to be a part of the council can be quite large, but in financial means and as a time-consuming task for the foreign department. Therefore, it is essential to know if the time spent in the council for a state like Sweden amounts to something in the sense of influence over the outcome. This bears the question if Sweden has used and is using its membership in the UNSC in an effective manner. By looking at the official documentation by the foreign department and interviewing former diplomats about Sweden’s role in the UNSC during these periods this thesis analyses the way that Sweden has acted before. Furthermore, the thesis also looks at the first five weeks in the current period of 2017. The results are analyzed through a theoretical framework of what should be methods to achieve influence in the UNSC. As the analysis shows, Sweden has moved from being a more passive participant to a more active and proactive part of the UNSC. This, however, can come at the cost of changing other states view of the Swedish state in international relations.
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Kielstra, Paul M. "The suppression of the slave trade as an issue in Anglo-French diplomacy, 1814-1833." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.334080.

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31

Maxson, Brian. "Review of Diplomacy in Renaissance Rome: the Rise of the Resident Ambassador, by Catherine Fletcher." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2016. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/6181.

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Harris, Steven M. "Between Law and Diplomacy| International Dispute Resolution in the Long Nineteenth Century." Thesis, University of California, Davis, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3723630.

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From late in the eighteenth century through World War I, states increasingly resolved their differences through arbitration; entering into over 1000 agreements to address past controversies and provide for future disputes. Rather than relying entirely on traditional diplomatic methods, states responded to the practical needs of an increasingly complex, commercial, and bureaucratic world. They used mechanisms with some legalistic components; although these procedures remained under political control. Arbitration never prevented a war; the efforts of the Anglo-American peace movement, later augmented by continental activities and the rise of the international legal community, had but small and indirect effects. While appearing responsive to the new influence of public opinion, states only made agreements to arbitrate that were highly controlled and which typically encompassed only relationships and parties for whom war was already quite unlikely. Western powers also extensively used arbitral agreements to resolve and protect their imperial interests, both formal and informal.

The traditional historiography of this field has been skewed by its emergence out of that peace movement, with its millennial, liberal, Eurocentric, and juridical biases. As a result, the significance of the Vienna settlements in launching the modern arbitral process has been overlooked, the Jay Treaty and the "Alabama Claims" case have been mythologized, the distinctive role of Latin American states has been sidelined, and the meaning of the Hague Conferences has been misunderstood.

States are political animals and their "states' system" was effective in using arbitration as a shared tool while preserving their essential political discretion and managing their domestic and international publics.

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Teye, Patrick N. "Barbary Pirates: Thomas Jefferson, William Eaton, and the Evolution of U.S. Diplomacy in the Mediterranean." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2013. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/1183.

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This study analyzes U.S. relations with the Barbary States from 1784 to 1805. After the American Revolution, the young nation found its commerce menaced in the Mediterranean by North African pirates sponsored by the rulers of Morocco, Tunis, Algiers, and Tripoli. As the U.S. sought to find a solution to end piracy and the practice of paying tributes or ransom to free Americans held captive, Thomas Jefferson proposed several solutions as a diplomat, vice president, and as president when he authorized the Tripolitan War (1801-1805). Thus, this look at U.S. relations with the Barbary States focuses on Jefferson’s evolving foreign policy proposals and argues that William Eaton’s secret mission in 1805 eventually reshaped U.S. policy in the Mediterranean and brought Jefferson’s ideas for a military solution to fruition. This change in policy would soon bring about the end of piracy against U.S. merchant vessels and the nation’s involvement in tributary treaties.
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Maxson, Brian Jeffrey. "Florence, Pius II, and Jacopo Piccinino in 1458: A Case-Study of Gifts and Status in Diplomacy." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2017. https://www.amzn.com/2503540384.

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Book Summary: The essays in this collection explore the languages - artistic, symbolic, and ritual, as well as written and spoken - in which power was articulated, challenged, contested, and defended in Italian cities and courts, villages, and countryside, between 1300 and 1600. Topics addressed include court ceremonial, gossip and insult, the performance of sanctity and public devotions, the appropriation and reuse of imagery, and the calculated invocation (and sometimes undermining) of authoritative models and figures. The collection balances a broad geographic and chronological range with a tight thematic focus, allowing the individual contributions to engage in vigorous and fruitful debate with one another even as they speak to some of the central issues in current scholarship. The authors recognize that every institutional action is, in its context, a political act, and that no institution operates disinterestedly. At the same time, they insist on the inadequacy of traditional models, whether Marxian or Weberian, as the complex realities of the early modern state pose tough problems for any narrative of modernization, rationalization, and centralization. The contributors to this volume trained and teach in various countries - Italy, the United States, Canada, the United Kingdom, and Australia - but share a common interest in cultural expressions of power.
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Gharabaghi, Hadi Parandeh. ""American Mice Grow Big!"| The Syracuse Audiovisual Mission in Iran and the Rise of Documentary Diplomacy." Thesis, New York University, 2018. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10682611.

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This dissertation investigates the coterminous emergence of imperial documentary operations and modernization programs in the United States during the 1940s and 1950s. It argues that the period saw a governing investment in documentary format and documentary "value," and that this was a response to the containment strategy of cultural diplomacy at the onset of the Cold War. It's focus is a mixed group of governmental and non-governmental entities. The project makes evident how a group of events and practices involved in foreign diplomacy campaigns of knowledge/intelligence and large scale overseas modernization programs give rise to a discourse of documentary diplomacy. The output of these projects was varied: locally-made rural training films; newsmagazine newsreel; travelogues, and the exported nontheatrical American documentaries. As the dissertation demonstrates, they were influenced by a weaponized ethnographic documentary experience, first formulated in Asia by Margaret Mead and Gregory Bateson in the late 1930s. The subsequent rise of governing investment in culture for imperial planning during the 1940s, large scale government experiment with training films during World War II, and governing investment in grassroots audiovisual movement of educational film in the United States all bear the marks of these knowledge/intelligence campaigns. The path to freedom, accordingly, became a bifurcating atomized process that ultimately reconceptualized geopolitically sensitive nation-states as people, as audiences, and eventually as individuals available to be freed from their own "hostile" and "uncooperative" governments on their way toward building bottom-up democratic movements.

Containment campaigns of defending American capitalism against Soviet communism in postcolonial nation-states led to a proliferation of instructional films throughout the world. These missions invested in local filmmaking and established pockets of documentary infrastructure that inevitably played some roles in the making and transformation of national cinemas. As a case study of the emerging discourse of documentary diplomacy, this dissertation also investigates American documentary operations in Iran during the 1940s and 1950s and demonstrates how US-Iranian media projects institutionalized documentary, audiovisual modernization, and media governance in Iran. The Syracuse documentary mission to Iran emerged as among the most important sites of such campaigns. For instance, the first generation of localizing newsmagazine series were made in Iran for Iranians by Iranian crew, using American planning, infrastructure and capital. With this convenient "usage," however, also came subscribing to an ideological package. Media producers and advisors from thirty-five American universities, under Syracuse University's binational contract with American and Iranian governments, participated in this work by 1959.

As this research project demonstrates, documentary diplomacy in this era brings into contact and coherence film and legal discourse, diplomatic policymaking, film practice, and applied social scientific research and intelligence production. In this respect, documentary diplomacy encompasses a set of events that include making documentary, mobile screening, expert viewing, national character research, applied anthropology intelligence work, survey trips, public opinion projects, courses of audiovisual and documentary training, and nation-building projects of central documentary infrastructure and media governance.

This dissertation argues that localized missions of overseas audiovisual training and documentary filmmaking and infrastructure during the 1950s operate through a propaganda facade of apolitical modernization by building on the governing strategy of welfare imperialism via invitation. In some cases, this went to extent of sponsoring anti-leftist localized newsreel campaigns of crushing local journalism and a wide range of objectifying practices. The village how-to films enforced a rapid modernization campaign while audiovisual training facilitated central education and governing. The dissertation also argues that the apolitical facade of the imperial documentary campaign in Iran is an expression of claiming fakery and manipulation in the name of the real.

The project draws from a wealth of declassified archival sources in the United States National Archives at College Park, the Library of Congress, the Archives of Rockefeller and Ford Foundations and other sources including individual memoirs and interviews. The archival sources include memoranda of film scripts, film receipts, correspondence, embassy notes, university and government contract, cultural manuals, immigrant interviews and a documentary bible of administrative film theory and production.

Following the case study of Iran, the dissertation extrapolates that researching the genealogical course of postwar imperial campaigns of documentary diplomacy in the Middle East and Asia can contribute to understanding of the transformation of modernization programs of central education, media cultures and media governance.

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Sessions, Jamie. "Diplomacy of Pirates| Foreign Relations and Changes in the Legal Treatment of Piracy Under Henry VIII." Thesis, The University of Mississippi, 2017. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10616757.

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This work examines Henry VIII’s contribution to the legal defining and treatment of piracy during his reign and his influence over subsequent Tudor monarchs’ own relationship with piracy and privateering. Through examination of the shift in legal language, piracy as a crime to a paid profession, and the ambiguous definition of who a pirate was it becomes clear that Henry’s reign witnessed a significant transformation in piracy which directly influenced diplomatic relations throughout Europe.

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Foret, Michael James. "On the marchlands of empire: Trade, diplomacy, and war on the southeastern frontier, 1733-1763." W&M ScholarWorks, 1990. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539623792.

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Southeastern North America was the scene of international, intercultural, and interethnic frontiers during the first two-thirds of the eighteenth century. Europeans and Indians existed there in greater relative concentrations than anywhere else in North America, and each European colony and Indian nation constituted a different locus of trade, diplomacy, and war. Because of the relatively high population density and national and ethnic complexity of the region, commercial, diplomatic, and military relations there exhibited a different character than in earlier-colonized regions from Virginia northward and in the Caribbean.;The southeastern Indians existed in a state of dependency in the eighteenth century which grew as the century wore on. The Indians' position relative to the Europeans was mitigated by the competition of three imperial powers for their trade and alliance. All major Indian powers in the region had a choice of at least two Europeans as trading partners and allies, and the Creeks bordered all three. The Creeks followed a conscious policy of balance-of-power after 1715 which helped maintain the political and diplomatic status quo on the frontier for half a century.;Europeans tried to alter the imperial status quo several times before 1763 but were unsuccessful each time. This was partly due to their own status of dependency on Europe; their policies were not always their own to devise. Economic, political, and military dependence on European capitals, intercolonial disputes, and internal politics made each colony less than effective in carrying out policies designed to better their position relative to other European and Indian powers.;This study first analyses southeastern Indian culture and the region's history to 1732 to establish the cultural, economic, ethnic, political and imperial background against which Indians and Europeans interacted in the Southeast. Subsequent chapters focus on specific episodes and events to 1763 that illustrate how a precarious balance between and among Indian and European powers operated, and why no power was able to upset that balance. Finally it shows that when the balance was upset after 1760 it was the result of intervention by outside forces.
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Geary, Brent M. "A Foundation of Sand: US Public Diplomacy, Egypt, and Arab Nationalism, 1953-1960." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1193151306.

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39

Williams, Benjamin John. "Music Composition Pedagogy: A History, Philosophy and Guide." The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1274787048.

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Young, Daniel J. "The Ties That Bind: Gospel Music, Popular Music, and Race in America, 1875-1940." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2021. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1627667261852095.

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41

Alves, Ana Cristina. "China’s oil diplomacy : comparing Chinese economic statecraft in Angola and Brazil." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2011. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/206/.

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This thesis aims to investigate the reasons for the variation in China’s oil diplomacy performance in Africa and South America in the period 2000-2010. Lacking sound experience in pursuing oil security overseas and enjoying strong financial muscle, China’s oil diplomacy is largely rooted in the extension of soft loans for infrastructure to oil-rich countries in exchange for steady oil supply and favoured access to oil acreage. Taking Angola and Brazil as case studies this thesis argues that differences in the institutional structure of the oil industry in each country, determined different outcomes regarding Beijing’s oil security goals. This thesis has found that although this template fitted well with the more centralised institutional environment in Angola, it was highly unsuitable for the more liberal and regulated Brazil setting. Furthermore, the advent of the recent global economic crisis (2008-2009) caused China to adjust its approach to the institutional particulars of Brazil becoming more efficient in that country regarding its oil security goals. Building on foreign policy analysis tools and concepts, an empirical analysis of the interplay between Chinese infrastructure-for-oil loans (hereby regarded as positive economic statecraft) and the institutional structure it met in each country, is presented. Through the case studies, this thesis aims to uncover to what extent the institutional context constrained Chinese oil diplomacy efficiency in Brazil for most of the past decade, and how innovation has surfaced in the context of the global financial crisis. This analysis thus gives interesting insights not only into the dynamics of China’s oil diplomacy in Africa and South America, but also into Chinese economic statecraft in general and how constraints that surface at the implementation level feedback into foreign policy formulation.
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Oja, E. (Erik). "Realpolitik and human rights:the United States’ foreign political interest and diplomacy regarding Rhodesia’s transition to majority rule 1969–1979." Master's thesis, University of Oulu, 2017. http://urn.fi/URN:NBN:fi:oulu-201706012325.

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The United States began pursuing a transition to majority rule in Rhodesia in 1976 by Secretary of State Henry Kissinger. Kissinger had noted the situation in Rhodesia already in 1969 but chose to pursue majority rule in order to de-escalate the armed conflict in Rhodesia and to avoid a Cold War confrontation in the region similar to the Angolan civil war. Kissinger closely cooperated with the British and started a diplomatic process which aimed to bring majority rule to the country. Kissinger’s biggest accomplishment regarding the Rhodesian quest for majority rule came in September 1979 when Rhodesian Prime Minister Ian Smith publicly embraced majority rule for the first time. A conference in Geneva was set up that fall led by the British but it was unsuccesful and did not lead to a transition. Jimmy Carter won the United States Presidential elections of 1976 and was inaugurated in 1977 marking an end to Kissinger’s role in US foreign policy. The Carter administration continued to pursue majority rule in Rhodesia and continued where Kissinger had left off. However the Carter administration had an emphasis on human rights which lead to the new administration working more closely with the Zimbabwean nationalists and neighboring Presidents compared to Kissinger who had closely cooperated with South Africa. The Carter administration also continued to closely work together with the British and tried to keep the momentum alive achieved by Kissinger in 1976. The Carter administration met with several setbacks and did not reach major breakthroughs regarding Rhodesia. The Smith regime of Rhodesia agreed to an internal settlement with some of the Zimbabwean nationalists which lead to the forming of the Zimbabwe-Rhodesian state in 1979. Although the new administration was not internationally recognized, it was a majority ruled country chosen by a general election that did not meet international criteria. At this point several domestic factors in the US combined with the newly appointed British Government led to the US pulling back from actively taking part to finding a solution to the conflict. Finally in 1980 after months of negotiating between the British, the Smith regime and the African nationalists of Rhodesia a general election was held and the new majority ruled state of Zimbabwe was founded
Yhdysvallat pyrki edesauttamaan Rhodesian siirtymistä enemmistövaltaan ensimmäistä kertaa vuonna 1976 silloisen ulkoministeri Henry Kissingerin toimesta. Yhdysvaltojen johtohahmot olivat huomioineet enemmistövaltaan siirtymisen vaikutukset Rhodesiassa jo vuonna 1969 mutta eivät nähneet syytä toimia asian suhteen. Seitsemän vuotta myöhemmin pääasiassa geopoliittiset syyt ja kylmänsodan eskaloitumisen pelko ajoivat Kissingerin aktiivisesti kampanjoimaan enemmistövaltaan siirtymisen puolesta etsien diplomaattista ratkaisua aseelliseen konfliktiin. Kissinger toimi vahvasti yhteistyössä Iso-Britannian kanssa kaikissa Rhodesiaan liittyvissä toimissa, sillä virallisesti alue oli yhä Iso-Britannian siirtomaa. Vuoden 1976 diplomatia johti rhodesian pääministeri Ian Smithin puheeseen syyskuussa, jossa Smith ensimmäistä kertaa julkisesti tunnusti enemmistövaltaan siirtymisen välttämättömäksi. Neuvottelut johtivat Iso-Britannian isännöimään konferenssiin, johon osallistuivat kaikki Rhodesian konfliktin osapuolet. Konferenssi ei onnistunut löytämään ratkaisuja keskeisiin kysymyksiin ja päättyi tuloksettomana vuoden lopussa. Kissinger väistyi ulkopolitiikasta presidentti Carterin voitettua Fordin syksyn 1976 vaaleissa ja astuessa virkaan 1970 helmikuussa. Carterin hallinto jatkoi pitkältä edeltäjiensä viitoittamalla tiellä pyrkiessään saavuttamaan enemmistövallan Rhodesiaan. Vaikka Carterin hallinto piti kylmänsodan eskaloitumista yhä vaarana, se samaan aikaan painotti ihmisoikeuksia joka näkyi erilaisena lähestimystapana Rhodesiaan liittyvässä diplomatiassa verrattuna Kissingeriin. Siinä missä Kissinger oli pääasiassa koordinoinut Etelä-Afrikan ja Rhodesian naapurivaltojen kanssa, Carterin hallinto oli laajemmin suoraan yhteydessä zimbabwelaisiin nationalisteihin. Carterin hallinto oli Etelä-Afrikan apartheidin vastustaja joka osaltaan heikensi maiden välejä myös Rhodesiaan liittyvissä kysymyksissä. Carterin hallinto koordinoi erittäin tiiviisti Iso-Britannian kanssa yrittäessään saavuttaa enemmistövaltaan siirtyminen Rhodesiassa niin pian kuin mahdollista. Kovasta yrityksestä huolimatta anglo-amerikkalainen yhteistyö kohtasi useita vastoinkäymisiä niin sisäpoliittisesti, kuin ulkopoliittisesti. Vuosien 1977 ja 1978 aikana järjestettiin useita pienempiä neuvotteluita Rhodesian tilanteeseen liittyen mutta suurempi kaikkien osapuolien välinen siirtymään pohjaava konferenssi jäi toteutumatta. Samanaikaisesti Rhodesian pääministeri Ian Smith pyrki saavuttamaan niin kutsutun sisäisen ratkaisun maltillisten nationalistien kesken, jossa siirtymävaihe ja sen hallinto sovittaisiin ilman ulkovaltoja tai aseelliseen konfliktiin osallistuvia nationalisteja. Vuonna 1979 sisäisen ratkaisun pohjalta Rhodesia muutti nimensä Zimbabwe-Rhodesiaksi ja järjesti vaalit, joissa maalle valittiin enemmistövaltainen hallitus. Kansainvälinen yhteisö ei kuitenkaan tunnustanut tätä valtiota ja maata vastaan asetetut taloudelliset pakotteet pysyivät voimassa. Yhdysvaltojen aktiivinen osallistuminen Rhodesiaan liittyen päättyi vuoteen 1979 ja Iso-Britannian uusi hallitus jatkoi neuvotteluja Yhdysvaltojen tuella mutta ilman sen aktiivista osallistumista prosessiin. Lopulta neuvottelut johtivat avoimiin äänestyksiin ja vuonna 1980 kansainvälisesti tunnustettu ja enemmistövaltainen Zimbabwen valtio perustettiin
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43

Rieper, Charles H. "The limits reached : how international monetary policy, domestic policy, European diplomacy, and the Vietnam War converged in the 1960s." Connect to resource, 1995. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1235233136.

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44

Hughes, Meirion. "The watchmen of music : the reception of English music in the press 1850-1914." Thesis, Cardiff University, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.287015.

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45

Rice, Albert R. "A History of the Clarinet to 1820." Scholarship @ Claremont, 1987. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cgu_etd/106.

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This study presents a detailed history of the clarinet from its ancient origins to 1820. It is divided into three parts: 1) origins, 2) the baroque clarinet, and 3) the classical clarinet. In the first part the ancestor of the modern instrument is traces to the memet of Ancient Egypt (2700 B.C.), and evidence is reviewed for the existence of a wind instrument having a single reed during the sixteenth century. Three chapters are then devoted to the Mock Trumpet and the seventeenth- and eighteenth-century chalumeau. The baroque clarinet is discussed in the second part. This part consists of four chapters concerning design and construction, playing techniques, music, and use by amateurs and professionals. The last part is devoted to the classical clarinet. It consists of three chapters concerning design and construction, playing techniques, and music.
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Summers, Timothy Richard David. "Video game music : history, form and genre." Thesis, University of Bristol, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.573894.

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This dissertation investigates video game music from a musicological perspective, considering the role, function and effect of music in games. I hypothesize that music's significance for the gamer is founded upon the way the player interacts with the game. The nature of this interaction is determined by what is termed the 'interactive genre' in question - the type of interaction typical for a particular class of games. Thus the musical analysis of game interactive genres is an appropriate and potentially rewarding way of understanding game music. These genres of interaction are distinct and historically established, which allows a survey of many games over a relatively long chronological period. Musical analysis of interactive genres, in turn, illuminates the way in which gamers play and understand games. After creating a contextual frame for the study of game music, the body of the dissertation focuses on a genre-by-genre examination. Each chapter considers the features of a particular genre (or genres sharing key features), and examines representative games to ascertain the relationship between the game and the music. Certain genres prioritize distinct modes of interaction and components of musical function because of the interactive mechanism of the game, and thus provide the opportunity for the examination of particular musical concerns. That this is so indicates the close relationship between music and gameplay /interaction in the video game medium. A case study is used to demonstrate a 'deep reading' of the musical concerns or issues that are seen to feature prominently in the game genre in question. The study concludes with a summary in the form of a chapter on action games that focuses on the aspects of game music that can be extracted from the preceding discussions. The epilogue explores how game music may reveal the playfulness of the human-music interaction in a more general way. ii
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Matus, Chloe Hannah. "Designing interactive music history for young adults." Thesis, Glasgow School of Art, 2010. http://radar.gsa.ac.uk/4625/.

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Kami, Hideaki. "Diplomacy and Human Migration:A History of U.S. Relations with Cuba during the Late Cold War." The Ohio State University, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1448899397.

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McGaha, Richard L. Jr. "The Politics of Espionage: Nazi Diplomats and Spies in Argentina, 1933-1945." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1256330041.

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Cantoni, Roberto. "Oily deals : exploration, diplomacy and security in early Cold War France and Italy." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2014. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/oily-deals-exploration-diplomacy-and-security-in-early-cold-war-france-and-italy(64fca03b-4a9f-485a-bff1-2a13e3f07905).html.

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Oil is one of the most widespread high-density energy sources in the world: its importance for the military-industrial complex became even more evident in the postwar context. In this framework, establishing the conditions for accessing the world's oil-rich areas became essential for states, not only to provide for their own energy needs, but also to buttress national economic and geostrategic interests, and protect energy security. In addition, regulating the oil flow between countries afforded the ability to influence their operational capabilities. Exploiting oil as a geopolitical weapon was not distinctive of the two global hegemonic powers, but was also employed by less powerful countries, such as France and Italy. My thesis shows how, from the second half of the 1940s, successive Italian and French administrations established agencies for hydrocarbon management, and devised strategies of oil exploration according to their political agendas. Achieving energy autonomy was the main objective of both countries. However, the predominance of Anglo-American interests in both French and Italian oil scenarios led to continuous bilateral diplomatic tensions, especially over issues of exploration rights. Anglo-American governments and companies sought to shape the French and Italian oil scenes to their benefit, also by looking for allies in the political classes of the two countries. It was the outcome of these 'oily deals' that eventually shaped the history of Italian and French oil industries. Conflicting interests were revealed at their fullest during the Algerian war of 1954-62: following the discovery of large oil and gas fields in Algeria, US and Italian companies started to negotiate, first with the French and then the Algerians, their access to, and prospecting rights for Algerian territories. My work shows that negotiation processes involved secret surveillance activities, the establishment of parallel diplomacies, and serious confrontation between Cold War allies. A fundamental role in these deals was played by technocrats and geoscientists, who facilitated the communication of secret data on oilfields to their national authorities. Significant global oil discoveries occurred worldwide in the 1950s, eventually leading to overproduction: an outcome assisted by major progress in geophysical prospecting techniques. France's new role as an oil producer thanks to discoveries in Africa provoked a shift of national interest from exploration to transport. At the same time Italy, after the signing of massive oil-for-technology barter agreements with the Soviet Union, could now dispose of a surplus that needed channelling to potential outlets. For both countries, building pipelines became an essential aspect: however, as both were targeting the West European market, Europe became an arena of bitter competition for pipeline dominance. Italian-Soviet contracts, together with the current level of West European trade with the Soviet Union, prompted an examination of Western security by international organisations. The issue of limiting Soviet oil exports into West European countries was widely debated at the European Community and Nato, as was European technological aid to the Soviet project of constructing a colossal pipeline system. My analysis of the terms of the debates, their development and outcome, reveals the ambiguity of the concepts of security and 'strategic technology' as a ground for decision-making, indicating how these were construed as co-products of negotiations.
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