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Đurčević Cucić, Miljana. "STRUKTURNE PROMENE MULTILATERALNE DIPLOMATIJE EVROPSKE UNIJE U GENERALNOJ SKUPŠTINI UJEDINJENIH NACIJA." Politička revija 74, no. 4/2022 (January 23, 2023): 15–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.22182/pr.7442022.1.
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Predmet rada su strukturne promene multilateralne diplomatije Evropske unije (EU) posmatrane kroz unapređenje njenog diplomatskog sistema Ugovorom iz Lisabona i unapređeni položaj posmatrača u Generalnoj skupštini Ujedinjenih nacija (GSUN) koja je glavni organ stvaranja politike i predstavljanja u Organizaciji Ujedinjenih nacija. Primenom Ragijevog (John Ruggie) teorijskog pristupa i metoda diplomatske analize multilateralne prakse izvršeno je sagledavanje ostvarivanja multilateralnog diplomatskog delovanja EU u GSUN i pre sticanja unapređenog položaja posmatrača u UN i posle ostvarenog sticanja ovog jedinstvenog položaja. Cilj rada je da se izdvoje pouzdani međaši empirijsko-teorijske podloge povećanja teorijske refleksije izmena multilateralne diplomatije EU i izmena koje svojim multilateralnim diplomatskim delovanjem u GSUN vrši na ovoj globalnoj platformi na multilateralnu diplomatiju sveta. Prvi deo rada posvećen je teorijskoj refleksiji određenja inovativnosti diplomatije EU i prepoznavanju njenog elementarnog doprinosa postojećem diplomatskom sistemu. Drugo poglavlje odnosi se na hronološki prikaz izmena položaja i diplomatske aktivnosti EU pri UN do Ugovora iz Lisabona, kako bi se zatim u narednom poglavlju detaljno opisala diplomatska izmena EU u institucionalnom, normativnom i praktičnom smislu. U skladu sa tim pregledom diplomatskih izmena delovanja EU pri GSUN izdvajaju se glavne posebnosti u načinu vođenja EU diplomatije. Ključni nalaz je da multilateralni diplomatski DNK Evropske unije drži osnovu njenog diplomatskog preduzetništva u GSUN snažnom, uprkos bitnim unutrašnjim promenama i promenama svog diplomatskog sistema. Zaključno, inovativnost u diplomatiji EU ključni je element budućih naraštaja diplomatskih aktivnosti globalnih aktera gde se EU posmatra kao model koji je ujedno i jak globalni akter ali i model koji treba pratiti.
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Saggi, Kamal, Alan Woodland, and Halis Murat Yildiz. "On the Relationship between Preferential and Multilateral Trade Liberalization: The Case of Customs Unions." American Economic Journal: Microeconomics 5, no. 1 (February 1, 2013): 63–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/mic.5.1.63.
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This paper compares equilibrium outcomes of two games of trade liberalization. In the Bilateralism game, countries choose whether to liberalize trade preferentially via a customs union (CU), multilaterally, or not at all. The Multilateralism game is a restricted version of the Bilateralism game in that countries cannot form CUs and can only undertake non-discriminatory trade liberalization. When countries have symmetric endowments, global free trade is the only stable equilibrium of both games. Allowing for endowment asymmetry, we isolate circumstances where the option to form CUs helps further the cause of multilateral liberalization as well as where it does not. (JEL F12, F13)
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Ho, Selina. "‘Big brother, little brothers’: comparing China's and India's transboundary river policies." Water Policy 18, S1 (October 4, 2016): 32–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.2166/wp.2016.103.
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Hydro-hegemons can provide both positive and negative forms of leadership, the former leading to cooperative outcomes and the latter to conflict in transboundary river basins. What constrains hydro-hegemons and under what conditions do they cooperate? This paper examines China's and India's hydro-hegemonic behavior, using case studies of the Mekong and the Ganges, respectively. As a positive hydro-hegemon, China cooperates multilaterally with other Mekong riparians, while India takes a limited sovereignty view by sharing water with Bangladesh and Nepal in the Ganges. China and India behave as dominant hydro-hegemons when they engage in resource capture strategies, such as water diversion projects and unilateral dam-building activities. The regional context and domestic politics of hydro-hegemons constrain their behavior, and determine the forms of positive and negative leadership they provide. When strong multilateral mechanisms already exist in the regional context, hydro-hegemons are more likely to cooperate multilaterally. This explains why China cooperates multilaterally in the Mekong while India rejects multilateralism in the Ganges. Domestic considerations also explain why China cooperates multilaterally in the Mekong but avoids water-sharing discussions. In India's case, electoral politics account for the eventual signing of the Ganges and Mahakali treaties after decades of negotiations.
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Mistelis, Loukas, and Giammarco Rao. "Multilateral Principles in a Bilateral World." Italian Review of International and Comparative Law 1, no. 1 (October 15, 2021): 59–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/27725650-01010004.
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Abstract Multilateralism in international investment law is a multifaceted concept with a complex and eventful history. Multilateralism is a paradigm for international investment relations and is also present in the caselaw of investment arbitral tribunals, regardless of whether they consider bilateral or multilateral investment treaties. Indeed, in most cases, they interpret treaty provisions as part of a multilateral system. Further, multilateralism is present every time States act in concert with other States or consider other States’ investors’ legitimate interests. It also emerges that, in some instances, multilateralism has become mandatory. For example, this is the case concerning sustainable development or climate change. In these areas, international law requires multilateralism. States are under an obligation to co-operate for purposes of achieving or promoting multilateral solutions. However, concerning the international investment law context, such a concept is not present. The general assumption is that States’ participation in multilateral practises is left to their discretion: it is voluntary or consensual. In this article, we question that assumption. In this article, we offer a brief review of multilateral experiences in international investment law in the 20th century and provide an analysis of multilateralism in a historical context. Then we turn our attention to the current state of affairs to appreciate it in light of the past. Further, we discuss the future, and in particular, mandatory multilateralism in international law with respect to sustainable development. Here we identify the principles, which might justify mandatory multilateral approaches. Finally, we consider whether the principles justifying mandatory multilateralism in international law are applicable in the context of international investment law as well. We attempt to answer this question in the affirmative and point out further areas of research.
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Elizalde Carranza, Miguel Ángel. "Las medidas comerciales multilaterales para la protección del Medio Ambiente." Anuario Español de Derecho Internacional 23 (August 16, 2018): 279–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.15581/010.23.28364.
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INTRODUCCIÓN. I. LAS MEDIDAS COMERCIALES Y LA PROTECCIÓN AMBIENTAL. A. Las externalidades ambientales producidas por el comercio. B. Clases de medidas comerciales para la protección del medio ambiente. C. Formas que pueden adoptar las medidas comerciales ambientales. II. LAS MEDIDAS COMERCIALES AMBIENTALES MULTILATERALES. A. Las medidas comerciales ambientales adoptadas en un marco multilateral. B. Las medidas comerciales unilaterales adoptadas para apoyar los objetivos de un Acuerdo Multilateral sobre el Medio Ambiente. III. LAS FUNCIONES, EFICACIA Y LEGALIDAD DE LAS MEDIDAS COMERCIALES AMBIENTALES MULTILATERALES. A. Las funciones de las medidas comerciales ambientales multilaterales. B. La eficacia de las medidas comerciales ambientales multilaterales. C. La legalidad de las medidas comerciales ambientales multilaterales en el Derecho internacional.
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Brunnée, Jutta. "Multilateralism in Crisis." Proceedings of the ASIL Annual Meeting 112 (2018): 335–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/amp.2019.35.
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Some twenty-five years ago, John Ruggie defined “multilateralism” in terms that remain apposite today. As an international lawyer, this definition prompts me to reflect on the connections between the international legal order and multilateralism. To be sure, international law has unilateral, bilateral, and multilateral features, for example in lawmaking or law enforcement. Similarly, it can be wielded to unilateral, bilateral, or multilateral ends. Indeed, it is precisely because it transcends ends and issue areas, that international law, by providing “generalized” principles of conduct and interaction, is an important component of multilateralism.
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Braun, Guido. "Erkenntnispotentiale der „Nuntiaturberichte aus Deutschland“ für die internationale historische Forschung." Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken 98, no. 1 (March 1, 2019): 11–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/qufiab-2018-0004.
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Riassunto Dopo una breve rassegna sull’edizione del carteggio dei nunzi da parte della storiografia di lingua tedesca, nonché una panoramica su temi centrali dei volumi di corrispondenza dei nunzi a Vienna relativi ai primi anni Trenta del XVII secolo, il contributo approfondisce i fulcri tematici, i possibili approcci analitici e la prospettiva di acquisire nuove cognizioni che i volumi relativi agli anni 1630/1635, e soprattutto l’ultimo volume apparso nel 2016, offrono alla ricerca storica per determinati campi tematici, spaziando dalla storia politica a quesiti storico-antropologici. Su queste basi si discute, infine, il problema, affrontato maggiormente a partire dagli anni Novanta del XX secolo, di quanto tali imprese editoriali siano ancora opportune. Si sottolinea che le fonti, edite in questo contesto, sono fondamentali per capire la politica europea durante una fase centrale della Guerra dei Trent’anni, non solo riguardo ai rapporti tra la Curia e l’Impero, ma anche relativo a tutto un ventaglio di problemi politici cruciali a livello europeo. In particolare emergono da esse in maniera efficace le origini della convinzione secondo cui un conflitto che interessava tutta Europa poteva essere ricomposto con successo solo attraverso trattative multilaterali e con il ricorso a mediatori della pace. Tale convinzione sarebbe diventato in seguito un elemento importante del sapere diplomatico europeo.
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Wuthnow, Joel, Xin Li, and Lingling Qi. "Diverse Multilateralism: Four Strategies in China’s Multilateral Diplomacy." Journal of Chinese Political Science 17, no. 3 (July 20, 2012): 269–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11366-012-9202-6.
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Lee, Ji-Yong. "China’s Maritime Ambition, Security Dilemma and Lack of Multilateral Framework." Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs 8, no. 2 (July 28, 2021): 195–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/23477970211017729.
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The security environment of the South China Sea has been disrupted as China strengthens its efforts at maritime ambition. The recent security situation in the Asia-Pacific, particularly the South China Sea, is characterised by arms building and balancing against China. It raises the possibility of conflict. For securing stability and peace, it is time to bring multilateralism back in, since a multilateral security framework contributes to taking the edge off power politics. However, there is no reliable multilateral framework to deal with the declining maritime security environment. This article highlights the lack of a multilateral framework and suggests an eclectic approach to multilateralism for securing the Asia-Pacific maritime order.
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Sarah Akram. "Case of US Unilateralism at the UN." Strategic Studies 41, no. 1 (May 9, 2021): 41–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.53532/ss.041.01.0057.
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The new world order has been instrumental in shaping and promoting multilateralism over the last seven decades. The end of the World War II led to the evolution of a world order where multilateral organisations and multilateral treaties have paved the path for a stable and better world. However, the current rise in unilateral tendencies undermines the edifice of the contemporary world order. The United Nations (UN) being one of the global bodies has been instrumental in promoting multilateralism and norm-setting in the international arena. However, the recent rise in unilateral tendencies has undermined the UN’s role quite significantly. All the reasons that underpinned the flourishing of multilateral institutions after the World War II remain valid today. However, big powers continue to undermine multilateralism at all global forums. This paper will attempt to explore the present rise of the United States (US) in moving towards unilateralism and how it has shunned it at the UN as well.
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He, Kai, and Huiyun Feng. "Transcending rationalism and constructivism: Chinese leaders’ operational codes, socialization processes, and multilateralism after the Cold War." European Political Science Review 7, no. 3 (November 17, 2014): 401–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773914000241.
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This paper challenges both rationalist and constructivist approaches in explaining China’s foreign policy behavior toward multilateral institutions after the Cold War. Borrowing insights from socialization theory and operational code analysis, this paper suggests a ‘superficial socialization’ argument to explain China’s pro-multilateralist diplomacy after the Cold War. Using operational code analysis to examine belief changes across three generations of Chinese leadership and on different occasions, we argue that China’s pro-multilateralist behavior is a product of ‘superficial socialization’, in which Chinese foreign policy elites change their beliefs about the outside world and regarding the future realization of their political goals in multilateral institutions. However, Chinese policy makers have not changed their instrumental beliefs regarding strategies even in multilateral institutions. China is indeed socialized through multilateral institutions, but its scope is still far from the ‘fundamental socialization’ stage when states’ interests, preferences, and even identities change.
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MUZAKA, VALBONA, and MATTHEW LOUIS BISHOP. "Doha stalemate: The end of trade multilateralism?" Review of International Studies 41, no. 2 (September 29, 2014): 383–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210514000266.
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AbstractThis article challenges conventional narratives that suggest that the travails in the Doha Round, the shift to bilateral free trade agreements, and the broader unfolding of the global crisis collectively presage the decline of either the WTO or the broader institution of multilateral trade. We question the extent to which recent trends can indeed be said to constitute a genuine crisis of trade multilateralism by reflecting upon the contradictory and ambiguous nature of the multilateralism of the past, and also upon how contemporary multilateralism has been framed with reference to it. Our main finding is that, in contrast to the many short and medium-term symptoms which tend to appear in the conventional story of multilateral decline, there is actually a far more worrying long-term trend which underpins the varied conflicts that characterise contemporary trade politics: the fundamental lack of a shared social purpose between the developed countries and the more powerful emerging countries on which a stable, equitable, and legitimate edifice of multilateral trade rules can be erected, institutionalised, and enhanced.
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Binaku, Artan. "What Scope is there for Multilateral Diplomacy as a Basis for Global Governance?" SEEU Review 14, no. 1 (July 1, 2019): 117–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/seeur-2019-0007.
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Abstract The development of multilateral diplomacy over the past decades, its importance that the process of multilateral diplomacy withholds in solving crises and global governance, this paper will try to evaluate the current trend of processes and critically evaluate is there hope and realistic expectation that multilateral diplomacy will become a basis for global governance in the future. There are many definitions given to the multilateralism, having in account that multilateralism within the global governance is becoming increasingly complex in its form and expressions. In doing the analysis on how much there is scope of multilateral diplomacy as basis for global governance, an overview on historical facts, international organizations and elements contributing to the global governance achievement will be touched upon. Impact and historical aspects of international organisations such as United Nations, European Union and World Trade organisations in setting the first pillars of global governance will be also elaborated, with an emphasis on impact and potential that these institutions have in global governance evolution.
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Martin, Lisa L. "Interests, power, and multilateralism." International Organization 46, no. 4 (1992): 765–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300033245.
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Multilateralism characterizes, to varying degrees, patterns of interaction among states and the formal organizations they construct. The utility of multilateral norms or organizations varies with the type of cooperation problem states confront. Thus, the functional logic of international cooperation leads to hypotheses about the conditions under which the institution of multilateralism may be a feasible and efficient solution, as in coordination problems, and those under which it will not, as in collaboration problems. Within these constraints, powerful states choose institutions that will serve their interests, with multilateral arrangements becoming more attractive as the future is valued more highly. Multilateral institutions should be stable in circumstances of changing distributions of power, relative to more hierarchical institutions. The vulnerability of patterns of international cooperation to various exogenous changes depends on the type of strategic interaction underlying state behavior.
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Recchia, Stefano. "Authorising humanitarian intervention: a five-point defence of existing multilateral procedures." Review of International Studies 43, no. 1 (August 31, 2016): 50–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210516000279.
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AbstractEven scholars who support multilateralism in principle frequently question the value of securing approval from existing multilateral bodies for humanitarian intervention. The United Nations (UN) and regional organisations such as NATO, the argument goes, are far from democratic; furthermore, multilateralism is often a recipe for doing nothing; therefore, unauthorised intervention should be permissible in circumstances of ‘humanitarian necessity’. This article maintains that although today’s multilateral organisations and related procedures for authorising armed intervention may be suboptimal, they have significant output legitimacy. First, existing authorisation procedures reduce the risk of destabilising conflict spirals among powerful states. Second, they diminish the likelihood that humanitarianism will be used as a pretext. Third, they reduce epistemic problems concerning the identification of a just cause for intervention and thus the risk of accidental abuse. Fourth, they minimise the ‘moral hazard’ of humanitarian intervention. Finally, compliance with multilateral procedures is increasingly required for successful peacebuilding. This leads me to conclude that humanitarian warfare should always be authorised by the UN or regional multilateral organisations.
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Barrios Diaz, Jose Alejandro Sebastian. "O papel dos Bancos Multilaterais de Desenvolvimento na Cooperação Sul-Sul | The role of Multilateral Development Banks in South-South Cooperation." Mural Internacional 13 (December 22, 2022): e67485. http://dx.doi.org/10.12957/rmi.2022.67485.
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O campo da cooperação internacional para o desenvolvimento é um dos mais destacados das relações internacionais. Os Bancos Multilaterais de Desenvolvimento operam nesse contexto e podem desempenhar papel importante no estabelecimento de ambientes institucionais favoráveis ao desenvolvimento de setores como saúde, educação ou infraestrutura, por meio da cooperação internacional com governos e mobilização do setor privado, subsidiando reformas e ajudando os países a tomarem decisões com o uso de evidências e estatísticas. O objetivo do artigo é caracterizar o papel dos Bancos Multilaterais de Desenvolvimento no contexto da Cooperação Sul-Sul.Palavras-chave: Cooperação Internacional. Bancos Multilaterais de Desenvolvimento. Cooperação Sul-Sul.ABSTRACTThe development cooperation is one of the most prominent fields in international relations. Multilateral development banks operate in this context and play an important role in establishing favorable institutional environments for the development of sectors such as health, education or infrastructure through international cooperation with governments and private sector mobilization, subsidizing reforms and helping countries to make decisions using evidence and statistics. The objective of the article is to characterize the role of Multilateral Development Banks in the context of South-South Cooperation.Keywords: Development cooperation. Multilateral Development Banks. South-South Cooperation.Recebido em: 23 mai. 2022 | Aceito em: 22 dez. 2022.
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Castiblanco, Ayala. "Addressing Multilateralism in Interregional Forums: Evidence from the Dialogue between the European Union and Latin America." Academic and Applied Research in Military and Public Management Science 21, no. 1 (November 9, 2022): 61–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.32565/aarms.2022.1.5.
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The emergence of economic, political, social, and health crises brings to light the fact that, in a globalised world, isolated state responses are insufficient to face upcoming international challenges. Cooperative action, not only between states but also between regions, has become crucial. A salient case is the relationship between the European Union and Latin America. This biregional partnership is characterised by its foundation on common values inherited from a shared historical background. These values are closely related to a liberal standpoint that promotes multilateral cooperation as a way to find solutions to global issues. By studying this case, this paper aims to understand how interregional dialogue can become a driver of multilateralism and how it might reflect a political will to foster multilateral agreements. The expected result is a complex assessment of the EU – Latin American interregional dialogue examining how the official speech on multilateralism has evolved over the years and identifying whether multilateralism is a priority in the biregional agenda.
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Heemann, Lisa, and Patrick Rosenow. "Multilateralismus in der Krise, die Vereinten Nationen unter Druck und die Rolle Deutschlands." Sicherheit & Frieden 37, no. 4 (2019): 193–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0175-274x-2019-4-193.
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Multilateralism is currently in a crisis, according to many opinions. However, this is only partly true. It is noticeable that particularly the powerful states are questioning multilaterally negotiated procedures as a cornerstone of the current world order and are putting pressure on the United Nations as the central international organization of multilateralism. This most obviously concerns the US with its “America First” policy under President Donald Trump, but also Russia under Vladimir Putin and China under Xi Jinping. However, it should not be forgotten that the majority of UN member states continue to believe that global problems can only be solved multilaterally. What role can Germany play in renewing multilateralism and strengthening the United Nations? The current non-permanent membership in the UN Security Council 2019/2020 represents an opportunity in this regard.
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Kurniasari, Emilia, Asra Virgianita, and Ardhitya Eduard Yeremia. "China�s Perspectives on Multilateralism: A Preliminary Exploration of The Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB)." Intermestic: Journal of International Studies 6, no. 2 (May 31, 2022): 442. http://dx.doi.org/10.24198/intermestic.v6n2.10.
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This article seeks to explore how China understands multilateralism. Employing content analysis, this article analyzes Chinese leaders� speeches surrounding the establishment of AIIB. The result finds that within the speeches, �fazhan� (development/to develop) is the most frequently mentioned word. The narratives concerning the word suggest that from the China perspective, a multilateral cooperation framework is instrumental to pursue its long-term geopolitical goals. For China, multilateral practices should be based on the principle of flexibility. On the one hand, the implementation of such a principle is central in projecting the image of China as being accommodative. On the other hand, it is fundamentally instrumental to ensure that China would have wider room to maneuver in achieving and defending its interests. Keywords: Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, China, economic development, global governance, multilateralism
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Rodrigues Vieira, Vinícius. "Beyond the Market: The Global South and the wto’s Normative Dimension." International Negotiation 21, no. 2 (June 2, 2016): 267–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718069-12341333.
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Negotiators expect the World Trade Organization (wto) to be an arena for states to pursue their material gain. However, the wto also reflects symbolic aspects of international politics, in particular the notion of multilateralism. Although such a principle, in part, expresses Western dominance, Global South states have also benefited from multilateral regimes, and thus have incentives to legitimize them and behave according to their rules. Will the pattern of multilateralism change as other trade arrangements potentially gain more prominence? This article analyzes actions taken by Brazil and India in wto’s Doha Development Agenda (dda) and concludes that the multilateral system of trade will survive as Global South states participate in the organization to seek not just material gains but also to commit themselves to the international normative dimension.
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Oliveira, Amâncio Jorge Nunes de, Janina Onuki, and Emmanuel de Oliveira. "Coalizões Sul-Sul e multilateralismo: Índia, Brasil e África do Sul." Contexto Internacional 28, no. 2 (December 2006): 465–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0102-85292006000200004.
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Este artigo busca analisar as razões motivadoras da parceria no jogo das negociações comerciais multilaterais. O objetivo é contribuir para a compreensão mais ampla sobre as bases (doméstica e internacional) do processo de constituição de coalizões internacionais, ou parcerias, de tipo Sul-Sul no novo contexto da agenda multilateral. Tal processo tem ocupado papel central na dinâmica das negociações multilaterais e regionais de comércio, particularmente no que tange às perspectivas do reequilíbrio de forças centro-periferia do sistema internacional. A reabertura de uma nova rodada de negociações multilaterais no âmbito da Organização Mundial do Comércio (OMC), com foco justamente nos novos desafios temáticos sobre comércio internacional e caminhos para o desenvolvimento, reintroduz a centralidade do papel das coalizões e alianças de tipo Sul-Sul. Este artigo analisa a convergência e divergência de interesses comerciais entre Brasil, Índia e África do Sul, dentro do quadro de interesses político-estratégicos mais amplos, mostrando que os aspectos meramente comerciais não dão conta de explicar os tipos de alinhamentos produzidos no interior da arena multilateral de comércio.
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Downs, George W., David M. Rocke, and Peter N. Barsoom. "Managing the Evolution of Multilateralism." International Organization 52, no. 2 (1998): 397–419. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002081898753162866.
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One of the most prominent characteristics of multilateral organizations is that they do not “spring forth full blown”; they grow. Although this is well known, relatively few attempts have been made to explain it at a general level or to explore its implications. In this paper we show why states that desire to create a multilateral organization or agreement might be attracted to a strategy that involves admitting potential members sequentially based on their preferences. Such a “sequential construction” strategy can generate an unusual kind of structure-induced equilibrium that dramatically mitigates the breadth-depth trade-off and increases the level of cooperation a multilateral is able to attain. We evaluate these claims with data drawn from the history of the European Union and twenty environmental multilaterals.
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Alter, Karen J. "Remarks by Karen J. Alter." Proceedings of the ASIL Annual Meeting 114 (2020): 324–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/amp.2021.58.
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Any speculation about the promise and future of multilateralism in Latin America turns fundamentally on what we mean by multilateralism. If multilateralism is defined in numeric terms, as any formal cooperative endeavor undertaken by three or more states, then it is easy to predict that multilateralism is going to be an ongoing feature international politics everywhere. If the question concerns the future of particular Latin American multilateral institutions, such as the Inter-American Human Rights system, Mercosur, or the Andean Community, there might be greater worry and room for disagreement. We would then want to know “what part of the inter-American Human Rights system/Mercosur/Andean Community are you talking about?”
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Newman, Abraham L. "Flight from Risk: Unified Germany and the Role of Beliefs in the European Response to the Financial Crisis." German Politics and Society 28, no. 2 (June 1, 2010): 151–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2010.280210.
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Since the end of World War II, scholars have attempted to make sense of Germany's insistent multilateralism. Many concluded that this sacrifice resulted from a deeply ingrained political identity that stressed international cooperation and shunned parochial national politics. More recently, however, German leadership has suggested a willingness to weaken its role as global altruist and reassert its interests in Europe and abroad. This article argues that core German attitudes towards regional and global cooperation have changed. But rather than a shift to "national self-interests," I argue that the unification process elevated long-held beliefs about policy conservatism and caution that now compete with the postwar multilateral policy frame within the foreign policy elite. In addition to the pro-European, multilateralist agenda, a second powerful lesson of the interwar period emphasized the dangers associated with sudden change and the benefits of incrementalism. Owing to the uncertainty associated with sociopolitical events, decision makers must rely on their beliefs about how the world works to guide their decisions. To explore the relationship between beliefs and Germany's regional policy, the paper examines the government's regional response to the post 2008 financial crisis and the banking crisis in Eastern Europe.
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Fehl, Caroline, and Johannes Thimm. "Dispensing With the Indispensable Nation?" Global Governance 25, no. 1 (March 1, 2019): 23–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19426720-02501006.
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Abstract Since entering office, US president Trump has reversed key multilateral achievements of his predecessors, initiating a new US retreat from multilateral cooperation. For other governments wishing to preserve and deepen existing global agreements, this has posed the question of whether and how multilateral cooperation can work without the leadership and support of the dominant global power. International relations scholars have already debated the possibility of “nonhegemonic cooperation” in earlier periods marked by US unilateralism. This article draws on these previous analyses to evaluate the current prospects and limits of a “multilateralism minus one” in three key global policy areas: nuclear arms control, climate change, and trade.
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Versloot, Larissa. "The vitality of trusting relations in multilateral diplomacy: an account of the European Union." International Affairs 98, no. 2 (March 2022): 509–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiab260.
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Abstract Trust is commonly considered a foundation of multilateral diplomacy. Amidst concerns about eroding trust in this realm, due to a ‘crisis’ of multilateralism and ‘hollowing out’ of diplomacy in a socially distanced world, it is surprising that our knowledge of the role trust plays in everyday multilateral diplomacy remains limited at best. In this article, I explore how trusting relations affect multilateral diplomatic practice. I construct a novel theoretical framework that centres on the notion of ‘vitality’—a useful metaphor to capture the lively character of trusting relations and how they differ in what I call intensity, shape and age. I use this framework to analyse the workings of trust in diplomatic practice, based on empirical material gathered over three years (2018–2021) at the Council of the European Union. Contrary to what is often assumed, I find that trusting relations as such do not unequivocally enable smooth decision-making and can also hinder cooperation. We can understand this, I argue, by grasping the social opportunities and constraints that arise from trust ‘climates’ as constituted by configuring trusting relations. Overall, the analysis unpacks complexities in the connection between trust and cooperation in multilateralism. The analytical vocabulary offered in this article allows both scholars and practitioners to comprehend the manifold ways in which trust matters in multilateral diplomacy.
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Agarwal, Manmohan. "Economic Multilateralism in Peril." International Studies 58, no. 4 (October 2021): 425–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00208817211056741.
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The Doha Round of multilateral negotiations is at a stalemate. The aid situation is changing as many countries are graduating from the soft loan arm of the World Bank Group. Developing countries built up their foreign exchange reserves to avoid borrowing from the International Monetary Fund (IMF), leading the IMF to retrench. This article explores the evolution of multilateralism from, essentially, its political roots to the economic area after the First World War (FWW), though in a limited way, and more fully after the Second World War (SWW). We then discuss how the workings of these economic multilateral institutions resulted in the current situation, where they risk becoming irrelevant. Finally, the article discusses the possible role of theG20 in the revival of multilateralism and, in particular, the role that developing countries might play in the revival.
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Keohane, Robert O., Stephen Macedo, and Andrew Moravcsik. "Democracy-Enhancing Multilateralism." International Organization 63, no. 1 (January 2009): 1–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818309090018.
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AbstractInternational organizations are widely believed to undermine domestic democracy. Our analysis challenges this conventional wisdom, arguing that multilateral institutions can enhance the quality of national democratic processes, even in well-functioning democracies, in a number of important ways: by restricting the power of special interest factions, protecting individual rights, and improving the quality of democratic deliberation, while also increasing capacities to achieve important public purposes. The article discusses conflicts and complementarities between multilateralism and democracy, outlines a working conception of constitutional democracy, elaborates theoretically the ways in which multilateral institutions can enhance constitutional democracy, and discusses the empirical conditions under which multilateralism is most likely to have net democratic benefits, using contemporary examples to illustrate the analysis. The overall aim is to articulate a set of critical democratic standards appropriate for evaluating and helping to guide the reform of international institutions.
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da Conceição-Heldt, Eugénia. "The Clash of Negotiations: The Impact of Outside Options on Multilateral Trade Negotiations." International Negotiation 18, no. 1 (2013): 111–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718069-12341247.
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Abstract While the number of preferential trade agreements (PTA) has increased rapidly in recent years, the Doha round of multilateral trade negotiations has been deadlocked since 2006. Most PTAs were even concluded after the start of the Doha round. Does the shift to PTAs “marginalize” the multilateral system? And is there a clash between preferential and multilateral trade liberalization? To answer these questions, we build upon negotiation analysis literature, arguing that the proliferation of PTAs draws negotiating capacity away from the multilateral level and thus reduces the incentives to agree on multilateral trade agreements. The willingness of actors to move from their initial bargaining positions and make concessions at the multilateral level depends on their outside options, that is, their best or worst alternatives to a negotiated agreement. The more credible an actor’s argument that he has a good alternative to multilateralism, the greater his bargaining power will be. In order to support the argument we will analyze the negotiation process at the multilateral level and link it to PTAs under negotiation by the EU, US, Brazil, Australia, and India.
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SQUATRITO, THERESA. "Conditions of democracy-enhancing multilateralism: expansion of rights protections in Europe?" Review of International Studies 38, no. 4 (May 29, 2012): 707–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210512000149.
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AbstractAs argued in a recent article by Keohane, Macedo, and Moravcsik, ‘democracy-enhancing multilateralism’ highlights the potential ways in which international organisations can enhance domestic democracy. The thesis raises an important question about the conditions which shape the likelihood that multilateralism will have such democratising effects. This article responds to the question of conditionality, looking at one way in which democracy may be improved by multilateralism-through the expansion of rights protections. That is, under what conditions will domestic democratic processes garner an improved ability to protect rights as a result of a state's participation in multilateral institutions? Using most likely empirical cases – the European Union (EU) and the Council of Europe (COE) – this article argues that three conditions affect the likelihood that rights expansion will result from multilateral legal institutions. Together the compatibility between the international legal principle and pre-existing domestic law, legal mobilisation, and the precision and obligation of the international law have significant affect on the likelihood of rights expansion. The unique contribution here is a set of conditions that helps to understand when and where rights are likely to expand as a result of a state's participation in international organisations.
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Graham, Erin R. "Money and multilateralism: how funding rules constitute IO governance." International Theory 7, no. 1 (February 9, 2015): 162–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1752971914000414.
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International relations scholarship largely accepts that multilateralism lies at the heart of the liberal international order and is instantiated in formal, intergovernmental organizations. This paper revisits the conventional wisdom regarding the multilateral character of international organization (IO) governance by drawing attention to the funding methods used to finance contemporary IOs. I argue that different funding rules constitute different modes of governance. While mandatory funding rules are easily reconciled with traditional conceptions of multilateralism, voluntary rules are not. In particular, restricted voluntary funding rules devolve authority over funding decisions to individual actors, undercutting the collective decision making that is central to multilateral governance. I demonstrate the relevance of the argument in the case of the United Nations, which has transformed from an institution reliant primarily on mandatory contributions, to one disproportionately reliant on restricted, voluntary funds. The counterintuitive result is an increasingly bilateral United Nations. The paper contributes to our understanding of the relationship between multilateralism and IO governance, and has implications for literature related to institutional design, delegation, and development aid. In addition, it raises empirical and normative questions regarding reliance on voluntary funding.
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Barros, Antonio Teixeira de. "A Agenda Verde Internacional e seus Impactos no Brasil." Revista de Estudos e Pesquisas sobre as Américas 9, no. 2 (December 22, 2015): 36. http://dx.doi.org/10.21057/repam.v9i2.9698.
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Analisa os impactos da globalização da agenda verde na política ambiental brasileira, com base em uma periodização da agenda nacional, desde as primeiras iniciativas oficiais direcionadas para a conservação da natureza até o contexto atual. São identificados os seguintes aspectos como os mais expressivos dessa agenda: conservacionismo; ecopacifismo; debate sobre riscos ambientais; negociações multilaterais antes e depois da Conferência de Estocolmo (1972); e as políticas voltadas para a sustentabilidade e a redução de gases de efeito-estufa após a Rio 92. O estudo é realizado com base nas técnicas de pesquisa documental e metanálise, ou seja, no exame de documentos oficiais e de bibliografia especializada sobre o tema. Conclui que a política ambiental brasileira se desenvolveu de forma tardia em relação às demais políticas setoriais e em função das pressões externas dos países desenvolvidos e dos organismos multilaterais, como a ONU.Palavras-chave: Política internacional e ambiente. Política ambiental brasileira. Política e ecologia. Política e legislação ambiental.RESUMEN:En este artículo se analiza el impacto de la globalización de la agenda verde en la política ambiental brasileña, sobre la base de una línea de tiempo de la agenda nacional, ya que las primeras iniciativas oficiales dirigidas a la conservación de la naturaleza para el contexto actual. Las siguientes como las más importantes de esta agenda se identifican: conservacionismo; ecopacifismo; análisis de riesgos ambientales; negociaciones multilaterales antes y después de la Conferencia de Estocolmo (1972); y las políticas dirigidas a la sostenibilidad y la reducción de gases de efecto invernadero después de Río 92. El estudio se llevó a cabo sobre la base de las técnicas de investigación documental y meta-análisis, es decir, el examen de los documentos oficiales y de la literatura profesional sobre el tema . Llega a la conclusión de que la política ambiental brasileña se desarrolló tardíamente en comparación con otras políticas sectoriales y sobre la base de las presiones externas de los países desarrollados y las organizaciones multilaterales como la ONU.Palabras-clave: la política internacional y el medio ambiente. La política ambiental brasileña. La política y la ecología. Política y legislación ambiental.ABSTRACT: This paper analyzes the impacts of globalization on the green Brazilian agenda, based on a periodization of the national agenda since the first official initiatives to the present context. Identifies the following as the most significant aspects of this agenda: conservatism; ecopacifism; debate on environmental risks; multilateral negotiations before and after the Stockholm Conference (1972), and policies aimed at sustainability and the reduction of greenhouse gases after Rio 92. The study is based on the techniques of documentary research and meta-analysis. Concludes that the Brazilian environmental policy was developed so late compared to other sectoral policies and in function of external pressures from developed countries and multilateral organizations such as the UN.Keywords: International politics and the environment. Brazilian environmental policy. Politics and ecology. Environmental policy and legislation.
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Singh, J. P. "Introduction: Emerging Powers and the wto." International Negotiation 21, no. 2 (June 2, 2016): 201–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718069-12341330.
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International trade has become increasingly important to emerging market economies. Concurrently, increasing trade liberalization through the multilateral Doha Round, launched in November 2001, from the World Trade Organization (wto) has been a failure. The essays in this issue evaluate the role of Brazil, China, and India at thewtoexamining in particular their domestic and coalitional constraints, the fairness and justice claims underlying their interests, and the types of identity politics that inform their negotiation positions. These three facets do not make multilateral negotiations easy but they do offer possibilities for future negotiations. Multilateral trade negotiations may not decline but the current era of ‘managed multilateralism’ has become complex balancing great and emerging powers interests.
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Durney, Mariana. "Remarks by Mariana Durney." Proceedings of the ASIL Annual Meeting 114 (2020): 329–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/amp.2021.59.
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I will take Karen's challenging question about the goals of a multilateral institution as the starting point for analyzing whether the promise of multilateralism in Latin America has been honored, if the current crisis is related to those goals (or their absence), and whether multilateralism still holds any promise for the future. In my analysis, key elements of Ruggie's definition (institutional form, coordination, generalized principles) will also be at stake. Thus, objectives and principles are at the center of this discussion.
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Coronel Ortega, César L. "Introductory Remarks by César L. Coronel Ortega." Proceedings of the ASIL Annual Meeting 114 (2020): 323–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/amp.2021.57.
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As the title of the session indicates, we will be exploring the future of multilateralism in Latin America, which will inevitably entail looking at its record. Criticisms of multilateralism in the region abound, from recurrent debates about the effectiveness of the Organization of American States (OAS) and other regional institutions in promoting democratic governance and human rights, to the alleged failure of the Andean Community or Mercosur and similar organizations to promote true integration or economic development, or the difficulties in multilateral approaches to addressing crises such as those in Venezuela, Nicaragua, or Haiti.
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Altemöller, Frank. "A Future for Multilateralism?: New Regionalism, Counter-Multilateralism and Perspectives for the World Trade System after the Bali Ministerial Conference." Global Trade and Customs Journal 10, Issue 1 (January 1, 2015): 42–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/gtcj2015002.
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Participation in the World Trading System is generally considered to bring substantial benefits. However, the developments of the Doha Round show, that the multilateral trade negotiations are progressing at an unprecedentedly slow pace accompanied by constant setbacks. This resistance towards stronger multilateral economic integration may at first appear not very plausible. This article sets out to look for the causes of these difficulties. From that base, it describes the ways that WTO Member States are seeking different strategies for economic integration on the bilateral, regional and inter-regional levels. The perspectives for the future of the World Trading System and multilateralism are discussed.
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Meerts, Paul W. "Diplomatic Negotiation at the Crossroads?" International Negotiation 25, no. 1 (February 10, 2020): 18–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718069-25131237.
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Abstract While interstate negotiation is becoming more important than ever in guiding the course of world affairs, it is in danger of being weakened as a consequence of the erosion of multilateral diplomacy. Multilateral organizations and cooperation between states has opened new pathways for negotiation, stabilized the world, and served to equalize power distribution. Growing multilateralism has protected negotiation processes and offered smaller powers more of a say in world affairs. However, with the current trend for powerful countries to undermine multilateral negotiation processes in favor of bilateral and minilateral power-based negotiations, global political gaps are widening. This will undermine small countries and middle powers that want to use diplomatic negotiation as their main tool to influence others. The consequence could be a process of diplomatic negotiation used by hegemonic powers to further their interests to the detriment of the less powerful.
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Christou, George. "Multilateralism, Confl ict Prevention, and the Eastern Partnership." European Foreign Affairs Review 16, Issue 2 (May 1, 2011): 207–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2011015.
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Although the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) contains a conflict prevention dimension, the Russia-Georgia war demonstrated the extent to which this dimension was underdeveloped, at best, and completely ineffective, at worst. Through conceptualizing multilateralism, this article critically assesses the potential contribution that the Eastern Partnership (EaP) initiative can make to the European Union (EU)'s impact on creating a climate that is conducive to cooperation and long-term stability. It is argued that the multilateral approach within the EaP certainly offers 'new' potential for long-term prevention. However, it also asserts that to be effective it must address some fundamental weaknesses within its multilateral and bilateral governance processes.
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Sato, Eiiti. "Conflito e cooperação nas relações internacionais: as organizações internacionais no século XXI." Revista Brasileira de Política Internacional 46, no. 2 (December 2003): 161–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0034-73292003000200007.
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Partindo da recente intervenção anglo-americana no Iraque, o presente artigo inicia um debate acerca do papel desempenhado pelas organizações multilaterais no mundo atual. Questionando inicialmente a real eficácia dessas organizações, o autor conclui que seu processo de consolidação não é linear, estando sujeito a retrocessos, mas afirma que a continuidade da diplomacia multilateral não pode ser abandonada.
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Kwakwa, Edward. "The Future of Multilateralism." Proceedings of the ASIL Annual Meeting 112 (2018): 339–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/amp.2019.36.
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Multilateralism can be seen as the greatest source of legitimacy and inclusiveness in the international system. In thinking of multilateralism, I am inspired by Harlan Grant Cohen's Editorial Comment in the January 2018 issue of the American Journal of International Law, in which he explains that multilateralism is a process that is more inclusive than unilateralism or bilateralism. Following that definition, it would imply, for example, that cooperation activities at the United Nations (UN), with its membership of 193 States, are more a reflection of multilateralism than cooperation activities at the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), with its membership of thirty-six states, or at the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), with its membership of twenty-nine states. But by the same token, efforts at multilateralism could be harder to achieve results, given that achieving consensus among 193 countries would be more challenging than doing so among a smaller number of countries. It would also stand to reason that regional or plurilateral arrangements are less reflective of multilateralism than are multilateral arrangements. But of course, multilateralism should not only be viewed against a yardstick of numbers, but also in terms of legitimacy, effectiveness and impact of activities and outputs.
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Talibu, Oladimeji. "An Appraisal of Economic Dimension in Nigeria’s Multilateral Diplomacy." Global Disclosure of Economics and Business 6, no. 2 (December 31, 2017): 61–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.18034/gdeb.v6i2.117.
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Nigeria’s multilateral economic policy has come under scrutiny and criticism in recent years from policy quarters and informed publics. This becomes necessary because of the perceived policy discrepancy between policy intention and outcome. Most Nigerians, especially from the academia and policy quarters, continue to reassess Nigeria’s place in international institutions vis-à-vis its national goals and interests. This article is therefore an extension of such exercise, to assess and explore a section of Nigeria’s involvement in multilateral institutions since 1960, the year of independence. It explores and assesses the economic aspect of Nigeria’s multilateral policy and seeks to appraise what Nigeria has benefitted from its decades of involvement in multilateral organizations. In achieving this, the article uses latent content analysis to mine data from existing documents, journal articles, newspapers, and policy papers to dissect the process of multilateralism in Nigeria’s foreign policy. In addition, the article takes into consideration the use of hermeneutics approach, which is premised on the interpretation of all available evidence, to arrive at objectivity.
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Oliveira, Ivan Tiago Machado. "A ordem econômico-comercial internacional: uma análise da evolução do sistema multilateral de comércio e da participação da diplomacia econômica brasileira no cenário mundial." Contexto Internacional 29, no. 2 (December 2007): 217–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0102-85292007000200001.
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O trabalho traça uma análise histórica do Sistema Multilateral de Comércio (SMC), tendo como foco a sua importância para a conformação da ordem econômica internacional do pós-Segunda Guerra Mundial. A partir de uma perspectiva analítico-evolutiva, faz-se uma apresentação do contexto internacional no qual o sistema multilateral foi gerado e identificam-se as interações entre as transformações históricas mundiais, tanto no plano político quanto no econômico, e a estruturação do Sistema Multilateral de Comércio, desde o Acordo Geral sobre Tarifas e Comércio (em inglês, General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT)) até a Organização Mundial do Comércio (OMC). Ademais, o papel desempenhado pela diplomacia econômica brasileira na construção e transformação do SMC será discutido ao longo do presente trabalho. Também são feitas considerações sobre a atual Rodada de negociações multilaterais, a Rodada Doha, e a sua relevância na ótica dos países em desenvolvimento.
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SHIN, WONKYU, and DUKGEUN AHN. "Trade Gains from Legal Rulings in the WTO Dispute Settlement System." World Trade Review 18, no. 1 (January 25, 2018): 1–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474745617000544.
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AbstractUsing bilateral trade data on WTO disputes from 1995 to 2010 within the framework of multilateral trade, this paper empirically investigates whether legally winning a WTO dispute leads to actual trade gains. This study helps to illuminate the efficacy of the WTO dispute settlement system and to understand the role of the system as an institutional device for promoting multilateral trade liberalization. Assessing differential effects of the WTO dispute settlement rulings and the legal status of participants, this paper examines how trade gains are created and distributed among WTO members. Our empirical findings suggest that winning a legal dispute contributes to multilateral trade liberalization, not merely by rectifying trade problems for prevailing complainants but more so by providing better market access for all WTO members. This result reaffirms that the WTO dispute settlement system fulfills its purpose as a regulatory instrument for promoting multilateralism and market competition.
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Eduardo de Paiva Araújo, Hélio. "Multilateralism versus exceptionalism in international tax: would the multilateral instrument be a reconciliation?" Revista Direito Tributário Internacional Atual 7, no. 7 (2020): 182. http://dx.doi.org/10.46801/2595-7155-rdtia-n7-9.
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Kaşıkçı, Tamer. "Questioning Multilateralism: Conceptual Re-Evaluation and the Decline in the Western Multilateral Order." Alternatif Politika 14, no. 1 (February 15, 2022): 176–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.53376/ap.2022.06.
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Bensouda, Fatou. "The Progress and Convergence of the icc and R2P Norms in a Rules-Based Global Order." Global Responsibility to Protect 12, no. 4 (October 5, 2020): 372–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1875-984x-01204005.
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Abstract In this contribution, the author reflects on the Forum topic ‘R2P 15 Years after the World Summit: Progress, Problems and Prospects’, and provides her perspective as Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court (icc) on the correlation between R2P and the principles and goals of the icc Rome Statute, against the backdrop of increasing pressures on multilateralism and multilateral institutions.
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Mukherjee, Rohan, and David M. Malone. "Global Responsibilities :." Jindal Journal of International Affairs 1, no. 1 (October 1, 2011): 182–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.54945/jjia.v1i1.15.
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This article offers an examination of international developments central to globalisation in India and reviews India’s approach to some prominent multilateral treaty systems such as the United Nations (UN), the World Trade Organisation (WTO), the international climate change regime, and the nuclear non-proliferation and test-ban regimes. It argues that, to be a responsible and true global player, India needs to move beyond its membership of narrowly based power caucuses within these regimes to constructively address the greater challenges that these treaties are focused on. Thus, India’s engagement with the multilateral system needs to be one that serves the interests of the system rather than the national interests of India alone. Through a historical overview of India’s multilateralism, the article probes India’s variable contemporary performance in four substantive fields of foreign policy to assess India’s multilateral stance during the postCold War period. It evaluates India’s diplomatic approach to global challenges like climate change and the wider multilateral system to reiterate the need for India to engage further in multilateral diplomacy and address global challenges, going beyond narrow conceptions of the nation’s bilateral partnerships. India’s aspiration to be a great power will only materialise if it is prepared to balance its political and economic obligations, both nationally and internationally.
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Bapat, Navin A. "Smoke and Mirrors: Globalized Terrorism and the Illusion of Multilateral Security." Canadian Journal of Political Science 38, no. 2 (June 2005): 524–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423905439992.
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Smoke and Mirrors: Globalized Terrorism and the Illusion of Multilateral Security, Frank P. Harvey, Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2004, p. x, 345.Following the second Gulf War, international observers were quick to criticize the unilateral behaviour of the United States. Without a UN mandate, the allies had undermined the very institution they had created to foster multilateralism following the Second World War. Yet, Frank Harvey makes the case that not only is unilateralism the new trend in American foreign policy, it is desirable in an age of terrorism and nuclear proliferation. Harvey begins by scrutinizing the foundations of multilateralism and their applicability to the post 9/11 world. He concludes that not only is the higher moral ground associated with multilateralism a fallacy, but that multilateralism can be dangerous in an era where rapid responses to security threats are needed. To justify his conclusions, Harvey examines both the buildup to the 2003 Iraq conflict and the issue of Ballistic Missile Defense. He concludes with an analysis of future U.S. and Canadian security policy.
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Nenci, Silvia. "Do We Still Need the World Trade Organization?" Journal of International Commerce, Economics and Policy 11, no. 03 (October 2020): 2050012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s179399332050012x.
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The recent explosion of bilateral and regional deals, President Trump’s policy against multilateralism, and, lastly, the restrictions to international trade because of the COVID-19 pandemic have highlighted the issue of the need for a multilateral trading system, currently embodied by the World Trade Organization (WTO). Although the WTO has achieved most of its goals over the last two decades, it is undeniable that it is facing major challenges that question its relevance, effectiveness, fitness and responsiveness to contemporary issues. Is the lack of multilateralism worrisome? What will be the future of the WTO? By summarizing the past and current debate and proposing a critical reading of the WTO, this paper aims to answer these crucial questions.
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Dragneva, Rilka, and Joop De Kort. "The Legal Regime for Free Trade in the Commonwealth of Independent States." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 56, no. 2 (April 2007): 233–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/iclq/lei164.
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AbstractWhether through the framework of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) or outside of it, the former Soviet republics continue to seek and depend on economic cooperation with each other, particularly in the area of trade in goods. This article examines the legal framework for free trade in the post-Soviet space and discusses its role in fostering effective regional cooperation. The focus is on the multiplication of regimes at the bilateral and multilateral (CIS) level—a particular blend of ‘à; la carte multilateralism’ and multiple bilateralism—and their respective features in terms of legal nature, substantive scope, and disciplining mechanisms, as well as the implications of their overlap. We find that both the bilateral and the multilateral regimes have undergone significant (often underestimated) development, and that the multilateral regime has generally sought to be more ambitious both in its substantive and institutional reach. Yet, both regimes can be described as ultimately weak and their overlap confusing. While a higher juridicization and comprehensive consolidation at the multilateral level of the CIS free trade regime may be recommended, we remain sceptical about its likelihood in the short and medium term.