Journal articles on the topic 'Multilateral aid organization'
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1
Graham, Erin R. "Money and multilateralism: how funding rules constitute IO governance." International Theory 7, no. 1 (February 9, 2015): 162–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1752971914000414.
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International relations scholarship largely accepts that multilateralism lies at the heart of the liberal international order and is instantiated in formal, intergovernmental organizations. This paper revisits the conventional wisdom regarding the multilateral character of international organization (IO) governance by drawing attention to the funding methods used to finance contemporary IOs. I argue that different funding rules constitute different modes of governance. While mandatory funding rules are easily reconciled with traditional conceptions of multilateralism, voluntary rules are not. In particular, restricted voluntary funding rules devolve authority over funding decisions to individual actors, undercutting the collective decision making that is central to multilateral governance. I demonstrate the relevance of the argument in the case of the United Nations, which has transformed from an institution reliant primarily on mandatory contributions, to one disproportionately reliant on restricted, voluntary funds. The counterintuitive result is an increasingly bilateral United Nations. The paper contributes to our understanding of the relationship between multilateralism and IO governance, and has implications for literature related to institutional design, delegation, and development aid. In addition, it raises empirical and normative questions regarding reliance on voluntary funding.
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Gnangnon, Sèna Kimm. "Market Access of OECD Donor Countries and Their Supply of Aid for Trade." Journal of International Commerce, Economics and Policy 07, no. 01 (February 2016): 1650004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793993316500046.
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This paper assesses the impact of the tariffs faced by Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) donors’ exports on their supply of Aid for Trade (AfT). The analysis is conducted on the basis of both a donor/year framework and a bilateral donor–recipient framework over the period 2002–2009. Results suggest that donors as a whole could reduce AfT budget supply when they face higher tariffs on their exports. However, low-income and lower-middle-income countries appear to be protected by donors from AfT decline, even if they impose higher tariffs on donors’ exports. Further multilateral tariff liberalization would certainly be conducive to higher AfT.
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Bjelic, Predrag, and Ivana Popovic-Petrovic. "Aid for development of international trade." Medjunarodni problemi 64, no. 3 (2012): 359–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1203359b.
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The development of international trade was very impressive in the second half of 20th century. But even with these great development opportunities that growth of international trade can bring the small number of developed economies had succeeded to ripe benefits from it in order to develop their economies and reduce poverty. Even with the establishment of the World Trade Organization it was apparent that developing countries need assistance in order to integrate fully in international trade system. The Aid for Trade, which is a part of Official Development Assistance focusing on trade, has an aim to help developing countries build their trade capacity and the transport infrastructure so they can use trade as a powerful engine for economic growth. This paper set out to describe this new programme of trade aid developed under the auspices of WTO, as a multilateral project, to point out the readiness of donor countries and aims of beneficiary countries. But we will explore the linkages of Aid for Trade programme with bilateral and regional aid initiatives in the area of trade.
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Echols, Marsha. "The Food Assistance Convention." International Legal Materials 52, no. 1 (February 2013): 354–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.5305/intelegamate.52.1.0354.
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The Food Assistance Convention (Convention), signed by seven countries and the European Union in April 2012, went into effect on January 1, 2013. The Convention replaces and builds on the 1999 Food Aid Convention (FAC 1999). The use of ‘‘assistance’’ instead of ‘‘aid’’ in the title signals a change in approach from fixed commodity donations to offering a series of options for assisting communities address their particular food needs and goals. The objectives of the Convention are broad, to ‘‘save lives, reduce hunger, improve food security, and improve the nutritional status’’ of the most vulnerable populations. These objectives are in accord with international humanitarian law, which is referred to in the Preamble. The foundation of the Convention is the annual commitment of food, cash, vouchers, equipment, seeds and other assistance by each Party. The flexibility in developing the assistance for each population permits the donor to consider the specific local needs, capabilities and goals, e.g., to avoid interfering with or displacing local production. ‘‘Vulnerable populations’’ and the ‘‘most vulnerable populations’’ receive special attention throughout the Convention. The text refers to improved coordination of multilateral efforts, authorizes increased involvement of other organizations and stakeholders, and expressly gives priority to obligations under the World Trade Organization.
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TOBIN, JENNIFER L., and MARC L. BUSCH. "The Disadvantage of Membership: How Joining the GATT/WTO Undermines GSP." World Trade Review 18, no. 1 (April 17, 2018): 133–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474745618000034.
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AbstractScholars and policymakers have long debated whether the Generalized System of Preferences (GSP) enhances development through increased trade – i.e., whether the program is effective as a form of ‘trade-as-aid’. We argue that, by itself, GSP increases poor-country exports, but that when recipients join the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) or its successor, the World Trade Organization (WTO), they realizefewerimports, and less gains in total trade, than GSP recipients that do not join the multilateral trading system. The logic is that GATT/WTO membership makes GSP more predictable by making it non-discriminatory, in the sense that exporters in recipient countries are less vulnerable to the program's ad hoc conditionality. This leads these exporters to lobby less against domestic protectionism, yielding higher trade barriers at home, and thus fewer imports. We test this hypothesis using a gravity model of trade, and data on all GSP programs, and find strong support for the argument that the GATT/WTO's interaction with GSP undermines trade.
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Sauvé, Pierre. "Special and Differential Treatment as If It Could Be Reformed." Journal of World Trade 56, Issue 6 (December 1, 2022): 879–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2022036.
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The central question posed by the longstanding debate among World Trade Organization (WTO) Members over special and differential treatment (S&DT) is how best to address legitimate demands for differentiation. Should this be done by replacing the self-designation of development status by a set of objective metrics distinguishing different categories of WTO Members? Or should Members alternatively focus their efforts on addressing objectively assessed capacities and needs in a more customized manner and on a case by case and agreement-specific basis? This note’s review of the S&DT debate suggests that rather than focusing on the divisive issue of development status, where prospects for consensus appear non-existent, WTO Members should design S&DT support focusing on objectively assessed negotiating and implementation needs to which targeted Aid for Trade would respond. A forward-looking approach to differentiation within the WTO requires that an altogether different narrative on trade and development take root in the organization, one that ascribes to trade (and to trade policy) a key supportive role in development trajectories. All too often, S&DT demands are formulated as if multilateral rules are inherently inimical to the development needs and aspirations of the world’s poorest nations. The note advances several reform options in charting a forward-looking S&DT agenda. Trade and development, trade governance, developing countries, least developed countries, special and differential treatment, World Trade Organization
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Akobeng, Eric. "Harnessing foreign aid for the poor: role of institutional democracy." Journal of Economic Studies 47, no. 7 (May 4, 2020): 1689–710. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jes-05-2019-0225.
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PurposeThis paper examines the relationship between foreign aid, institutional democracy and poverty. The paper explores the direct effect of foreign aid on poverty and quantifies the facilitating role of democracy in harnessing foreign aid for poverty reduction in Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA).Design/methodology/approachThe paper attempts to address the endogenous relationship between foreign aid and poverty by employing the two-stage least squares instrumental variable (2SLS-IV) estimator by using GDP per capita of the top five Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) countries sending foreign aid to SSA countries scaled by the inverse of the land area of the SSA countries to stimulate an exogenous variation in foreign aid and its components. The initial level of democracy is interacted with the senders’ GDP per capita to also instrument for the interaction terms of democracy, foreign aid and its components.FindingsThe results suggest that foreign aid reduces poverty and different components of foreign aid have different effects on poverty. In particular, multilateral source and grant type seem to be more significant in reducing poverty than bilateral source and loan type. The study further reveals that democratic attributes of free expression, institutional constraints on the executive, guarantee of civil liberties to citizens and political participation reinforce the poverty-reducing effects of aggregate foreign aid and its components after controlling for mean household income, GDP per capita and inequality.Research limitations/implicationsThe methodological concern related to modeling the effects of foreign aid on poverty is endogeneity bias. To estimate the relationship between foreign aid, democracy and poverty in SSA, this paper relies on a 2SLS-IV estimator with GDP per capita of the top five aid-sending OECD countries scaled by the inverse of land area of the SSA countries as an external instrument for foreign aid. The use of the five top OECD's Development Assistance Committee (OECD-DAC) countries is due to the availability of foreign aid data for these countries. However, non-OECD-DAC countries such as China and South Africa may be important source of foreign aid to some SSA countries.Practical implicationsThe findings further suggest that the marginal effect of foreign aid in reducing poverty is increasing with the level of institutional democracy. In other words, foreign aid contributes more to poverty reduction in countries with democratic dispensation. This investigation has vital implications for future foreign aid policy, because it alerts policymakers that the effectiveness of foreign aid can be strengthened by considering the type and source of aid. Foreign aid and quality political institution may serve as an important mix toward the achievement of the Sustainable Development Goals 2030 and the Africa Union Agenda 2063.Social implicationsAs the global economy faces economic and social challenges, SSA may not be able to depend heavily on foreign partners to finance the region's budget. There is the need for African governments to also come out with innovative ways to mobilize own resources to develop and confront some of the economic challenges to achieve the required reduction in poverty. This is a vision that every country in Africa must work toward. Africa must think of new ways of generating wealth internally for development so as to complement foreign aid flows and also build strong foundation for welfare improvement, self-reliance and sustainable development.Originality/valueThis existing literature does not consider how democracy enhances the foreign aid and poverty relationship. The existing literature does not explore how democracy enhances grants, loans, multilateral and bilateral aid effectiveness in reducing poverty. This paper provides the first-hand evidence of how institutional democracy enhances the poverty-reducing effects of foreign aid and its components. The paper uses exogenous variation in foreign aid to quantify the direct effect of foreign aid and its components on poverty.
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Rudner, Martin. "European Community Development Assistance to Asia: Policies, Programs and Performance." Modern Asian Studies 26, no. 1 (February 1992): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00015912.
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The European Community is distinctive among the donors of international development assistance. Although it is categorized officially as a multilateral aid institution, the Community differs in structure, purpose and role compared to other, more familiar organizations of that genre. Like other multilaterals, the European Community derives its aid budget, as well as its other financial resources, from the fiscal contributions of its Member states (each of which provides its own bilateral assistance to developing countries). Yet, to be sure, the Community represents more than just a multilateral economic union, since it also constitutes a supra-European governmental authority in the making. Indeed, the European Community has begun to evolve a common foreign policy, which is reflected in its role in Official Development Assistance (ODA). Its aid effort, in giving expression to the Community's common international purpose, has taken on most of the attributes of government-to-government assistance. It is this combination of multilateral and quasi-bilateral characteristics that sets the European Economic Community (EEC, as the Community is styled in its ODA role) apart as a uniquely meta-national participant in international development cooperation.
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O'Brien, Robert. "Organizational Politics, Multilateral Economic Organizations and Social Policy." Global Social Policy: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Public Policy and Social Development 2, no. 2 (August 2002): 141–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468018102002002739.
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Yernarkyzy Abdiraiymova, Akdana, Yerbol Musinovich Abaideldinov, and Bahyt Zhussipova Akylbayevna. "International legal cooperation of countries in ensuring the human rights to adequate food." RIVISTA DI STUDI SULLA SOSTENIBILITA', no. 1 (August 2022): 137–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/riss2022-001009.
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This article discusses issues concerning international legal regulation of coopera-tion of states in resolving the problems related to ensuring the human rights to ad-equate food and food security in general, including in the context of a pandemic that has had a significant impact on the development of the world's economy. The work studies: the development of international legal regulation of partnership in the field of food security, the goals and authority of Food and Agriculture Organi-zation (FAO), the conditions of the food market and the world's economy. The study examines the right of everyone to access safe and healthy food, in accord-ance with the right to for adequate food and the basic right of everyone to be free from hunger. It is noted that the world food security system covers: the creation of national food supplies coordinated on the international level; provision of food aid to countries in need, organization of an early warning system on food shortage; an increase of the share of developing countries in international trade of agriculture products. One of the factors of the establishment of intranational food security is food sup-port to developing states. The article considers various principles like roman princi-ples of sustainable global food security; a comprehensive approach to food securi-ty; strategic coordinative cooperation; the principle of supporting national, region-al and international programs; close interaction with international organizations and principle of maintaining of assumed financial obligations. It is noted that the lack of positive results in a process of resolving issues concern-ing food supply requires improvement of the effectiveness of multilateral man-agement system dealing with ensuring world's food security, through the unifica-tion and coordination of efforts of states, international organizations, and other interested parties at local and global levels. A similar policy is proposed to be considered in complex with global and regional issues, including negotiations on the creation of a fair international trade regime, which will positively affect the strengthening of national food security potential of developing countries and improve the effectiveness of international food assis-tance programs. Such policy is proposed to be reflected and specified in agriculture doctrines of national and regional levels.
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McLean, Elena V. "Multilateral Aid and Domestic Economic Interests." International Organization 69, no. 1 (November 18, 2014): 97–130. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818314000289.
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AbstractExisting studies of foreign aid suggest that donor countries' economic groups, such as exporters, should be generally opposed to multilateral aid because multilateral flows do not allow donor countries to tie their aid implicitly or explicitly to the promotion of their domestic economic interests. However, economic groups can actually benefit from some types of multilateral aid, and this serves as an incentive for donor governments to support international organizations generating the benefits. I test my argument using data on aid allocated to the Multilateral Fund for the Implementation of the Montreal Protocol and the Global Environment Facility, and international trade by commodity. I find robust empirical support for the argument that when donors' domestic economic groups are likely to gain from opportunities created by international environmental organizations' programs, donor governments increase aid allocations to these organizations.
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Ali, Peshawa Mohammed. "Policy Framework for Transatlantic Peace Deal on Iran." Journal of University of Raparin 8, no. 3 (September 29, 2021): 188–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.26750/vol(8).no(3).paper10.
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This research aims to explore the policy framework for the transatlantic peace deal with Iran focused on 2014-2020 era. As there have been calls and initiatives among leading European powers and the US in securing a transatlantic strategy for Iran. In a stable Multilateral Non-Proliferation Pact, The Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) led by the European Union (EU) has reported immense success within its first few weeks of adoption (Paolo Magri, Annalisa Perteghella, 2017). It was also hoped that the EU and the United States (US) would open the door to deal with other pending problems with Iran (Adebahr, 2017). Europe and Iran: The nuclear deal and beyond. Routledge.. The Atlantic Ocean Council (ACOE), the European Leadership Network, and the European External Relations Council had planned another scheme abroad in recent months. This scheme takes into account warnings about the unraveling of the JCPOA and various sources of regional instability and government aid to traditional Middle Eastern citizen communities. This study focuses on the advancement of proposals for JCPOA security, regional peace, and improvement for the E3 and the European Union, and individuals who work with the strengthened US Organization to establish contacts with Iran. The research assesses the preparations for lifting of transatlantic sanctions against Iran, as well as the agreements reached between Iran and other signatories. This study follows descriptive analysis depending on data, which is gathered, from a number of scientific publications, published documents, magazines, and reputable websites. Thus, this paper seeks to investigate on the US-Iran peace impacts on the political stability in the region and the main challenges that the peace deal encounter.
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Ingram, James. "The Role of Multilateral Organizations: the African Experience." Outlook on Agriculture 20, no. 4 (December 1991): 251–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003072709102000407.
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Sub-Saharan Africa has not shared in the remarkable growth in agricultural production in many developing countries. The region's current dependence on food imports is likely to increase. The record of development assistance to help Africa increase its food production has not been encouraging. What is needed for Africa is not more aid per se but more aid directed specifically towards overcoming micro-level impediments to increased agricultural productivity specific to each country. In a more focused programme of project lending for agriculture, international organizations have a key role. Better donor coordination, increased focus on poor farmers, more relevant and practical agricultural research and stronger agricultural extension services can be better realized through multilateral channels. Since it will take many years before Africa can achieve greater food self-sufficiency and its capacity to pay for sufficient food imports will remain inadequate, food aid will continue to be required. It is suggested that a new international regime for assuring essential food imports for poor food-deficit countries is required.
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Dreher, Axel, Jenny Simon, and Justin Valasek. "Optimal decision rules in multilateral aid funds." Review of International Organizations 16, no. 3 (January 9, 2021): 689–719. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11558-020-09406-w.
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AbstractWhile existing research has suggested that delegating foreign aid allocation decisions to a multilateral aid fund may incentivize recipient countries to invest in bureaucratic quality, our analysis links the fund’s decision rules to recipient-country investment by explicitly modeling the decision-making within multilateral aid funds. We find that majority rule induces stronger competition between recipients, resulting in higher investments in bureaucratic quality. Despite this advantage, unanimity can still be optimal since the increased investment under majority comes at the cost of low aid allocation to countries in the minority. The qualitative predictions of our model rationalize our novel empirical finding that, relative to organizations that use a consensus rule, organizations that use majority are more responsive to changes in recipient-country quality.
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Ryazantsev, S., and V. Gnevasheva. "International Migration and Labor Markets During the COVID-19 Pandemic." International Trends / Mezhdunarodnye protsessy 19, no. 4 (2021): 89–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.17994/it.2021.19.4.67.7.
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Prior to the COVID-19 pandemic, international migration was a global process with multilateral population movements between states. Migration provided countries with significant opportunities for development, providing an influx of intellectual capital, labor, and financial resources. For example, in some developing countries, remittances from migrant workers have been comparable to, and in recent years even exceeded, FDI and aid. According to the UN in 2020, every seventh inhabitant of the Earth was a migrant. In fact, migration has become a global factor in the development of societies and economies. The COVID-19 pandemic has made significant adjustments to international migration, and has also significantly transformed both international and national labor markets. In relation to the international labor market, the pandemic can be seen as a negative externality, and the result of its negative impact was the failure of the economy in general and the labor market in particular. The failure of the labor market was expressed in the instability of supply and demand, which led to a change in working conditions and employment, an increase in structural imbalances in terms of compensation for work and the distribution of labor resources across sectors of the economy, as well as a decrease in the importance of professional forms of organization of the workforce. With regard to the processes of international migration, one can state the formation of the phenomenon of the “post-COVID syndrome”, which refers to the restoration of the scale of migration flows after a pandemic, accompanied by a transformation of the factors and structure of migration. Due to the high importance of migration flows for national economies and the world economy, these changes will be able to significantly transform the international and national labor markets, in which migrants occupied significant niches. In this regard, the issue of monitoring and improving the mechanisms for managing migration in crisis and post-COVID conditions at the international and national levels is being updated.
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Kahler, Miles. "Defining Accountability Up: the Global Economic Multilaterals." Government and Opposition 39, no. 2 (2004): 132–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2004.00003.x.
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AbstractCritics of the global economic multilaterals (GEMs) – the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank, and the World Trade Organization – allege that these organizations fail the test of democratic accountability. Two distinct measures of democratic accountability have been applied to the GEMs. To the degree that these organizations display ‘accountability deficits’, those deficiencies are the result of choices by the most influential national governments. Three techniques have been deployed to enhance the accountability of the GEMs: transparency (more information for those outside the institution), competition (imitation of democratic accountability) and changes in rules of representation (accountability to stakeholders rather than shareholders). Each of these may impose costs, however, and may conflict with other valued aims of the organizations.
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Bhagwati, Jagdish. "From Seattle to Hong Kong: Are We Getting Anywhere?" Global Economy Journal 5, no. 4 (December 7, 2005): 1850063. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1524-5861.1150.
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With agricultural trade negotiations deadlocked, the Doha round of trade talks may appear dead in the water. But every round of trade talks in recent memory has oscillated between near breakthroughs and near breakdowns. Trade negotiations can be like a ride on a roller coaster but, while the roller coaster returns to where it started, multilateral trade negotiations have generally gone on to close successfully. Will this happen with the Doha round? Surprisingly, the answer is yes. Prospects for concluding the round in Hong Kong next month, at the World Trade Organization Ministerial meeting, are indeed bleak; but not the prospects for finishing later. While the initial attempt to launch the WTO's first round of multilateral trade negotiations in Seattle in November 1999 collapsed, the round was finally launched in Doha, Qatar, two years later, with reaffirmation of the twin virtues of democracy and openness to the world economy. While there was a lot of dissent in September 2003 at the next WTO meeting in Cancun, which also collapsed because of the lack of consensus especially on agricultural liberalization, there were nonetheless some important accomplishments in the tabling of most of the “Singapore issues” and an agreement to relax the TRIPS Agreement to permit developing country access to low-cost pharmaceuticals. Cancun was also a turning point insofar as the major developing countries coalesced in the Group of 20 to provide greater balance in the WTO membership and the design of the negotiating agenda. While it appears that agricultural liberalization is still a significant stumbling block facing the Hong Kong Ministerial, it is likely that the EU can be squeezed if there are reciprocal offers in manufactures and services that are forthcoming especially from some of the major developing countries that can be induced to liberalize in their own interests. It will also be helpful if a program of adjustment assistance can be devised in the form of “aid for trade” especially for low-income countries. The outlines of a deal to close the Doha Round are therefore clear. With forceful leadership on the part of Pascal Lamy to rescue the Doha Round in Hong Kong and to convince the WTO member states to follow with an extraordinary meeting within six months, it should be possible to take the penultimate steps to bring the Doha Round to a final conclusion by the end of 2006 and to obtain its approval by early 2007 before the U.S. fast-track negotiating authority expires. Jagdish Bhagwati is Senior Fellow in International Economics at the Council on Foreign Relations and University Professor, Economics and Law at Columbia University. He was Economic Policy Adviser to the Director General of GATT and of the WTO-appointed expert group that recently reported on The Future of the WTO. He is currently a member of the Eminent Persons Panel on Enhancing UNCTAD’s Impact and of UN Secretary General Kofi Annan’s Advisory Group on the NEPAD process in Africa. His latest books are Free Trade Today (Princeton, 2002) and In Defense of Globalization (Oxford, 2004).
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Verweij, Marco, and Timothy E. Josling. "Special Issue: Deliberately Democratizing Multilateral Organization." Governance 16, no. 1 (January 2003): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-0491.t01-1-00202.
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Akcali Gur, Berna. "Restrictions on Trade in Telecommunications: WTO’s Cybersecurity Conundrum." Journal of World Trade 55, Issue 3 (June 1, 2021): 477–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2021020.
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This article examines the role of the World Trade Organization (WTO) in balancing the nexus among a rule-based multilateral trade system, national security, and cybersecurity. It presents a historical account of restrictions placed on the telecommunications trade over national security concerns and focuses on the significant political risks thereof for the WTO if these restrictions are challenged at its dispute settlement system. An analysis based on the WTO Panel rulings in ‘Russia – Traffic in Transit’ and ‘Saudi Arabia – Protection of IPRs’ is revealing in this context. It shows that, despite the obvious cybersecurity concerns, the invocation of the national security exception is not straightforward. The turn to power politics and regionalism highlights the significance of multilateral organizations that provide a more inclusive structure to reflect and protect the interests of all their members, not just those that hold positions of power and control. As long as the stalemate at organizations such as the United Nations (UN) and the International Telecommunication Union (ITU) continues, despite the need for a more legitimate, inclusive multilateral framework, the expectation of a ruling on trade-related aspects of cybersecurity will place an unnecessary burden on the WTO dispute settlement system. Cybersecurity, World Trade Organization, National Security Exception, Telecommunications, Multilateralism, Regionalism, Geopolitics
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Singh, J. P. "Trade Negotiations at the (Possible) End of Multilateral Institutionalism." International Negotiation 25, no. 1 (February 3, 2020): 31–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718069-23031166.
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Abstract Multilateral negotiations are often facilitated through international organizations, but are not coterminous with them. This essay advances a few ‘mid-level’ propositions with respect to the negotiation structure that provides an overall context and the negotiation process where tactics guide the exchange of concessions. In terms of negotiation structure, a stable institutional structure is giving rise to a transitional one resulting in system spoilers in international negotiations leading to deadlocks and no-agreements. The bargaining phases are marked with games of chicken and grand-standing making it hard to effectively practice common negotiation tactics such as coalition-building, trade-offs and linkages. The article provides examples from the Uruguay Round and the breakdown of the Doha Round of trade negotiations through the World Trade Organization. The essay’s propositions address the breakdown of existing multilateralism through international organizations, but also document the continuation of underlying multilateral principles.
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Siebenhüner, Bernd. "Learning in International Organizations in Global Environmental Governance." Global Environmental Politics 8, no. 4 (November 2008): 92–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/glep.2008.8.4.92.
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In global environmental governance, numerous new international organizations have emerged from dozens of multilateral treaties signed over the last 30 years. This paper focuses on intergovernmental organizations in an organizational theory perspective with a particular focus on organizational learning processes. It explores where and when international organizations exhibit organizational learning with significant effects on the organizations' internal structure and behavior. Key hypotheses from principal-agent theory and organizational learning theory are tested in eight case studies of international organizations involved in global environmental governance. The analysis shows that organizations engage in three forms of learning: reflexive learning, adaptive learning, and no learning. Explanations of the observed variation depend on specific learning mechanisms, change agents in leadership functions and external triggers such as pressures from governments or nongovernmental actors.
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Sorensen, Kerstin. "Multilateral Organizations as Morally Response-Able." International Studies Review 12, no. 1 (March 2010): 156–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2486.2009.00925.x.
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Korechkov, Yury V., Vladimir V. Velikorossov, Anatolii V. Kolesnikov, Vyacheslav A. Kozlov, and Song Zhang. "DEFINING THE AREAS OF COOPERATION BETWEEN RUSSIA AND CHINA WITHIN THE SHANGHAI COOPERATION ORGANIZATION: ORGANIZATIONAL AND ECONOMIC ASPECT." EKONOMIKA I UPRAVLENIE: PROBLEMY, RESHENIYA 10/2, no. 130 (2022): 81–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.36871/ek.up.p.r.2022.10.02.006.
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The article examines the specifics of interaction between Russia and China in the format of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, the process of creating and developing a regulatory framework in the interests of realizing the goals, functions and solving the tasks of multilateral relations in the Central Asian region. A detailed description of the internal political, economic and military situation in the region is given. The article describes the policy of balancing Russia in the complex, sometimes competitive relations of the member countries of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. The results of anti-science measures are noted, the goals and objectives of Russia and China in joint activities are defined, as well as the various positions of these countries in the development of the association in the near future. The authors state that the existing regulatory framework governing the relationship between the participants of the organization needs constant improvement and development on a multilateral basis.
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Moretto, Luisa. "Urban governance and multilateral aid organizations: The case of informal water supply systems." Review of International Organizations 2, no. 4 (December 21, 2006): 345–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11558-006-9006-6.
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Grills, Nathan. "The Paradox of Multilateral Organizations Engaging with Faith-based Organizations." Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations 15, no. 4 (August 12, 2009): 505–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19426720-01504009.
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Eckersley, Robyn. "The Big Chill: The WTO and Multilateral Environmental Agreements." Global Environmental Politics 4, no. 2 (May 1, 2004): 24–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/152638004323074183.
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The increasing scope and disciplinary force of international trading rules have generated concern in the international environmental community concerning how far different types of trade restrictions in multilateral environmental agreements (MEAs) are compatible with the rules of the World Trade Organization (WTO). Environmental Nongovernment Organizations (ENGOs) have argued that the WTO exerts a form of disciplinary neoliberalism that has a ‘chilling effect’ on both the implementation and negotiation of MEAs. This paper assesses this claim, particularly in the light of the stalled deliberations of the WTO's Committee on Trade and Environment and recent WTO jurisprudence, and concludes that the WTO's trade agreements do serve to limit the scope and operation of MEAs, albeit mostly in subtle rather than direct ways. After exploring a range of options for reform it is concluded that the prospects for greening the WTO from both within and without are by no means bright.
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Trejos, Alberto. "Bilateral and Regional Free Trade Agreements, and Their Relationship with the WTO and the Doha Development Agenda." Global Economy Journal 5, no. 4 (December 7, 2005): 1850066. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1524-5861.1153.
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The Doha Round differs from previous multilateral rounds since a number of participating countries are negotiating and implementing bilateral and regional free trade agreements (FTAs) at the same time as they are negotiating multilaterally. The standard arguments against FTAs involve that they create trade diversion, are difficult to administrate, involve complex rules of origin that impost added costs on firms, and attract the attention and political capital of policy makers away from the multilateral negotiation. This paper poses other arguments about FTAs being beneficial to the multilateral process. For instance, they have allowed some countries to achieve zero tariffs with all their main trading partners, and therefore a large majority of their trade, and often involve reforms in sensitive issues that, once undertaken, allow governments to assume a more offensive position at the WTO. Most importantly, by creating trade diversion away from countries that act as laggards in all negotiation fronts, they generate the competitive pressure that can move those nations to assume a more constructive position in the multilateral negotiations; also, it may be easier to harmonize existing FTAs than to seek comprehensive plurilateral and multilateral agreements from scratch. Beyond the discussion of whether FTAs help or hinder multilateral progress, the paper discusses changes in the multilateral rules, and best practices in bilateral negotiations, that can help make both fronts better complements. The issues mentioned include guidelines among rules of origin, origin accumulation, harmonization of standing agreements, bilateral trade facilitation and solutions to preference erosion. Alberto Trejos is a Professor at INCAE in Costa Rica. From 1994-1998, he was Dean of INCAE, and General Director of its Latin American Center for Competitiveness and Sustainable Development from 1999-2002. He was a professor in the Economics Department of Northwestern University from 1994-98. He has also been a visiting professor and researcher at the Institut d’Anàlisi Econòmica de Barcelona, the Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis, Fundaçao Getulio Vargas of Rio de Janeiro, and the University of Texas. As Minister of Foreign Trade of Costa Rica in 2002-04, he was responsible for the negotiation of CAFTA and of the CARICOM-Costa Rica FTA. He was in charge of Costa Rica´s ratification of its FTA with Canada and its entry into the Central American Customs Union. Trejos is a consultant for several companies, governments, and international organizations, President of CINDE (Costa Rican Investment Board), and a board member of several corporations and organizations. He has published extensively in leading journals, and he has been a National Science Foundation grantee and a Fulbright scholar. He received a PhD from the University of Pennsylvania in 1994.
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Culpeper, Roy. "Development Projects for a New Millennium." Canadian Journal of Political Science 39, no. 3 (September 2006): 712–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423906349979.
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Development Projects for a New Millennium, Anil Hira and Trevor Parfitt, Westport, Conn, and London: Praeger, 2004, pp. 216.This is a book aimed at readers who work in the “aid business”. These include officials of bilateral and multilateral aid agencies, and the non-government organizations and consultancies working on contract for or independent of the official agencies. Its fundamental premise is that aid works best if it helps its ultimate beneficiaries realize their own goals. Much of the book provides an analysis of how the purveyors of aid can go about achieving this objective.
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Lund-Thomsen, Peter, Dima Jamali, and Antonio Vives. "CSR in SMEs: an analysis of donor-financed management tools." Social Responsibility Journal 10, no. 4 (September 30, 2014): 602–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/srj-02-2013-0012.
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Purpose – This paper aims to analyze the potential and limitations of donor-financed management tools that seek to promote corporate social responsibility (CSR) in small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) in developing countries. Drawing on key insights from three streams of literature relating to institutional theory, critical perspectives on CSR in developing countries and the literature on CSR and SMEs in the developing world, the potential and limits of donor-financed management tools aimed at promoting CSR in developing country SMEs are analyzed. Design/methodology/approach – Using official UN and Organization of Economic Cooperation and Development lists of all multilateral and bilateral donor agencies, 38 donors that might have produced such CSR tools were identified. The authors contacted them via e-mail and/or telephone, and conducted an extensive Internet search with the aim of identifying whether they had developed management tools aimed at promoting CSR in SMEs in developing countries. The authors then scrutinized the contents of the 11 tools identified and examined the extent to which these tools accord attention to contextual differences and specific peculiarities of institutional environments in developing countries; the extent to which these tools account for the silent or sunken aspects of CSR which have been prominently highlighted in the SME – CSR literature; and the extent to which these tools accord attention to the paramount concern for poverty alleviation in developing countries. Findings – Overall, the analysis testifies to the continued predominant orientation of these tools to the context of larger firms in developed countries, with insufficient tailoring or customization to the specific realities of SMEs in the South. Research limitations/implications – In-depth interviews with aid agency personnel, SMEs, workers or community members were not conducted. Hence, this study should be seen as an initial, exploratory desk study of the potential and limits of management tools aimed at promoting CSR in SMEs in the developing world. Practical implications – It is suggested that donor agencies could develop such tools in a bottom-up fashion by first mapping the silent CSR practices of SMEs in developing countries and then use this as a basis for strengthening existing CSR activities in SMEs instead of trying to impose new priorities from the outside. This might enhance the local relevance and applicability of these management tools. Originality/value – The study is likely to be the first analysis of the potential and limits of management tools that are developed by donor agencies with the aim of promoting CSR in SMEs in developing countries.
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Clist, Paul, Alessia Isopi, and Oliver Morrissey. "Selectivity on aid modality: Determinants of budget support from multilateral donors." Review of International Organizations 7, no. 3 (November 19, 2011): 267–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11558-011-9137-2.
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Briggs, Ryan C. "Does Foreign Aid Target the Poorest?" International Organization 71, no. 1 (December 1, 2016): 187–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818316000345.
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AbstractTo examine the extent to which foreign aid reaches people at different levels of wealth in Africa, I use household surveys to measure the subnational distribution of a country's population by wealth quintiles and match this information to data on the location of aid projects from two multilateral donors. Within countries, aid disproportionately flows to regions with more of the richest people. Aid does not favor regions with more of the poorest people. These findings violate the stated preferences of the multilateral donors under study, suggesting that the donors either cannot or are not willing to exercise control over the location of aid projects within countries. The results also suggest that aid is not being allocated effectively to alleviate extreme poverty.
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Drezner, Daniel W. "Bargaining, Enforcement, and Multilateral Sanctions: When Is Cooperation Counterproductive?" International Organization 54, no. 1 (2000): 73–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002081800551127.
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Scholars and policymakers generally assume that multilateral cooperation is a necessary condition for economic sanctions to be of any use. However, previous statistical tests of this assumption have shown that sanctions are more successful with lower levels of cooperation. This puzzle calls into question established theories of economic statecraft as well as theories of international cooperation. In this article I test possible explanations for the ineffectiveness of multilateral cooperation on sanctions events using James Fearon's (1998) breakdown of cooperation into bargaining and enforcement phases as a framework for discussion The empirical results show that when multilateral economic sanctions fail, their failure is due to enforcement, not bargaining problems Without the support of an international organization, cooperating states backslide from promises of cooperation Backsliding occurs because of domestic political pressures and uncertainty about the intentions of the other sanctioning countries; backsliding causes an initial burst of cooperative behavior to decay over time. Without institutional support, cooperation is worse than useless—it is counterproductive. This result suggests that international cooperation is a more fragile equilibrium than previously thought but undercuts realist arguments that international organizations are unimportant.
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Abdel Motaal, Doaa. "The "Multilateral Scientific Consensu"and the World Trade Organization." Journal of World Trade 38, Issue 5 (October 1, 2004): 855–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2004033.
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Basharat’yan, M. "Military and Political Security of Central Asia and CSTO Role in Its Provision." World Economy and International Relations, no. 12 (2012): 15–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2012-12-15-23.
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Since early 2000s, the countries of Central Asia increasingly make an emphasis on the broad multilateral cooperation in the security sphere. It is planned to provide so the regional security in the face of the rise of international terrorism and extremism. In this regard, the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) is likely to play an important role. The article considers the formation of the system of collective security in Central Asia, the functions and tasks of the CSTO and other peace organizations in the region.
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He, Juan. "Unilateral Trade Measures Against Illegal, Unreported and Unregulated Fishing: Unlocking a Paradigm Change in Trade-Environmental Partnerships?" Journal of World Trade 53, Issue 5 (October 1, 2019): 759–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2019030.
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The decades-long yet steady transition of the World Trade Organization (WTO) from value judgment towards procedural empowerment delivers a new impetus to consolidated trade-environmental partnerships in a collective campaign against illegal, unreported and unregulated (IUU) fishing. Although there is an ideal preference for multilateral approaches to address the widespread phenomena of IUU fishing and associated human rights injustice, this article probes an increasingly proactive role of unilateral trade measures to close the supply chain loopholes for IUU-caught fish to enter commerce. Unilateral and trade-restrictive modalities against IUU fishing are embodied by the 2008 European Union IUU Regulation and the 2016 United States Seafood Import Monitoring Program. Innovative trade paradigms should avoid compromising the consensus-building momentum under multilateral governance frameworks in the longer term. Better regulated and coordinated unilateral measures can become a useful pathfinder to globalized strategies. To this end, the WTO needs to work more closely and effectively with the Food and Agriculture Organization and regional fisheries management organizations to ensure that unilateral responses are transparent, well-reasoned and emerge from a rational process of communication and argumentation among supply chain parties.
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Hesse, Hartmut. "Maritime Security in a Multilateral Context: IMO Activities to Enhance Maritime Security." International Journal of Marine and Coastal Law 18, no. 3 (2003): 327–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/092735203770223567.
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AbstractIMO has, as an integral part of its mandate, the duty to make travel and transport by sea as safe as possible. In the wake of the tragic events of 11 September 2001 in the United States of America, the 22nd Session of the Assembly of the International Maritime Organization (IMO), which met at the Organization's London headquarters in November 2001, adopted Resolution A.924(22) on the "Review of Measures and Procedures to Prevent Acts of Terrorism which Threaten the Security of Passengers and Crews and the Safety of Ships". Since then a number of meetings of the Maritime Safety Committee (MSC) and its Working Group on maritime security were held and new maritime security regulations were developed. These mandatory provisions are detailed in the new Chapter XI-2 of the SOLAS Convention and the new International Ship and Port Facility Security (ISPS) Code, which was subsequently adopted by a Diplomatic Conference on Maritime Security, held at the IMO headquarters in London from 9-13 December 2002, for formal entry into force on 1 July 2004 (if deemed accepted on 1 January 2004). In addition, a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) has been signed between the World Customs Organization (WCO) and the IMO in July 2001 to ensure closer co-operation. In addition to the work that the International Labour Organization (ILO) is undertaking regarding the development of a new seafarers' Identity Document, further co-operation is also anticipated in a Joint ILO/IMO Working Group to develop a comprehensive regulatory framework for the security of all port areas.
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ELSIG, MANFRED. "The democratizing effects of multilateral organizations: a cautionary note on the WTO." World Trade Review 12, no. 3 (February 27, 2013): 487–507. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s147474561200050x.
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AbstractThe field of international relations has been obsessed with democracy and democratization and its effects on international cooperation for a long time. More recently, research has turned its focus on how international organizations enhance democracy. This article contributes to this debate and applies a prominent liberal framework to study the ‘outside-in’ effects of the World Trade Organization. The article offers a critical reading of democratization through IO membership. It provides for an assessment of the dominant framework put forward by Keohane et al. (2009). In doing so, it develops a set of empirical strategies to test conjectured causal mechanisms with respect to the WTO, and illustrates the potential application by drawing on selected empirical evidence from trade politics. Finally, it proposes a number of analytical revisions to the liberal framework and outlines avenues for future research.
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Calamita, N. Jansen. "Multilateralizing Investment Facilitation at the WTO: Looking for the Added Value." Journal of International Economic Law 23, no. 4 (December 1, 2020): 973–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jiel/jgaa036.
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ABSTRACT Since 2017, World Trade Organization members have been engaged in Structured Discussions aimed at agreeing on a multilateral framework on investment facilitation for development. The negotiations focus on establishing binding disciplines for investment facilitation, which will likely be made subject to the World Trade Organization Dispute Settlement Understanding. Investment facilitation, however, is that something states already do. Over the past decade, states have adopted record numbers of reforms at the domestic, regional, and international levels to facilitate foreign investment. These reforms show no signs of slowing. This begs an important question regarding the World Trade Organization initiative: given all the attention that investment facilitation already receives from states and international organizations, how, if at all, would the conclusion of a World Trade Organization Framework bring added value to states, i.e. value that cannot be achieved by ongoing efforts? Examining this question is the focus of this paper.
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Hawthorne, Helen. "Acceding to the Norm: The Accession of LDCs to the WTO." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 4, no. 1 (2009): 7–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187119109x394304.
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AbstractLeast-developed countries (LDCs) have been included in the multilateral trade regime since the days of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), with the majority joining during the 1960s and 1970s following their independence. The Doha Round of negotiations of the World Trade Organization (WTO) has focused significant attention on the role and impact of LDCs that are currently WTO members as well as the process of accession for those remaining outside the organization. This article examines the accession experiences of LDCs joining both the GATT and the WTO with regard to international development norms, and demonstrates that the manner in which the majority of LDCs acceded to the multilateral trade regime has enabled them to have a greater impact on the multilateral trade organization than would otherwise have been possible.
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Maggi, Giovanni. "The Role of Multilateral Institutions in International Trade Cooperation." American Economic Review 89, no. 1 (March 1, 1999): 190–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aer.89.1.190.
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The World Trade Organization (WTO) lacks the power to directly enforce agreements. It is therefore important to understand what role the WTO can play to facilitate international cooperation, and whether a multilateral institution can offer distinct advantages over a web of bilateral agreements. This paper examines two potential benefits of a multilateral trade institution: first, verifying violations of the agreements and informing third parties, thus facilitating multilateral reputation mechanisms; second, promoting multilateral trade negotiations rather than a web of bilateral negotiations. The model suggests that a multilateral approach is particularly important when there are strong imbalances in bilateral trading relationships. (JEL F13)
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Findley, Michael G., Helen V. Milner, and Daniel L. Nielson. "The choice among aid donors: The effects of multilateral vs. bilateral aid on recipient behavioral support." Review of International Organizations 12, no. 2 (March 31, 2017): 307–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11558-017-9275-2.
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Muixer, Sam. "International Organizations and Their Officials: to Tax or not to Tax?" Leiden Journal of International Law 6, no. 1 (April 1993): 47–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156500001631.
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Taking the United Nations, its specialized agencies and the EC as a focal point, this article looks at the fiscal position of international organizations and their officials vis-à-vis their host state. Firstly, the fiscal privileges are examined from a theoretical point of view, after which a number of cases are analyzed in which international organizations and their host state differed in their views on the application of the aforementioned privileges.From a broader perspective, this study explores the watercourse of standards which have sprung on the international level down to their application in daily life. A particular type of provision -concerning the fiscal immunities of an international organization and its officialscontained in a particular type of multilateral convention, dealing with the status, privileges and immunities of international organizations and their officials, is followed down to its application on the national level.
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Andonova, Liliana B. "Public-Private Partnerships for the Earth: Politics and Patterns of Hybrid Authority in the Multilateral System." Global Environmental Politics 10, no. 2 (May 2010): 25–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/glep.2010.10.2.25.
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The article examines the politics and patterns of public-private partnerships for the environment in the multilateral system. It argues that two kinds of dynamics have contributed to the hybridization of environmental authority at the global level. On one hand, the fragmentation of environmental regimes and the parallel growth of non-state actors have resulted in structural pressures and opportunities for public-private collaboration. More significantly, however, international organizations have responded to the pluralization of global environmental politics selectively and acted as entrepreneurs of collaborative governance. The analysis uses a principal-agent perspective of international organizations to specify the conditions for organizational entrepreneurship of public-private partnerships. The theoretical propositions inform the comparative analysis of three “meta” partnership programs in the multilateral system: the Small Grants Program, the Prototype Carbon Fund, and the environmental portfolio of the United Nations Fund for International Partnerships. The study demonstrates that public-private partnerships represent neither a radical “powershift” from established institutions, nor are partnerships a marginal governance fad. The three partnership programs examined here emerged out of the mandates and expertise of their lead organizations and partners, but established and diffused new niches of environmental governance, particularly around community-based biodiversity management and climate-change related technology diffusion.
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Sandberg, Eve. "Multilateral women's conferences: The domestic political organization of Zambian women." Contemporary Politics 4, no. 3 (September 1998): 271–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13569779808449968.
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Hicks, Kathryn, and Nicole Fabricant. "The Bolivian Climate Justice Movement." Latin American Perspectives 43, no. 4 (February 19, 2016): 87–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x16630308.
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The Bolivian Platform against Climate Change is a coalition of civil society and social movement organizations working to address the effects of global warming in Bolivia and to influence the global community. Many of the organizations use indigenous philosophy and worldviews to contest normative conceptions of development. A study of the growth of this movement drawing on ethnographic fieldwork in 2010 reveals a complex relationship between state and nonstate actors that has had a striking impact on the global community despite the failure of multilateral climate change negotiations. La Plataforma Boliviana Frente al Cambio Climático es una coalición de organizaciones de la sociedad civil y movimientos sociales trabajando para abordar los efectos del calentamiento global en Bolivia y para influenciar a la comunidad mundial. Muchas de las organizaciones utilizan filosofía y cosmovisiones indígenas para impugnar concepciones normativas de desarrollo. Un estudio del crecimiento de este movimiento basándose en el trabajo de campo etnográfico en 2010 revela una relación compleja entre actores esta-tales y no estatales que ha tenido un impacto sorprendente sobre la comunidad global a pesar del fracaso de las negociaciones multilaterales sobre el cambio climático.
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Debuysere, Loes. "Crisis Responders: Comparing Policy Approaches of the EU, the UN, NATO and OSCE with Experiences in the Field." European Foreign Affairs Review 24, Issue 3 (October 1, 2019): 243–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2019024.
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The EU aims at being a prominent global crisis responder but its Member States act also through the UN, NATO, Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) to achieve both short-term stabilization by military and/or civilian means, as well as longer term conflict prevention and transformation. By comparing the policy approaches of these four multilateral organizations to conflicts and crises, this article shows how the broad principle of comprehensiveness has been developed to fit different institutional logics, thus leading to divergences in approach. Distilling findings from empirical research conducted in Afghanistan, Iraq, Kosovo, Libya, Mali and Ukraine, this article synthesizes lessons about varying levels of the EU’s and the other organizations’ conflict sensitivity, effective multilateralism, value-based approach and application of the principle of local ownership in theatre.
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Durand, Pierre. "How and why the European Union makes reservations to international agreements." Common Market Law Review 55, Issue 5 (September 1, 2018): 1387–422. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/cola2018117.
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The EU and EURATOM are the only international organizations ever to have made a declaration entitled “reservation” when approving an international agreement. Though the ability of the EU to express its own consent also implies its ability to make reservations, the legal regime applicable to this new practice needs to be clarified. This article sets out the challenges presented when determining the customary international law rules on reservations applicable to the EU. In particular, uncertainty as to the relevant rules has led to an ambivalent reservations practice. The EU sometimes acts as a unidimensional entity and makes reservations or objections in order to express its own unilateral interests. However, it remains compelled by the multidimensional reality of its status as a regional integration organization. Reservations may thus be a tool to reconcile this reality and accommodate the regime of a multilateral agreement to the participation of an international organization. This article concludes that the EU’s practice provides useful insights into the development of reservations-making by international organizations and into their autonomous participation in international lawmaking more broadly.
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Daugirdas, Kristina, and Gian Luca Burci. "Financing the World Health Organization." International Organizations Law Review 16, no. 2 (December 16, 2019): 299–338. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15723747-01602005.
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When it comes to financing the work of international organizations, voluntary contributions from both state and non-state actors are growing in size and importance. The World Health Organization (WHO) is an extreme case: voluntary contributions – mostly earmarked for particular purposes – comprise more than 80 percent of its funds. Moreover, non-state actors supply almost half of WHO’s funds, with the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation ranking as the second-highest contributor after the United States. A number of public-health and international relations scholars have expressed alarm over these trends, arguing that heavy reliance on voluntary contributions is inconsistent with genuine multilateralism. Relying on interviews with current and former WHO officials, our study explores the causes and consequences of these trends, and recent efforts by member states and the WHO secretariat to reconcile growing reliance on voluntary contributions with multilateral governance. We describe the headway WHO has made in mitigating the risks associated with heavy reliance on voluntary contributions – as well as the challenges that persist. Most importantly, we argue that multilateralism is not categorically incompatible with reliance on voluntary contributions from both state and non-state actors. Collective multilateral decision-making is not a binary feature, either present or absent. Even if the final decision to provide voluntary contributions is up to individual donors, international institutions have opportunities to regulate such contributions both in terms of substance and process. The more heavily regulated voluntary contributions are, the more embedded they become in collective decisions, and the less tension there is between multilateralism and reliance on voluntary contributions.
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Hoffmann, Andrea Ribeiro, and Jana Tabak. "Discussing Global Health and Access to Medicines in the un System: The Case of the Union of South American Nations (unasur)." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 12, no. 2-3 (February 1, 2017): 178–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1871191x-12341358.
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This article explores how and why regional organizations participate in the discussion about global health within the United Nations system. It focuses on the case of the Union of South American Nations (unasur) and the topic of access to medicines, and argues that the creation of this organization and its activism in global health diplomacy and governance evolved in the context of the reconfiguration of multilateral cooperation in the Americas, where health has been defined as a human right and vital for regional citizenship. This process results from changing regional identities, unasur’s mandate and capacities, and the interests of leading member states such as Brazil.
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Smith, Jeffrey J., and M. Tanveer Ahmad. "Globalization’s Vehicle: The Evolution and Future of Emission Regulation in the icao and imo in Comparative Assessment." Climate Law 8, no. 1-2 (April 19, 2018): 70–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18786561-00801003.
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Global aviation and shipping offer important lessons for the regulation of air pollution and greenhouse gas emissions. In a relatively short period, each industry has, through international organizations, achieved seemingly effective, universally adopted rules. This article explores the historical development and prospects for air-pollution regulation by examining and comparing state delegation of rule making to the International Civil Aviation Organization and the International Maritime Organization. It is argued that the success experienced in the regulation of the two industries’ air emissions would not have been accomplished without their multilateral organizations. That is because of the complexity of technical regulation and a lack of capacity in many states to design and implement regulations. The article examines the development of now-comprehensive air-pollution regulation by the two organizations. The lessons for regulatory design are canvassed, including for relevance to greenhouse-gas control and the emerging framework of global atmospheric protection. The question of how to assess the effectiveness of the regulation is considered in an effort to understand how progress in the two industries might be sustained. Improved regulation, it is concluded, will depend on the two governing regimes adopting measures from each other and ensuring that they are included in an emerging global atmospheric governance framework.