Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Museums – Political aspects – Canada'
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1
Dickenson, Rachelle. "The stories told : indigenous art collections, museums, and national identities." Thesis, McGill University, 2005. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=98919.
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The history of collection at the National Gallery of Canada, the Art Gallery of Ontario and the Montreal Museum of Fine Arts, illustrates concepts of race in the development of museums in Canada from before Confederation to today. Located at intersections of Art History, Museology, Postcolonial Studies and Native Studies, this thesis uses discourse theory to trouble definitions of nation and problematize them as inherently racial constructs wherein 'Canadianness' is institutionalized as a dominant white, Euro-Canadian discourse that mediates belonging. The recent reinstallations of the permanent Canadian historical art galleries at the National Gallery of Canada, the Art Gallery of Ontario and the Montreal Museum of Fine Arts are significant in their illustration of contemporary colonial collection practices. The effectiveness of each installation is discussed in relation to the demands and resistances raised by Indigenous and non-Native artists and cultural professionals over the last 40 years, against racist treatment of Indigenous arts.
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Edmundson, Jane, and University of Lethbridge Faculty of Fine Arts. "Dr. Soanes' Odditorium of Wonders : the 19th century dime museum in a contemporary context." Thesis, Lethbridge, Alta. : University of Lethbridge, Dept. of Arts, c2013, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10133/3426.
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19th century dime museums were a North American phenomenon that flourished in urban
centres from the mid- to late-1800s. Named thusly due to their low admission cost, dime
museums provided democratic entertainment that was promoted to all classes as
affordable and respectable. The resulting facilities were crammed with art, artifacts,
rarities, living human curiosities, theatre performances, menageries, and technological
marvels. The exhibition Dr. Soanes’ Odditorium of Wonders strives to recapture the spirit
and aesthetic of the dime museum to invoke wonder in the viewer and to combine art,
artifacts, and oddities to provoke questions about the boundary between education and
amusement. Both the academic and curatorial texts utilize a mix of methodological
approaches appropriate to museology, art history and cultural history: theoretical research
into historiographical issues concerning theories of display and spectacle; archival
research and discourse analysis of historical documents, and material culture analysis
(including the semiotics of display).iv, 60 leaves : ill. ; 29 cm
3
Desjardins, Marc. "The politics of pensions in Canada 1960-1987." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/28662.
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This thesis examines the evolution of Canadian pension politics over the last twenty-five years in order to understand why, after creating a public contributory plan in 1965, the state refused to extend its reach further in the 1980s and rather opted to regulate employer-sponsored pensions. This thesis develops an analytical framework which differs from previous studies. It postulates that pension politics can be best understood through the analysis of conflict within and between the non-governmental, intergovernmental and intragovernmental arenas.
The study reveals that the provision of replacement income through public arrangements interfered with profitable activities in the business community and led to major confrontations. It also explains why there has been much less resistance to state intervention which aims to protect the elderly from outright poverty
From 1960 to 1980 pension politics has evolved from a positive-sum game to a zero-sum game. While the creation of the CPP/QPP left ample room for private activities in this domain, a further extension of these arrangements in the 1980s would have seriously curtailed and transformed the role of business interests.
This thesis challenges the view that the process of intergovernmental negotiations was a prime determinant of the failure of business interests in the 1960s and their success in the 1980s. Rather it is the failure of the insurance industry to gain the support of the rest of the business community and its attempt to derail the process which led to its failure in the first instance and its capacity to draw support and make significant counter-proposals which allowed the private sector to play an important role in the second instance.
While the proposal for an expanded CPP drew business interests closer together, it pulled elements of the federal government apart. It is this deadlock, rather than intergovernmental bickering, which delayed the reform process.
Finally, the regulation of employer-sponsored pensions was not preceded by open intergovernmental confrontation but came as a result of an adjustment process and negotiations rapidly led to concrete results although they held a greater potential for failure. Federalism does not seem to have seriously biased the nature of the pension policy-making process.Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
4
Mattson, Linda Karen. "Examination of the systems of authority of three Canadian museums and the challenges of Aboriginal peoples." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/nq25108.pdf.
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Dudley, Graham David. "Political aspects of geographical information technologies with examples from imperial and post-independence India." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/tape17/PQDD_0004/NQ30602.pdf.
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Soroka, Stuart Neil. "Agenda-setting dynamics in Canada." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/11201.
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Agenda-setting hypotheses inform political communications studies of media influence
(public agenda-setting), as well as examinations of the policymaking process (policy agenda-setting).
In both cases, studies concentrate on the salience of issues on actors' agendas, and
the dynamic process through which these agendas change and effect each other. The results,
narrowly conceived, offer a means of observing media effects or the policy process. Broadly
conceived, agenda-setting analyses speak to the nature of relationships between major actors
in a political system.
This study differs from most past agenda-setting research in several ways. First, this project
draws together public and policy agenda-setting work to build a more comprehensive model
of the expanded agenda-setting process. Secondly, the modeling makes no assumptions
about the directions of causal influence - econometric methods are used to establish
causality, allowing for a more nuanced and accurate model of issue dynamics.
Quantitative evidence is derived from a longitudinal dataset (1985-1995) including the
following: a content analysis of Canadian newspapers (media agenda), 'most important
problem' results from all available commercial polls (public agenda), and measures of
attention to issues in Question Period, committees, Throne Speeches, government spending,
and legislative initiatives (policy agenda). Data is collected for eight issues: AIDS, crime,
debt/deficit, environment, inflation, national unity, taxation, and unemployment. The present
study, then, is well situated to add unique information to several ongoing debates in agenda-setting
studies, and provide a bird's eye view of the media-public-policy dynamics in
Canadian politics.
Many hypotheses are introduced and tested. Major findings include: (1) there is a Canadian
national media agenda; (2) the salience of issues tends to rise and fall simultaneously across
Canada, although regional variation exists based on audience attributes and issue
obtrusiveness; (3) there is no adequate single measure of the policy agenda - government
attention to issues must be measured at several points, and these tend to be only loosely
related; (4) the agenda-setting dynamics of individual issues are directly and systematically
related to attributes such as prominence and duration; (5) Canadian media and public agendas
can be affected by the US media agenda.
7
Goodyear-Grant, Elizabeth. "Politicians, journalists, and their audiences: gendered aspects of televised election news in Canada." Thesis, McGill University, 2007. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=18410.
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This dissertation is an analysis of the gendered aspects of televised election news in Canada. My theoretical framework is the 'gendered mediation thesis', and its central claim is that news is a predominantly masculine narrative that privileges men and masculinity in politics. The theory relies primarily on two causal factors to account for this pattern. First, news is a reflection of our gendered society. Thus, the frames used to report politics are replete with masculine symbols and metaphors and give primacy to masculine traits. Second, the structure and operation of the news system itself – particularly the political economic constraints imposed by competition for audience share and advertising revenues – encourage news formats that enforce, rather than challenge, established gender norms in the society.My empirical analyses focus on four components of the news media system: 1) news content, 2) news production, 3) media effects, and 4) elites' approaches to media. The first two themes analyze production and content, and the latter two themes focus on the consequences of gendered news. I use a combination of quantitative and qualitative data to demonstrate that aspects of televised news coverage present men and women candidates differently, and I find evidence that women are seriously underrepresented in Canadian newsrooms, particularly in positions of power. I also present evidence that gendered news has harmful effects on both audience perceptions of women candidates, as well as women politicians' own perceptions of their treatment by newsworkers as well as in news coverage. My analyses suggest that gendered news coverage can present distorted information about women politicians, harm women politicans' electoral prospects, and also possibly discourage women from entering politics as a profession, thereby contributing to a serious problem in the supply of women candidates.Cette dissertation analyse la représentation biaisée des femmes dans les nouvelles télévisées des élections au Canada. J'emploie le cadre théorique de la « gendered mediation thesis », selon lequel les nouvelles constituent un narratif essentiellement masculin qui privilégie les hommes et la masculinité dans la politique. Cette théorie s'appuie sur deux facteurs causaux pour expliquer ce phénomène. Premièrement, les nouvelles reflètent les préjugés contre les femmes dans notre société. Ainsi, les cadres employés pour reporter les événements politiques regorgent de symboles et de métaphores masculins et accordent la primauté aux traits masculins. Deuxièmement, la structure et l'opération du système de nouvelles lui-même —particulièrement les contraintes politico-économiques imposées par la compétition pour capturer leur part du public et les revenus générés par la publicité— encouragent des formats de nouvelles qui renforcent plutôt que de défier les normes sociales établies biaisées contre les femmes.Mon analyse empirique porte sur quatre composantes du système médiatique de nouvelles : 1) le contenu des nouvelles, 2) la production de nouvelles, 3) les effets médiatiques, et 4) l'approche des élites aux médias. Les premiers deux thèmes analysent la production et le contenu, tandis que les deux autres se concentrent sur les conséquences de la représentation biaisée des femmes dans les nouvelles. J'emploie une combinaison de données quantitatives et qualitatives pour démontrer que les nouvelles télévisées présentent les femmes et les hommes différemment, et ma recherche démontre que les femmes sont sérieusement sous-représentées dans les salles de nouvelles canadiennes, particulièrement dans les positions de pouvoir. Je présente aussi des preuves empiriques que les nouvelles biaisées contre les femmes ont des effets néfastes sur la perception des femmes candidates par le public, ainsi que sur la
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Monis, Alicia. ""If you have lied about me, you have lied about everything" : Huis Gideon Malherbe : a discussion of the Afrikaans Taal Museum." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/22238.
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Bibliography: pages 184-192.Within academia it is now accepted that personal experiences, as well social construction influence the way people perceive the world, and thus the research process and findings. Research, no matter how empirical, is not immune to personal quess work and conclusions. The same however, can be said for the establishment of museums and monuments which are meant to commemorate events, or epochs in the history of a nation. For in the establishment of the museum or monument the curators and researchers do choose those events which are deemed important enough as history to be preserved for prosperity. The following thesis is an investigation of the Afrikaans Taal museum, or Afrikaans Language Museum situated in Paarl, Cape Province. The museum aims to reproduce a history of the Afrikaans language, culminating in the eventual recognition of Afrikaans as an official language. In the thesis though, I argue that by choosing to represent certain events in the history of the language, and excluding others, the museum becomes a symbol of/for Afrikanerdom. If South Africa is to heal its wounds caused by Apartheid and the Armed Struggle, all monuments and museums established during the reign of the National Party will have to be investigated, and the feasibility of their existence called into question.
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Chatur, Noorin. "Political outcomes of digital conversations : case study of the Facebook group "Canadians against proroguing parliament"." Thesis, Lethbridge, Alta. : University of Lethbridge, Dept. of Political Science, 2011, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10133/3100.
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Since the emergence of the Internet, scholars have had mixed opinions regarding its role in influencing levels of political participation. Two frameworks, the mobilization and the reinforcement theses, were created from these opposing views. The introduction of social networking websites (such as Facebook) offers new platforms with which to test these opposing theories on.
This study investigates the Facebook group ―Canadian‘s against Proroguing Parliament,‖ to determine: 1) what the members' motivations were for participating in the group, 2) whether the group attracted formerly marginalized voices to participate on the group, or simply reinforced those who were already active in the political process, and 3) whether the participation of members on the group translated into offline or real world political participation. The findings suggest that the group‘s members had a variety of reasons for joining the group. As well, the findings suggest that the group both mobilized reinforced its participants. Finally, the data indicates that in some instances, the group‘s members translated their online participation into real world political activity.171 leaves ; 29 cm
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Gray, Robert John Stephen, and University of Lethbridge Faculty of Arts and Science. "More than a story : an exploration of political autobiography as persuasive discourse." Thesis, Lethbridge, Alta. : University of Lethbridge, Faculty of Arts and Science, 1998, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/10133/73.
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The epideictic discourse of political autobiography offers a powerful means of persuasion to attitude not otherwise available to politicians. In the extended narrative form of political autobiography, the audience's identification with characters, actions and speaker is central to persuasion. Narrative persuades implicitly by disposing the audience favourably to the rhetor and through the "common-sense assumptions" that the audience supplies in order to understand the discourse. The methodological approach used in this thesis, Fantasy Theme Analysis, addresses how the socialization process that is a primary function of epideictic rhetoric takes place. In the analysis, the rhetorical vision of the "game of politics" and two other fantasy themes are identified. The analysis demonstrates that an audience who identifies with this network of fantasy themes would also be influenced attitudinally and ideologically. The author concludes that political autobiography deserves further study because of its potentially important role in political persuasion.vi, 95 leaves ; 29 cm
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Ducharme, Michel. "Aux fondements de l'état canadien : la liberté au Canada de 1776 à 1841." Thesis, McGill University, 2005. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=85156.
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Although the concept of liberty provided the intellectual foundation for the legitimacy of state power and social order in both Canadas from as early as the Atlantic Revolution (1776--1815), it has never been used to study the history of state formation in Canada. This dissertation examines the essential role that the concept of liberty played in the process of state formation in Canada between the American Revolution (1776) and the Act of Union (1841). It proposes a large-scale re-reading of the intellectual and political history of that period through the question of liberty within the framework of the British Empire and of the Atlantic world (Great Britain, The United States and France). Beginning from a theoretical framework inspired by the work of intellectual historians of the Atlantic world, such as J. G. A. Pocock, Bernard Bailyn, Gordon S. Wood and Quentin Skinner, by the philosophical considerations on liberty from Isaiah Berlin and by a reading of the most important philosophical writings of eighteenth-century Britain, France and United States, this dissertation argues that, from 1791 and onwards, Upper and Lower Canada developed according to a concept of liberty that, while being different from the notion of liberty at work during the Atlantic Revolution, still proceeded directly from the Enlightenment. Less preoccupied by equality and community than by individual autonomy, this ideal was based on a respect for certain individual rights which are often reduced to the trio of "liberty, property and security." Politically, this model of liberty recognized the existence of different interests within a society and their right to exist, and economically, the importance it gave to the protection of private property led to an ethic that encouraged the accumulation of wealth.This conception of liberty (which might be called a modern definition of liberty) provides the intellectual base for the Constitutional Act of 1791 and was generally accepted in Upper and Lower Canadian societies until 1828. At that moment, some reformists, disappointed by the slowness of the British government to bring reform to the colonies, adopted a republican discourse based on the idea of popular sovereignty and the very different trio of "liberty, equality and community". The political struggles of the 1830s in both Canadas can be explained in part by examining the opposition between these two very different concepts of liberty. The tension between these two models ended with the 1837 rebellions and the triumph of the modern concept of liberty at the expense of the republican ideal defended by the patriots and the radicals in both Canadas. It is in this context that Lord Durham's report was published. By his recommendation of rendering the executive power accountable to the Legislative Assembly, Durham gave back to the reformists still adhering to the modern concept of liberty the leadership of the reform movement in the colony and re-focussed the movement's attention towards the issue of responsible government. After 1839, the debate within the colonies would concentrate on the practice of political power, rather than on its legitimacy.
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Penninga, Mark, and University of Lethbridge Faculty of Arts and Science. "A Judeo-Christian account of human dignity in Canadian law and public policy." Thesis, Lethbridge, Alta. : University of Lethbridge, Faculty of Arts and Science, 2008, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10133/671.
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Understanding human dignity is integral to protecting human rights. An examination
of Canada‘s Supreme Court decisions and Canadian public policy debates reveals that human
dignity is being defined synonymously with individual autonomy and equality. This narrow
understanding has serious implications for people who are not able to assert their autonomy.
To understand the philosophical ideas behind these decisions, this thesis examines classical,
modern, and postmodern accounts of human dignity and concludes that they fall short in
providing an objective grounding for dignity that is truly human. It then looks to the Judeo-
Christian account of human dignity to provide a transcendent foundation for human dignity.
With this account, persons are rational and physical, relational, inviolable, and teleological –
a hopeful contrast to the prevailing contemporary accounts. This thesis then defends the place
of this religious perspective in our secular country.vi, 182 leaves : ill. ; 29 cm.
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Molnar, Donald. "The Winnipeg general strike : class, ethnicity and class formation in Canada." Thesis, McGill University, 1987. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=64052.
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Shields, Rachel. "(Re)imagining history and subjectivity : (dis)incar-nations of racialised citizenship." Thesis, Lethbridge, Alta. : University of Lethbridge, Dept. of Sociology, c2012, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10133/3249.
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This thesis explores the ways in which modern history-writing practices reiterate
race-based categories of citizenship. To investigate these practices across time, I
have examined discourses produced by the United Farm Women of Alberta
(UFWA) in 1925, and discourses produced by the contemporary magazine
American Renaissance (AR). The UFWA were concerned with the promotion and
definition of citizenship, and in so doing laid race as a foundation of Canadian
identity. AR is a magazine that concerns itself with white nationalism in the
contemporary United States. Drawing upon Avery Gordon and Wendy Brown’s
theories of history and haunting, I have situated these discourses in imaginative
relation to one another, illuminating the “past” in the present. I have also critically
examined how I am complicit in reproducing the historical practices under study;
as an architecture of history, haunting helps to imagine alternatives for the study
of history and social life, particularly our own.vii, 160 leaves : ill. ; 29 cm
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Seed, Barbara. "Food security in Public Health and other government programs in British Columbia, Canada : a policy analysis." Thesis, City University London, 2011. http://openaccess.city.ac.uk/1173/.
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Public Health has re-emerged as a driver of food security in British Columbia. Food security policy, programs and infrastructure have been integrated into the Public Health sector and other areas of government, including the adoption of food security as a Core Public Health program. This policy analysis of the integration merges findings from forty-eight key informant interviews conducted with government, Civil Society, and food supply representatives involved in the initiatives, along with relevant documents and participant/direct observations. Findings were analyzed according to “contextual”, “diagnostic”, “evaluative” and “strategic” categories from the Ritchie and Spencer framework for Applied Policy Research. While Civil Society was the driver for food security in British Columbia, Public Health was the driver for the integration of food security into the government. Public Health held most of the power, and often determined the agenda and the players involved. While many interviewees heralded the accomplishments of the incorporation of food security into Public Health, stakeholders also acknowledged the relative insignificance of the food security agenda in relation to other “weightier”, competing agendas. Conflict between stakeholders over approaches to food insecurity/hunger existed, and it was only weakly included in the agenda. Looking to consequences of the integration, food security increased in legitimacy within the Public Health sector over the research period. Interviewees described a clash of cultures between Public Health and Civil Society occurring partly as a result of Public Health’s limited food security mandate and inherent top down approach. Marginalization of the Civil Society voice at the provincial level was one of the negative consequences resulting from this integration. A social policy movement toward a new political paradigm - “regulatory pluralism” - calls for greater engagement of Civil Society, and for all sectors to work together toward common goals. This integration of food security into the government exemplifies an undertaking on the cutting edge in progress toward this shift. Recommendations for stakeholders in furthering food security within the government were identified. These include the development of food security policy alternatives for current government agendas in British Columbia, with a focus on health care funding, Aboriginal health and climate change.
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Shaw, Nancy (Nancy Alison) 1962. "Modern art, media pedagogy and cultural citizenship : the Museum of Modern Art's television project, 1952-1955." Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=36790.
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The Museum of Modern Art's television project sponsored by the Rockefeller Brother's Fund between 1952 and 1955 was designed to educate a democratic and cultured citizenry through the principles and practices of modern art and liberal humanism. Through a close reading of four television programs, related policy documents and exhibitions, as well as critical, educational and promotional literature, this study will show how within the context of the MoMA's mandate and history, the television project was a decisive, yet highly troubled attempt to forge cultural citizenship through the burgeoning media of modern art and television. This exploration will establish how the television project was an integral aspect of the MoMA's efforts since World War II to situate modern art as essential to the formation of an international polity shaped around the promise of universality, yet dependent on upholding the primacy of free and creative individuals. In addressing such a challenge, this dissertation will contend that television was not necessarily antithetical to modernism, rather it was just one among an array of struggling forces falling within the rubric of the modern. Moreover, this analysis will consider the importance of culture in logics of liberal governance. In order to elucidate the dimensions of cultural democracy as they emerged through the MoMA's television project, this study will be shaped around a discussion of three components crucial to the formation and maintenance of citizenly conduct---civic education, democratic cultural communications, and cross-cultural governance. To these ends, a range of sources from the disciplines of Communications, Cultural Studies and Critical Artistic Studies will be drawn on in order to investigate the provisional links forged between modern art, media pedagogy, and cultural citizenship in the Cold War period.
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Yellowhorn, Eldon Carlyle. "Awakening internalist archaeology in the aboriginal world." Thesis, McGill University, 2002. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=38532.
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This thesis is one step in defining the parameters of archaeology in an aboriginal context. It is designed to be a practical guide for imagining the past from an internalist perspective because archaeological methods offer the opportunity to represent antiquity that is simultaneously rational and familiar. However, an ancillary objective is to utilize symbols from antiquity as markers of modern Indian identity.Archaeology appeared on the radar of First Nations because their growing populations demand housing and economic opportunities. Recent settlement of land claims has brought large tracts of land under the control of Native people. Archaeological sites, by their very nature, are defined by their geographical location. Artifacts and sites are the products of past human labour and as such are a unique cultural legacy that must be understood within the context of a generalized world history. Internalist archaeology mediates between a local understanding of antiquity and the ancient history of humanity on a global scale. It is a product of the dialogue that began when the world system intruded on the local experience of aboriginal people. Modern prehistory was accessible only by employing archaeological methods and traditional history, as related in story, was relegated to the margins along with its authors. Myths were discounted as plausible sources of explanation for antiquity as archaeologists constructed their theories to explain the data they accumulated during their excavations. Internalist archaeology is an analytical tool that will play a prominent role in rehabilitating oral narratives by deploying methods to search for the signatures they would leave in the archaeological record. It is also a means to examine folklore so as to discover the messages that are encoded in myths. Myths act as mediating devices which connect the high levels of abstraction, those informing the traditional worldview, with lower levels of abstractions, as represented by customs. Ecological messages are encrypted in narratives which are then transmitted between generations. Each generation must decypher the meaning embedded in a myth to benefit from it. For internalist archaeology, mythology is a reservoir of explanation that has been ignored by mainstream research but which can be the basis for this brand of archaeological research. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)
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Gillies, David 1952. "Between ethics and interests : human rights in the north-south relations of Canada, The Netherlands, and Norway." Thesis, McGill University, 1992. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=41264.
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This study examines human rights in the North-South relations of three internationalist countries: Canada, the Netherlands, and Norway. It pays special attention to the integration of human rights in development aid policy, particularly the use of political conditionality. The theoretical framework examines the explanatory power of political Realism. A hypothesis linking policy assertiveness with the perceived costs to other national interests is tested by selecting Western states most likely to disprove Realist assumptions, and by choosing at least two Third World cases for each aid donor: one where economic, political and strategic interests are high, and another where the same interests are minimal or low. Three frameworks to (1) document human rights abuses; (2) evaluate national human rights performance; and (3) gauge foreign policy assertiveness serve as the methodological lenses to analyze Western statecraft and test the hypothesis.Each donor's search for moral opportunity is visible in an emerging agenda to promote human rights and democratic development. However, if the resolve to defend human rights beyond national borders is gauged by a state's willingness to incur harm to other important national interests, then Canada, the Netherlands, and Norway are seldom disposed to let human rights trump more self-serving national interests. The potential for consistent and principled human rights statecraft is frequently undermined by Realism's cost-benefit rationality.
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Fournier, Anik Micheline. "Building nation and self through the other : two exhibitions of Chinese painting in Paris, 19331977." Thesis, McGill University, 2004. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=82704.
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This thesis investigates Western exhibition practices and the problems that arise when they involve cross-cultural encounters. Two exhibitions of Chinese painting in Paris that were co-planned by French curators and Chinese artists will serve as case studies in this regard. The first exhibition is Exposition de la peinture chinoise held at the Musee du Jeu de Paume in 1933. The second show is Quatre artistes chinoises contemporaines held at the Musee Cernuschi in 1977. Using archival material, I will reconstruct the planning of the exhibitions and reveal diverging French and Chinese agendas. An examination of the press reviews of the two shows will demonstrate that location is key in the public reception of an exhibition. The analysis of the encounter of self and other underlying the two exhibitions will lead to a probing of Western exhibition practices and bring issues of power, authenticity and identity-making to the fore.
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Freeland, Ballantyne Erin. "Sustainability's paradox : community health, climate change and petrocapitalism." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.711671.
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Andersen, Robert C. A. "Polls, the media, and the 1997 Canadian federal election." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape11/PQDD_0006/NQ42719.pdf.
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Boyle, Amy L. "Marcel Broodthaers and Fred Wilson : contemporary strategies for institutional criticism." Thesis, McGill University, 2005. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=98914.
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This thesis compares two contemporary artists who practice institutional criticism, Marcel Broodthaers and Fred Wilson. Looking specifically at Broodthaers's fictional museum project the Musee d Art Moderne, Departement des Aigles from 1968-1972 and Wilson's 1992 installation Mining the Museum at the Maryland Historical Society, this thesis will critically analyze each artist's similar application of deconstruction as a method. Both artists employ allegory and history as aesthetic strategies of deconstruction; using allegorical structure, the artists mobilize objects that have been arrested in history, disrupting a historical continuum that would otherwise remain foreclosed. The focus of this study will be to explore the critical approaches of Broodthaers and Wilson individually as well as the similar theoretical tendencies of the artists jointly; this investigation will assess the effect of institutional criticism on the museum's present condition, unfolding both what has changed and what is still at play within this practice.
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Briley, John David. "The political, historical, and economic aspects of the Canadian-American free trade agreement." 1994. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/33398146.html.
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Meents, Tamara Leora. "Deconstructing museums and memorials in pre- and post-apartheid South Africa." Diss., 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/3399.
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This study examines the ways in which museums and memorials within South
African society commemorate events of the past. Various examples of
museums and memorials are chosen and identified according to the ways in
which they embody postmodern or modern thought. Postmodern and modern
museums are deconstructed according to various post-structural tenets so as
to arrive at a broader understanding on how they are able to remain a
continuously relevant and vital part of contemporary society.Art History, Visual Arts and Musicology
M.A. (Art History)
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Butterwick, Shauna J. "The politics of needs interpretation : a study of three CJS-funded job-entry programs for women." Thesis, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/2037.
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This inquiry explored the everyday struggles of several women who worked as coordinators and instructors in three government-funded job-entry programs for women in the non-profit sector. The programs studied included an entry program for native women, a program which trained immigrant women in bookkeeping skills, and a program which trained women on social assistance to enter the construction trades. The work of the staff in these programs was considered in light of a theoretical framework developed by Nancy Fraser. Fraser has called for a different approach -- a more critical discourse-oriented inquiry -- to the study of social-welfare policies and programs. This approach focuses on the political struggle over the interpretation of needs, particularly women's needs, which she sees as central to social-welfare policy-making. In her study of the American system, she has found that "needs talk" is the medium through which inequalities are symbolically elaborated and challenged. She also has found that needs talk is stratified and differentiated by unequal status, power, and access to resources, and organized along lines of class, gender, race, ethnicity and age. For this study, information was collected through interviews with the staff in the three programs, observations of life skills classes, and examination of program proposals. Government and government-related documents were also examined. The analysis revealed that, in the official policy documents at the national level, women’s needs were interpreted within a dominant policy framework which focused on reducing spending, matching workers to the market and privatizing training programs. Programs for women were developed based upon a "thin” understanding of women's needs -- one which focused on women’s lack of training and job experience and ignored the structural inequalities of the labour market and women’s different racial and class struggles. At the local level, analysis of the interviews, observations and documents indicated that the staff struggled to respond to the trainees' diverse and complex needs which the official policy discourse addressed in only a limited way. In their negotiations with the state, the staff employed a plurality of needs discourses, engaging in a process which both challenged and reproduced the dominant policy orientation toward getting women "jobs, any jobs”. There were moments of resistance by the staff to the dominant policy orientation, most notably in the program for native women. The trainees also challenged the narrow interpretation of women's needs, particularly in the program training women to enter the construction trades.
Generally speaking, the analysis indicated that the staff played a crucial role in mediating between women and the state and in producing a kind of discourse which tended to construct the trainees as subjects needing to be "fixed". The analysis also revealed that the relationships between staff, trainees and the state were organized around unequal access to resources based on gender, race and class. In order to transcend the limitations outlined in this study, efforts are required to democratize decision-making, collectively organize the non-profit private sector, challenge privatization and the exploitive practices of the state, and bring alternative approaches which support participatory and dialogical processes of need interpretation. The analysis brings to light the importance of studying the implications of state policies on adult education practice, particularly policies which promote privatization. It also reveals the explanatory power of a feminist theoretical framework which provides a more critical, discourse-oriented approach to examining policy and practice, and the usefulness of this framework for further research and political advocacy.
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Brown, Michael Peter. "Locating citizenship across the city politics of AIDS in Vancouver, Canada." Thesis, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/7141.
Full textAbstract:
Chantal Mouffe has proposed a theory of political engagement or
“citizenship” that rejects fixed, essential definitions to “the political”. With her
pluralistic, non-essentialized political subject, she hopes for a means by which different
political struggles can be linked together rather than ordered hierarchically or
exclusively. Here citizens are associated in distinct but related struggles, rather than
by legal status or community membership. A crucial point in her argument is that
political theorists must look for new “spaces” of politics. Since she never expands on
this call, we are left with little more than spatial metaphors that fix the locations where
citizenship might be found. Political theory typically plots three separate spheres to
describe people’s lives: the state, civil society, and the family. By spatializing these
metaphorical locations I have taken up her call and explored the emergence of
citizenship across these spatialized social relations through an ethnography on AIDS
politics in Vancouver, Canada.
For each allegedly discrete space in political theory, I note an ongoing
restructuring that affects and is affected by the articulation of citizenship with the
changes in social relations in place. These restructurings suggest that fixed,
essentialized characterizations of space must also be rejected. I sketch the considerable
overlap between social relations of state, family, and civil society in locations across
Vancouver’s AIDS politics. Radical civil disobedience failed because activists failed to
understand the overlap of state and civil society through AIDS service organizations.
Within those agencies, political engagement is caught between grassroots community
orientations (civil society) and the emergence of a large, rapidly bureaucratizing service
system attached to the state. Volunteers who provide all manner of support (from
social work to kinship) for people living with AIDS likewise complicate any clearcut
distinction between state and family. The overlap of the family with civil society is
illustrated by the Vancouver display of the AIDS Quilt. It was at once a fundraising
event held in civil society, yet it was also a familial space: allowing families and
friends to grieve and mourn their dead. Spatial overlaps enabled (and also constrained)
citizenship, as Mouffe defines it. These hybrid spaces articulate de-centered citizens
with the ongoing restructurings of state, civil society, and family that are concurrent to
the AIDS epidemic. Consequently, I conclude that future work on radical democratic
citizenship consider the contexts in which the citizen engages in political struggle.
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Grant, Michael. "Evaluating attempts to influence public education." Thesis, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/1775.
Full textAbstract:
Teachers and others who are not representative participants in the authorized governance structure often find they must make decisions concerning the legitimacy of attempts to influence public education. These "evaluators-at-the-fringe' of the formal policy-formation structure find themselves being 'gate-keepers' for what will be considered legitimate attempts to influence public education. Having defensible criteria for determining the legitimacy of attempts to influence public education policy is important. Without such criteria, resources will be wasted on the implementation of inappropriate attempts to influence public education. Or, just as important, influences which could be beneficial for the students, or for the society as a whole, may never be seriously considered. In this paper it is argued that criteria for evaluating attempts to influence public education can be derived from the obligation to participate in the promotion of the public good, the right of individuals to self-preservation, the obligations associated with justice as fairness, and the duty to acknowledge the insights of the `marketplace of ideas.' It is argued that there is an underlying tension between the rights of citizens to influence public policy and the rights of children being raised. It is established that the right of citizens to participate in the debate concerning the nature of public education policy follows necessarily from the conditions for a satisfactory democratic social arrangement.
The legitimacy of individual attempts to influence public education policy is evaluated using a two part process. The first step in the process is to categorize the attempt to influence according to the kind of interests that appear to be motivating the attempt. The second step is to evaluate critical aspects of the attempt in terms of the criteria. Only attempts which are judged legitimate in terms of these criteria are eligible for any consideration as a possible influence on public education policy. The paper concludes with an application of the framework to several examples of attempts to influence public education policy.
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Dibley, Ben. "Expositions : theory, culture, museum." Phd thesis, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/146406.
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Henry, Wade Andrew. "Royal representation, ceremony, and cultural identity in the building of the Canadian nation, 1860-1911." Thesis, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/14615.
Full textAbstract:
The process of nation-building in nineteenth century Canada involved the production of
national symbols which could transcend sub-national loyalties, such as class, gender, ethnic, and
religious identities, and unite the residents of the Canadian nation. While the symbols were many
and varied, in this study I analyse the manner in which the Canadian state and civil society used
royal ceremonies and representations to define and unify the Canadian nation between 1860 and
1911. The study focusses on the Canadian observances of Queen Victoria's Golden and
Diamond Jubilees, her Memorial Services, the Coronation and Memorial Services of Edward
VII, the Coronation of George V, and the royal visits of the Prince of Wales (Edward VII) in
1860 and the Duke of Cornwall and York (George V) in 1901.
Regarding society and social relations as neither static nor fixed, but multiple and
contradictory, I use the concept of cultural hegemony combined with elements from the "new"
cultural history to examine the complex nature of power, identity, and royal representation in the
nation-building process. Specifically, I argue that male members of the middle class articulated
representations of themselves, women, the upper and lower classes, and the monarchy in order
to legitimise their social authority and consolidate themselves as a cultural hegemony in the new
national society. In turn, women and the upper and working classes resisted these
representations with images of their own designed to empower themselves. The traditional elite
claimed public and royal affirmation of their leadership; women and the working class sought an
equal place in the nation. Complicating matters, however, were ethnic and religious identities
which impinged upon class and gender loyalties and further altered the nature of royal representation and the formation and negotiation of a cultural hegemony. French Canadians,
Irish Catholics, Jews, African and Asian Canadians, and the Peoples of the First Nations added
their voices—and imagery—to the process of nation-building as each articulated representations
of the monarchy in order to counter the dominant interpretations emanating from Protestants and
whites. By doing so, they sought to either negotiate themselves a place within a wider hegemony
or demand that their rights—and their place within the Canadian nation—be respected. Royal
ceremonies and representations, then, were not trivial events in Canadian history. They
comprised a fundamental feature in national imagery and played a vital part in the building of the
Canadian nation.
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Howard, David Brian. "Bordering on the new frontier : modernism and the military industrial complex in the United States and Canada, 1957-1965." Thesis, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/2859.
Full textAbstract:
In 1964 Clement Greenberg suffered his greatest setback as the critical arbiter of modern painting. The "Post Painterly Abstraction" exhibition he had helped to organize at the Los Angeles Museum of Art was critically demolished, definitively shattering the myth of invincibility surrounding Greenberg's modernism, an aesthetic which had been a powerful influence in the United States and Canada in the post-war period. For many contemporary critics, the early to mid-1960's is the period in which a stultified and institutionalized modernism was finally usurped by an approach to culture that was less elitist and more socially engaged.
The new cultural model that was taking shape within the Kennedy Administration's vision of the New Frontier sought to remotivate a sense of "national purpose" within the United States to counter the nation's preoccupation with consumerism and affluence. The pragmatic liberal concept of culture sought to rework the relationship between work and play in order to promote a new relationship between individualism and civic virtue. The impetus to re-shape the boundaries between art and society under the New Frontier was a direct response to the political and military challenge posed by the Soviet Union in the late-1950s, especially after the launch of Sputnik in 1957, and the inability of the Eisenhower Administration to respond to the anxieties generated by the intense superpower rivalry.
This international environment also exacerbated the ongoing tensions between Canada and the United States, culminating in the 1962 Cuban Missile Crisis . Canadian Prime Minister Diefenbaker delayed in responding to the U.S. alarm over the presence of Soviet medium range nuclear
weapons in Cuba, and the political firestorm that followed this delay highlighted the frictions that had developed in the unequal bilateral relationship between the United States and Canada after World War Two.
While the Cold War was approaching its ultimate showdown, Greenberg was proceeding to a geographical margin of North America — Saskatchewan — to participate in the Emma Lake Artists' Workshops. Ironically, while Greenberg was extolling the virtues of Canadian abstract painters such as Art McKay and Kenneth Lochhead, going so far as to argue that the Saskatchewan abstract painters were New York's only competition, Los Angeles was asserting itself as New York's cultural rival . As a consequence of the phenomenal post-war growth of the military - industrial complex in the American Southwest, a fierce rivalry was developing with the traditional bases of power in the Northeast. The Southwest, and Los Angeles in particular, was the major beneficiary of the accelerated defense spending resulting from the heightened tensions of the Cold War in the 1950s. Partially in response to a regional dispute over military appropriations, the economic and cultural elites of Southern California sought to counter the pragmatic liberal agenda of the Kennedy Administration by promoting Los Angeles as the Second City of American Art. Greenberg's "Post Painterly Abstraction" exhibition was intended to draw attention to the Los Angeles cultural renaissance and the maturing of the city's independent cultural identity.
Thus, Greenberg's sojourn to Saskatchewan at the height of the Cold War and during a crucial period of his formulation of his theory of modernist painting after abstract expressionism provides the focus for an examination of the status of modernism in the early 1960s, especially in the context of U.S.-Canadian relations and interregional rivalry between the Northeast and the Southwest. This thesis seeks to explain the complex cultural and political dynamic of modernist painting in the United States in the Cold War years of 1957 to 1965 and the effect of this dynamic on the development of Canadian modernist painting.
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Schiavone, Michael. "Social movement unionism in North America : an evaluation of Kim Moody's account." Phd thesis, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150503.
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Usher, Kimberley. "The politics of health care reform: a comparative analysis of South Africa, Sweden and Canada." Diss., 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/20077.
Full textAbstract:
Text in EnglishSouth Africa is currently in the process health care reform as the Government has undertaken the task of providing universal health care to all South Africans through the implementation of the National Health Insurance Scheme (NHI). This study took an in-depth look at the history and progression of the post-1994 South African health care policy, and applied the Power Resources Theory to the political economy of the current health care reform process in South Africa. Through a comparative study of the pivotal elements in the phases of health reform in Canada and Sweden this study drew lessons for the design and implementation of universal public health care provision in South Africa. This study found that a strong culture of care, strong political will, active civil society participation and a focus on equality as opposed to poverty in the creation of policy is essential to a successful implementation of universal health care.
Sociology
M.A. (Sociology)
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Usher, Kimberley Ann. "The politics of health care reform: a comparative analysis of South Africa, Sweden and Canada." Diss., 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/20077.
Full textAbstract:
Text in EnglishSouth Africa is currently in the process health care reform as the Government has undertaken the task of providing universal health care to all South Africans through the implementation of the National Health Insurance Scheme (NHI). This study took an in-depth look at the history and progression of the post-1994 South African health care policy, and applied the Power Resources Theory to the political economy of the current health care reform process in South Africa. Through a comparative study of the pivotal elements in the phases of health reform in Canada and Sweden this study drew lessons for the design and implementation of universal public health care provision in South Africa. This study found that a strong culture of care, strong political will, active civil society participation and a focus on equality as opposed to poverty in the creation of policy is essential to a successful implementation of universal health care.
Sociology
M.A. (Sociology)
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Kienker, Brittany Lynn. "The Henry Ford : sustaining Henry Ford's philanthropic legacy." Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/4654.
Full textAbstract:
Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)This dissertation argues that the Edison Institute (presently known as The Henry Ford in Dearborn, Michigan) survived internal and external challenges through the evolution of the Ford family’s leadership and the organization’s funding strategy. Following Henry Ford’s death, the museum complex relied upon the Ford Foundation and the Ford Motor Company Fund as its sole means of philanthropic support. These foundations granted the Edison Institute a significant endowment, which it used to sustain its facilities in conjunction with its inaugural fundraising program. Navigating a changing legal, corporate, and philanthropic landscape in Detroit and around the world, the Ford family perpetuated Henry Ford’s legacy at the Edison Institute with the valuable guidance of executives and staff of their corporation, foundation, and philanthropies. Together they transitioned the Edison Institute into a sustainable and public nonprofit organization by overcoming threats related to the deaths of two generations of the Ford family, changes in the Edison Institute’s administration and organizational structure, the reorganization of the Ford Foundation, the effects of the Tax Reform Act of 1969, and legal complications due to overlap between the Fords’ corporate and philanthropic interests. The Ford family provided integral leadership for the development and evolution of the Edison Institute’s funding strategy and its relationship to their other corporate and philanthropic enterprises. The Institute’s management and funding can be best understood within the context of philanthropic developments of the Ford family during this period, including the formation of the Ford Foundation’s funding and concurrent activity. This dissertation focuses on the research question of how the Edison Institute survived the Ford family’s evolving philanthropic strategy to seek a sustainable funding and management structure. The work examines its central research question over multiple chapters organized around the Ford family’s changing leadership at the Edison Institute, the increase of professionalized managers, and the Ford’s use of their corporation and philanthropies to provide integral support to the Edison Institute. In order to sustain the Edison Institute throughout the twentieth century, it adapted its operations to accommodate Henry Ford’s founding legacy, its legal environment, and the evolving practice of philanthropy in the United States.
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Van, Schalkwyk Maria Catharina Dirkschen. "Educational change : the case of Newfoundland." Thesis, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/17760.
Full textAbstract:
Text in English, abstract in English and AfrikaansDramatic changes in Newfoundland's environment and global developments during the past decade, significantly influenced growing demands for restructuring the education system of Newfoundland. Responding to these demands, Newfoundland educators succeeded in creating a single unified non-denominational education system which became fully operational at the beginning of the 1998/99 school year. This achievement has been hailed by the majority of Newfoundlanders as a monumental landmark in the provinces' lengthy experience with denominational education. As well, it is viewed as pivotal in achieving educational excellence and ensuring that children receive a relevant education that will prepare them for the demands of the next century. The former education system (which consisted of four separate denominational school systems operated jointly by the church and the state) had become too cumbersome and inefficient, thus adversely affecting the quality of education. This thesis looks in particular at the contextual realities and perspectives that influenced the demands for changing the system. Such factors as the declining school population, economic conditions, technological developments, as well as legal and political issues have distinctly changed the Newfoundland society during the past number of years, hence the necessity to restructure the education system. The thesis furthermore discusses the proposed government model for restructuring the system and highlights the proposals for improving education. It also focuses briefly on the minority rights issue in Canada, as this has bearing on the legal rights of the church to educate in Newfoundland and its current role within the new structure. An evaluation of Newfoundland's educational reform initiatives (which includes the views of key educators in Newfoundland on these issues), deals with some of the problem areas which currently exist within the new system. However, the focus centres mainly on the obvious improvements in such areas as management, organization, parent involvement, curriculum development, educational achievement and accountability. The impact of these reforms on the social, educational and political dimensions of the Newfoundland society will only become evident in time, yet they hold the promise of having a lasting impact on educational achievement. The remarkable feature of the whole reform process is, that it was achieved from within.
Die ingrypende veranderings wat die Newfoundlandse gemeenskap oor die afgelope dekade ondergaan het, tesame met ontwikkelings op wereldvlak, het aanleiding gegee tot toenemende eise om die onderwysstelsel van Newfoundland te herstruktureer. Gevolglik onderneem die Newfoundlandse regering 'n omvattende herondersoek van die onderwys wat lei tot die vorming van 'n enkele, openbare, ge'integreerde onderwysstelsel wat aan die begin van die skooljaar 1998/99 in werking tree. Hierdie prestasie word as 'n besondere keerpunt in die onderwys deur Newfoundlanders beskou, aangesien die behoud en vooruitgang van die Newfoundlandse gemeenskap en onderwys daardeur verseker word. Voorheen het die onderwysstelsel uit vier afsonderlike kerkskoolstelsels bestaan wat gesamentlik deur die staat en kerk op alle vlakke beheer en bestuur is. Hierdie eiesoortige struktuur het die onderwys al hoe meer belemmer en opvoedkundiges genoodsaak om dit te hersien. Hierdie studie kyk eerstens na die vergestaltende faktore en lewensbeskouings wat die onderwys in Newfoundland ten diepste raak. Faktore soos dalende geboortegetalle, ekonomiese toestande, tegnologiese en staatkundige ontwikkelings dra veral by tot die veranderde leefwereld van die Newfoundlander en noop die regering om die onderwysstelsel daarby aan te pas en 'n onderwysmodel vir die toekoms te ontwerp. Hierdie onderwysmodel wat alle komponente asook die struktuur van die onderwysstelsel aanraak, word vervolgens ontleed. Aandag word ook gewy aan die kwessie van minderheidsregte in Kanada, omdat dit die kerk se reg om onderwys in Newfoundland te bedryf, raak. Laastens word die onderwyshervormings vanuit sekere perspektiewe in oenskou geneem en die standpunte van sommige Newfoundlandse opvoedkundiges word gestel. In die slotbeskouing word ook enkele probleme ge'identifiseer. Die bespreking word egter hoofsaaklik gewy aan aspekte van die onderwys wat alreeds verbetering toon soos onder andere onderwysbeheer en onderwysorganisasie, ouerbetrokkenheid, curriculumontwikkeling en onderwyskundige ontwikkeling. Die toekoms sal bepaal hoe hierdie omvangryke en omvattende onderwysveranderings die sosio-kulturele dimensies van die Newfoundlandse gemeenskap sal be'invloed, terwyl dit die belofte inhou om 'n dinamiese verbetering te bewerkstellig.
Educational Studies
D. Ed. (Comparative Education)
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Dziedzic, Allyson. "Perspective vol. 38 no. 2 (Jun 2004)." 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10756/251180.
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Dziedzic, Allyson Ann. "Perspective vol. 38 no. 2 (Jun 2004)." 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10756/277529.
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