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Journal articles on the topic 'Multiculturalism – Law and legislation'

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Published: 10 March 2023

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1

Lutovac, Zoran. "Multiculturality and multiculturalism in “Western Balkans”." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 175 (2020): 345–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn2075345l.

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When researching multiculturalism and the process of Europeanisation in Serbia and countries of the region, one must first examine the status of multiculturality and multiculturalism, from the normative framework to states? policies which decidedly determine the nature and functioning of a political community. Starting from the fact that the context, nature and structure of a political community determines the essence of rights and freedoms stipulated by the constitution and laws, as well as that a synergy of good laws and sound policies enables an effective policy of multiculturality, integration and interlacing of cultures of diverse national communities in a society, the proclaimed multiculturalism was studied in this paper, with a view to ascertain whether such constitutional and legislative framework and policies exist, and if they did, whether there was concerted action between them. The key finding was that the states of the region support a civil state in principle, that they are exclusively or predominantly nationally legitimised by the highest legislative acts and that the factual state is marked by various national cultural identities that are not integrated into the model of plural citizenship. The paper shows that there is a lack of political will to transform the declared support for a pluralistic civil state into public policies affirming the values of multiculturalism, as well as that there is a lack of strong institutions to support such policy. Creating civil awareness, strengthening civil values and virtues are not priorities for state institutions or media controlled by governments. Rather than that, their priority is to strengthen national identities. Hence, based on the above, we can affirm that civil states, civil values and civil identities are only at initial stages, i.e. that they are still, only occasionally, at the level of general programme orientation and set aims. The necessary ingredient for their firm establishment is a consolidated democracy and acceptance of universal values of developed democracies, such as the rule of law and protection of human rights and freedoms.

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2

Pardy, Maree, Juliet Rogers, and Nan Seuffert. "Perversion and Perpetration in Female Genital Mutilation Law: The Unmaking of Women as Bearers of Law." Social & Legal Studies 29, no. 2 (July 23, 2019): 273–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0964663919856681.

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Female genital cutting (FGC) or, more controversially, female genital mutilation, has motivated the implementation of legislation in many English-speaking countries, the product of emotive images and arguments that obscure the realities of the practices of FGC and the complexity of the role of the practitioner. In Australia, state and territory legislation was followed, in 2015, with a conviction in New South Wales highlighting the problem with laws that speak to fantasies of ‘mutilation’. This article analyses the positioning of Islamic women as victims of their culture, represented as performing their roles as vehicles for demonic possession, unable to authorize agency or law. Through a perverse framing of ‘mutilation’, and in the case through the interpretation of the term ‘mutilation’, practices of FGC as law performed by women are obscured, avoiding the challenge of a real multiculturalism that recognises lawful practices of migrant cultures in democratic countries.

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3

Hammer, Yoav. "Multiculturalism and the Mass Media." Law & Ethics of Human Rights 1, no. 1 (January 1, 2007): 169–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1938-2545.1005.

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In light of the importance of culture for the autonomy, sense of identity, and self-respect of individuals, cultural minorities have a right that their cultures flourish. Since cultural minorities are frequently in a disadvantaged position in the cultural market-place, a commitment to equality implies that the state ought to take steps to assist these minorities in preserving their cultures. This Article examines the ways the mass media can assist cultural minorities in preserving their cultures. For instance, when the media present contents that relate to the cultures of minorities, individual members of the minority group are exposed to their culture; media designated for cultural groups facilitate dialogue between group members, thus enabling the cultural group to determine which parts of its culture to retain and which parts to change. With that said, contemporary media frequently provide insufficient cultural contents due to the influence of commercial operational logic. This Article examines why the motivation for profit leads to under-production of cultural materials for minorities and to insufficient inclusion of cultural minorities in the public discourse. It is argued that the inequality caused by the mediawhich provide minorities with too little of the cultural contents so pertinent to the realization of their right to culturemerits corrective intervention. The Article examines possible forms of State intervention with the media on behalf of cultural minorities, taking into consideration that such intervention is a sensitive issue, since it has ramifications concerning the scope of the freedom of the press. Accordingly, it is argued that the State ought to be permitted to create legislation which intervenes, mainly by means of subsidies and structural regulation, to improve the manner in which the media fulfill their roles in a multicultural democracy. In contrast, there should be sparse use of conditionality in the issue of licenses for media operators.

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4

Thio, Li-ann. "Rule of Law, Religious Liberty, and Harmony." Journal of Law, Religion and State 5, no. 3 (November 22, 2017): 254–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22124810-00503004.

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This article examines the state of regulation of religion within Singapore, which is the world’s most religiously diverse country. It considers how fundamental principles of the rule of law, religious liberty and legal pluralism operate within the constitutional order predicated on communitarianism and accommodative secularism. While the rule of law seeks to vindicate a range of values which requires sameness and satisfies claims for inclusion, limits to it through exemptions and accommodative measures that multiculturalism and pluralism may prescribe can protect differences and satisfy claims to be left alone, outside the sphere of state govenance. Drawing from Singapore case law, legislation and executive policy, it interrogates the question of whether a policy of multicultural and legal pluralism protective of religious freedom can be reconciled with the rule of law, which in this context is closely associated with the quasi constitutional objective of preserving racial and religious harmony.

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5

Velásquez Runk, Julie. "Indigenous Land and Environmental Conflicts in Panama: Neoliberal Multiculturalism, Changing Legislation, and Human Rights." Journal of Latin American Geography 11, no. 2 (2012): 21–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/lag.2012.0036.

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6

Rivers, Julian. "The Secularisation of the British Constitution." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 14, no. 3 (August 22, 2012): 371–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x12000361.

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In recent years, the relationship between law and religion has been subject to increased scholarly interest. In part this is the result of new laws protecting religious liberty and non-discrimination, and it may be that overall levels of litigation have increased as well. In all this activity, there are signs that the relationship between law and religion is changing. While unable to address every matter of detail, this article seeks to identify the underlying themes and trends. It starts by suggesting that the constitutional settlement achieved by the end of the nineteenth century has often been overlooked, religion only appearing in the guise of inadequately theorised commitments to individual liberty and equality. The article then considers the role of multiculturalism in promoting recent legal changes. However, the new commitment to multiculturalism cannot explain a number of features of the law: the minimal impact of the Human Rights Act 1998, the uncertain effect of equality legislation, an apparent rise in litigation in established areas of law and religion, and some striking cases in which acts have been found to be unlawful in surprising ways. In contrast, the article proposes a new secularisation thesis. The law is coming to treat religions as merely recreational and trivial. This has the effect of reducing the significance of religion as a matter of conscience, as legal system and as a context for public service. As a way of managing the ever-deepening forms of religious diversity present within the United Kingdom, such a secularisation strategy is implausible.1

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7

Coleman, Peter. "Censorship: Publish and Be Damned." Media International Australia 150, no. 1 (February 2014): 36–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x1415000110.

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State censorship in Australia has been rare, controversial and short-lived. There was almost none in the liberal nineteenth century. In the twentieth century, the two world wars, the Great Depression and the new age of terrorism led to more determined, if comparatively temporary, attempts to censor publications that advocated sedition or violence. Moral censorship of obscenity was also rare in the nineteenth century, but enjoyed an ‘heroic’ period following the arrival of a new realism in literature and the age of lurid comic books. The internet has made such censorship almost totally ineffective. Blaspheming the Christian religion is no longer treated as a punishable offence, although attacking Islam may still sometimes be deemed actionable in law. The advent of multiculturalism has encouraged legislation to restrict free speech deemed to be ‘hate speech’, but its application has been episodic, unpopular and ineffective. The contest between writers demanding freedom and censors demanding standards is unending. But at the moment, the balance favours writers.

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8

Malik, Ausaf Ahmad. "Role of Law and Judiciary in Social Transformation in India: A Need for a Changing Society." RESEARCH REVIEW International Journal of Multidisciplinary 7, no. 7 (July 15, 2022): 12–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.31305/rrijm.2022.v07.i07.003.

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Any deviation from the accepted or established way of life is referred to as social transformation. The phrase ‘social change’ describes alterations to society as a whole. According to Maclver, society is a "network of social interactions." These social interactions alter as a result of social change. Law and social transformation are two very different ideas that place a strong emphasis on social problem studies, changes in those problems, and their resolution through judicial and legislative processes. Following the 1950 implementation of the Indian Constitution, India became a "Republic" and a country with a federal system. Multiculturalism is more evident than it used to be in this country, which has several states segregated according to language and culture. The Constitution set the stage for the ‘Rule of Law,’ effective government, and multiculturalism, yet reflected the will of the populace. According to the adage “Law Changes Society,” society must adapt to the law's requirements. When an anomaly occurs, it is taken before the judiciary, which then applies the principle of the rule of law to alter the current practice of law. Law has historically been seen as a vehicle for enacting social change. Through a vibrant judicial system and innovative jurisprudence that actively put both historical and contemporary wrongs to right, legal justice has gradually paved the path for social justice. While there are many tools available for bringing about change and transformation in our society for the law, none of them can be regarded as the most efficient and secure technique for the transition, as this article seeks to highlight.

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Perreau, Louisa. "Gender Equality at the Test of Sharia Councils in the UK." Youth and Globalization 2, no. 1 (July 7, 2020): 65–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25895745-00201001.

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As the saying goes ‘good girls go to heaven, bad girls go everywhere!’, whose origin is uncertain, sometimes attributed to American actress and screenwriter Mae West, sometimes to editor-in-chief of Cosmopolitan magazine, Helen Gurvey Brown, it was taken up as a slogan by feminists who denounce the sexual norm imposed on women by religions. At a time when the influence of religious fundamentalism on State policies seems to be gaining ground (retreat on abortion laws in the United States, in Poland; Sharia courts in Great Britain, etc.), the object of this research note will be to question the articulations between British Muslim women, State multiculturalism and legislation. In Britain, since the 1980s, a network of sharia councils has developed to resolve disputes between Muslims, including resolving family problems. Sharia councils thus reveal the place of Muslim women in the United Kingdom on the issue of divorce. Extremely patriarchal, rarely feminist, often undemocratic, the sharia councils appear as places of power. The latter are often compared to Islamic courts, so-called ‘counseling’ religious services or ‘Islamic family services’ to which Muslims wishing to respect divine law and their religious precepts go – especially women. What does this mean for British Muslim women who use these services? How is the British government responding?

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10

Norström, Eva, Ingrid Fioretos, and Kristina Gustafsson. "Working conditions of community interpreters in Sweden." Interpreting. International Journal of Research and Practice in Interpreting 14, no. 2 (September 7, 2012): 242–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/intp.14.2.06nor.

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The aim of this article is to describe and analyse the working conditions of interpreters and interpreting services in Sweden. An understanding of interpreters’ working conditions is a key to such factors as the management of resources, the reading and implementation of legislation, the organisation of interpreting services and the performance of interpreters in different situations. An understanding of interpreters’ working conditions is also important in understanding how multiculturalism and multilingualism are viewed on a national scale in Sweden. This review of the working conditions of interpreters is based on material from two joint research projects, which appear to indicate that interpreters as a group have much to say and often reflect on their work and working conditions. The interpreters participating in this study often demonstrated a strong commitment to professionalism. At the same time, however, many of the reflections recorded for this study were about things that undermine professionalism: bad working conditions, low pay, the feeling of being “as replaceable as potatoes”, and the feeling that the social status of interpreters is low. In analysing the consequences of working conditions we have found a tension between professionalism and deprofessionalisation. This tension has consequences for the rule of law and integration.

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11

Uberoi, Varun. "Legislating Multiculturalism and Nationhood: The 1988Canadian Multiculturalism Act." Canadian Journal of Political Science 49, no. 2 (June 2016): 267–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423916000366.

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AbstractIn this article I use new archival and elite interview data to improve our knowledge of how theCanadian Multiculturalism Actcame into existence. I show why some Canadians began to seek such an act, why political parties promised an act and how this act was created. The evidence in this article will also correct claims that scholars often make about this act and the policy of multiculturalism that it contains. This evidence also improves our knowledge of why the policy of multiculturalism in this legislation does what few scholars would expect. This is because scholars often claim that policies of multiculturalism are used to “repudiate” and remove understandings of a country. But my evidence helps to show why the policy of multiculturalism in this act promotes understandings of a country. Scholars also claim that policies of multiculturalism can be divisive if they are unaccompanied by nation-building policies. But my evidence helps to show why the policy of multiculturalism in this legislation was designed to be a nation-building policy.

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12

Raz, Joseph. "Multiculturalism." Ratio Juris 11, no. 3 (September 1998): 193–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9337.00086.

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13

Lim, Ly Ly. "A Multicultural Act for Australia." Cosmopolitan Civil Societies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 10, no. 2 (July 27, 2018): 47–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v10i2.5981.

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Multiculturalism as a public policy framework depends on states identifying cultural differences among their citizens as salient for resource allocation, political participation and human rights. The adoption of multiculturalism as a term and a framework signifies the recognition of a politics of difference within a liberal democratic framework of identities and aspirations. Yet the national government in Australia unlike any other country with espoused policies of multiculturalism has chosen to have neither human rights nor multicultural, legislation. This paper argues that multicultural societies require either or both sets of legislation to ensure both symbolic affirmation and practical implementation. Taking inspirations from international, Australian State and Territory based multicultural and diversity legislations, and modelling on the Australian Workplace Gender Equality Act of 2012, this paper explores what should be included in a national multicultural legislation and how it could pragmatically operationalise in Australia to express multiculturalism’s emancipatory agenda.

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14

Joppke, Christian. "Multiculturalism by Liberal Law." European Journal of Sociology 58, no. 1 (April 2017): 1–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975617000017.

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AbstractThere has been much talk about the retreat or even death of multiculturalism. Much of this discussion confounds multiculturalism with explicit policy under that name. I argue in this paper that liberal law itself, in particular majority-constraining constitutional law, requires multiculturalism, understood as multiple ways of life that cannot and should not be contained by a state that is to be neutral about individuals’ ultimate values and commitments. The workings of legal multiculturalism are demonstrated through a comparison of benchmark jurisprudence on gays in America and Muslims in Europe. An interesting difference is that for Muslims, liberal law has also functioned as constraint, not only as resource, especially in the post-2001 period of heightened integration concerns.

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15

Van Schendel, Frank, and Irene Aronstein. "IntroductionEuroscepticism and multiculturalism." Utrecht Law Review 6, no. 3 (November 17, 2010): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.18352/ulr.137.

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16

de Vries, Bouke. "Is Multiculturalism Discriminatory?" Res Publica 26, no. 2 (June 20, 2019): 201–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11158-019-09433-4.

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17

DaRe, Vern W. "Beyond General Pronouncements: A Judicial Approach to Section 27 of the Charter (forthcoming)." Alberta Law Review 33, no. 3 (June 1, 1995): 551. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/alr1130.

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The author provides a thorough synthesis and evaluation of the multicultural provision in the Charter. He begins by exploring possible definitions of multiculturalism, deriving his concept from various academic disciplines as well as federal policies. The difficulty on settling for a comprehensive definition of multiculturalism is manifest in the mixed signals within both the federal government's Multiculturalism Policy of 1971 and the subsequent legislation, the Canadian Multiculturalism Act. He then selectively surveys the judicial approaches taken to s. 27. Current treatment is sparse and any discussion of the multicultural section is largely subsumed in a general discussion of other sections of the Charter such as ss. 1 and 2. Through this survey, he demonstrates the limited, restricted reading of s. 27 accorded by the judiciary. Finally, the author considers the inherent limits of the section; he compares it to a similar provision in Quebec's human rights legislation, general liberal theory and possible conflicts between s. 27 and other precepts of Canadian society, specifically bilingualism. He concludes that s. 27 must be expanded within its negative role, protecting individual communities and individuals from the acts of others rather than being used as a tool to entrench positive or collective rights of ethnic groups.

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18

Hale, Charles R. "Neoliberal Multiculturalism." PoLAR: Political and Legal Anthropology Review 28, no. 1 (May 2005): 10–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/pol.2005.28.1.10.

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19

Carlson, Kirsten Matoy, and Donna Lee Van Cott. "Notice: Premature Predictions of Multiculturalism?" Michigan Law Review 100, no. 6 (May 2002): 1470. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1290451.

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20

Patton, Chloe. "Racialising domestic violence: Islamophobia and the Australian forced marriage debate." Race & Class 60, no. 2 (August 20, 2018): 21–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306396818792182.

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Amid claims that forced marriage is rife in Australia’s minority communities, 2013 saw the introduction of criminal legislation outlawing forced marriage in Australia. Within public debate, this punitive measure came to overshadow all other modes of addressing the problem; for instance, education programmes, civil legislation and targeted domestic violence support services. This article examines print media coverage of forced marriage over the thirteen-year period leading up to the introduction of criminal legislation. Exploring a discourse that overwhelmingly understands forced marriage as a problem of Islam and multiculturalism, and that marginalises the experiences of women and service providers, the author identifies distinct conservative and liberal representations of forced marriage which racialise domestic violence. Conservatives maintain that forced marriage is empirical evidence of an impending Muslim ‘takeover’ of the West precipitated by multiculturalism. Liberals reassert the importance of western values through specific criminal legislation to temper male minority ethnic violence. The material consequence of these Orientalist framings is a narrowing of services available to women seeking to escape violence. The article seeks to understand the processes of meaning-making in which forced marriage is implicated and how the issue is situated within the domain of national political ideology, as opposed to family violence.

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21

Smulders, Sharon. "Multiculturalism, Psychogeography, and Brian Doyle’s Angel Square: “A Dangerous Square to Cross”." Jeunesse: Young People, Texts, Cultures 8, no. 1 (June 2016): 42–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/jeunesse.8.1.42.

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During the 1980s, Canada entrenched within legislation an understanding of multiculturalism as a core constituent of national identity in accordance with the principles of diversity and equality. This paper explores how Brian Doyle problematizes the notion of multiculturalism in his 1984 novel Angel Square by exploring the hostility and violence inherent in children’s play. In so doing, it focuses on Doyle’s eleven-year-old protagonist, Tommy, who confronts the evils of post-war anti-Semitism while working toward an ecumenical vision of peace despite religious, cultural, and linguistic differences.

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22

Silveira, Renato de Mello Jorge. "Multiculturalism and criminal law: the Brazilian case." Revue internationale de droit pénal 82, no. 3 (2011): 507. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/ridp.823.0507.

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23

Xanthaki, Alexandra. "Multiculturalism and International Law: Discussing Universal Standards." Human Rights Quarterly 32, no. 1 (2010): 21–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hrq.0.0139.

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24

Bonner, John. "Law and legislation." BSAVA Companion 2018, no. 11 (November 1, 2018): 16–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.22233/20412495.1118.16.

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25

Heath, Joseph. "Immigration, Multiculturalism, and the Social Contract." Canadian Journal of Law & Jurisprudence 10, no. 2 (July 1997): 343–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0841820900001569.

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Since the failure of the Meech Lake constitutional reforms and the crisis of national unity prompted by the most recent Quebec referendum, the Canadian Multiculturalism Act has been subjected to particularly intense and hostile scrutiny. While some of the criticism of this policy reflects merely parochial adherence to particular cultural or religious traditions, some of it has raised more significant doubts about the internal coherence, efficacy, and overall desirability of the policy. Most importantly, the multiculturalism policy is faulted for attempting to pursue two simultaneously unachievable goals, viz., to integrate ethnic minority groups into the dominant institutions of the society, while at the same time to protect them against various pressures to assimilate to the dominant culture. Critics have pointed out that social institutions and cultural values are interdependent. Not only do cultural value systems provide the central legitimations for social institutions, but the internalization of these values through socialization processes provides agents with their primary motivation for conforming to institutional expectations. This means that integrating an agent into a system of institutions can only be achieved by assimilating the agent to its underlying cultural system.

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26

Staat, Wim. "Ockham, singularity and multiculturalism." International Journal for the Semiotics of Law 9, no. 2 (June 1996): 139–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf01105506.

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27

Middleton, Renée A., Debra A. Harley, Carolyn W. Rollins, and Tamala Solomon. "Affirmative Action, Cultural Diversity, and Disability Policy Reform: Foundations to the Civil Rights of Persons with Disability." Journal of Applied Rehabilitation Counseling 29, no. 3 (September 1, 1998): 9–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1891/0047-2220.29.3.9.

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The authors discuss how the impetus for rehabilitation reform historically received momentum from civil rights activities in the 1960s. The origins of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, the American with Disabilities Act, and the Rehabilitation Act of 1973, are discussed from the political context at the time of passage. Thus, the reader comes to understand how persons with disabilities, through the independent living movement; a civil rights movement within a movement for equality, were empowered to become a major force in prompting the signing of the ADA. The paper is based on the belief that current disability legislation must be inclusive of all persons with disabilities. To that end, connections are made between affirmative action, a major vanguard of equality, cultural diversity and multiculturalism. A rational is provided for the assertion that elimination of affirmative action will have serious repercussions for the long-term effectiveness and survival of other civil rights legislation. Finally, recommendations for achieving multiculturalism are made and concluding remarks predict the outlook for the future with respect to disability services, policy and practice.

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McGoldrick, D. "Multiculturalism and its Discontents." Human Rights Law Review 5, no. 1 (January 1, 2005): 27–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hrlrev/ngi002.

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29

Williams, Brian. "Legislation." Probation Journal 33, no. 1 (March 1986): 27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026455058603300109.

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Williams, Brian. "Legislation." Probation Journal 35, no. 1 (March 1988): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026455058803500104.

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31

Jonkman, Jesse. "Underground Multiculturalism: Contentious Cultural Politics in Gold-Mining Regions in Chocó, Colombia." Journal of Latin American Studies, November 5, 2020, 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x2000098x.

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Abstract This article maps the contentious forms of political life that emerge when multicultural rights and non-formal gold extraction coincide. Specifically, it shows how, in the Colombian department of Chocó, Afro-descendant community councils have produced a unique form of mining governance that, while depending for its legitimacy on everyday uses of Afro-Colombian legislation, consists of the organisation, taxation and policing of mining activities that are in tension with official notions of extractive and multicultural law. In exploring such ‘underground’ cultural politics, the article highlights the limits of state-centric analyses of ‘neoliberal multiculturalism’ and, accordingly, underscores the instrumental role that governed subjects play in the on-the-ground unfolding of multicultural governance regimes.

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32

Zaslove, Andrej. "The Politics of Immigration: a new electoral dilemma for the right and the left?" Review of European and Russian Affairs 2, no. 3 (September 1, 2006). http://dx.doi.org/10.22215/rera.v2i3.172.

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The success of radical right, anti-immigrant political parties and the recent riots in France are only two of the more publicized examples of how volatile the issue of immigration has become across Western Europe. It is often believed that the dichotomy between racism and anti-racism is quite clear. Right-wing and center-right parties and their electoral constituencies are less accepting of immigrants, while center-left and left-wing political parties and their supporters are more accommodating. In this paper, however, I argue that this distinction is not as clear as it is often perceived. Using Italy as my case study, I outline the various ideological positions on the left and the right, and within the left and right, vis-à-vis immigration legislation and important related issues such as integration and multiculturalism. In the second section, I then examine how these ideological positions respond to the realities of immigration and to new pressures from voters within civil society. The question is whether immigration has created a new electoral dilemma for both sides of the political spectrum. I examine whether: 1) left-wing parties are experiencing pressures from their traditional working class constituencies to be tougher on immigration and issues of law-and-order. How does this mesh with more liberal attitudes regarding policies that permit immigrants to enter, find work, and integrate into society? 2) The question is whether right-wing political forces are also experiencing an electoral dilemma between center-right voters who support less liberal immigrant legislation and their traditional business constituency who support center-right economic policy but also realize that they require immigrant labour. In the conclusion, I, briefly, examine whether this new electoral dilemma experienced by the Italian left and right is consistent with other West European countries such as Germany, Austria, Demark, the United Kingdom, and France.

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33

Zaslove, Andrej. "The Politics of Immigration: a new electoral dilemma for the right and the left?" Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies, September 1, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.22215/cjers.v2i3.2419.

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The success of radical right, anti-immigrant political parties and the recent riots in France are only two of the more publicized examples of how volatile the issue of immigration has become across Western Europe. It is often believed that the dichotomy between racism and anti-racism is quite clear. Right-wing and center-right parties and their electoral constituencies are less accepting of immigrants, while center-left and left-wing political parties and their supporters are more accommodating. In this paper, however, I argue that this distinction is not as clear as it is often perceived. Using Italy as my case study, I outline the various ideological positions on the left and the right, and within the left and right, vis-à-vis immigration legislation and important related issues such as integration and multiculturalism. In the second section, I then examine how these ideological positions respond to the realities of immigration and to new pressures from voters within civil society. The question is whether immigration has created a new electoral dilemma for both sides of the political spectrum. I examine whether: 1) left-wing parties are experiencing pressures from their traditional working class constituencies to be tougher on immigration and issues of law-and-order. How does this mesh with more liberal attitudes regarding policies that permit immigrants to enter, find work, and integrate into society? 2) The question is whether right-wing political forces are also experiencing an electoral dilemma between center-right voters who support less liberal immigrant legislation and their traditional business constituency who support center-right economic policy but also realize that they require immigrant labour. In the conclusion, I, briefly, examine whether this new electoral dilemma experienced by the Italian left and right is consistent with other West European countries such as Germany, Austria, Demark, the United Kingdom, and France. Full text available: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v2i3.172

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Leerkes, Arjen, Tineke Fokkema, and Roel Jennissen. "Community multiculturalism and immigrant crime." European Journal of Criminology, December 22, 2021, 147737082110659. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/14773708211065911.

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There is considerable international and local-level variation in immigrant crime. In this article, we propose a theoretical model to better understand that contextual variation. Furthermore, we present the results of our first attempts to empirically assess the validity of the framework, focussing on local-level variation in crime among residents of Turkish or Moroccan origin in the Netherlands. The proposed model connects Berry's acculturation theory to criminological theories, using relevant findings from the immigration acculturation literature as starting points. It theorises that host societies with a ‘multicultural acculturation orientation’ tend to reduce immigrant crime by fostering informal social control and attenuating criminogenic strains. The empirical analyses explore whether local-level variation in multicultural attitudes among the native-Dutch indeed predicts municipal variation in the number of registered suspected crimes among first- and second-generation immigrants, focussing on men of Turkish or Moroccan origin residing in 35 Dutch cities. The empirical analyses are based on a unique database that combines aggregated survey data, which were used to measure natives’ acculturation attitudes, with administrative microdata, including micro-level police data. Evidence is found for a protective effect of local-level multiculturalism for first-generation immigrant crime in particular, especially for immigrant men living in larger local immigrant communities. We also find stronger effects for the more cohesive and societally accepted Turkish-Dutch group than for the more fragmented and excluded Moroccan-Dutch.

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35

Lee, Eunjung, and Marjorie Johnstone. "Lest We Forget: Politics of Multiculturalism in Canada Revisited during COVID-19." Critical Sociology, April 5, 2021, 089692052110001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/08969205211000116.

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Since COVID-19, we have witnessed a rise in hate crimes and xenoracism globally. Some commentators on COVID-related racism claim that this hate is apolitical. We question this claim, and in this paper, we strive to reveal the underlying politics especially around the ramifications and impact of this hate on racialized (im)migrants and the multiculturalism ideal. Drawing from Foucault’s construct of biopolitics and using Canada as a case study, we wonder how Canadian multiculturalism, which is a source of national pride, has been politically constructed to serve white settler hegemony from its inception to the present. We link political debates around the emergence of a multiculturalism policy in 1971 to the recent debates on multiculturalism and immigration during the 2015 and 2019 federal elections, and the current COVID-19 related national border policies in 2020. Our critical analysis illustrates how immigrants and racialized minorities have been systemically positioned in our legislation as a site to demonstrate the politics of governance, often scapegoated for national unrest and questioned on the legitimacy of their belonging and contribution to the nation. Meanwhile, the very ideal of multiculturalism in Canada has been evoked as the centre of biopolitics to govern ‘Others’ and all.

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36

"Legislation." Probation Journal 32, no. 2 (June 1985): 68–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026455058503200209.

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37

"Legislation." Commonwealth Law Bulletin 14, no. 3 (July 1988): 935–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03050718.1988.9985977.

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"Legislation." Commonwealth Law Bulletin 14, no. 4 (October 1988): 1225–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03050718.1988.9985990.

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39

"Legislation." Commonwealth Law Bulletin 15, no. 1 (January 1989): 1–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03050718.1989.9986003.

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40

"Legislation." Commonwealth Law Bulletin 15, no. 2 (April 1989): 379–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03050718.1989.9986018.

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41

"Legislation." Commonwealth Law Bulletin 15, no. 3 (July 1989): 703–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03050718.1989.9986032.

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42

"Legislation." Commonwealth Law Bulletin 15, no. 4 (October 1989): 1115–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03050718.1989.9986046.

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43

"Legislation." Commonwealth Law Bulletin 16, no. 1 (January 1990): 1–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03050718.1990.9986061.

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"Legislation." Commonwealth Law Bulletin 16, no. 2 (April 1990): 405–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03050718.1990.9986073.

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"Legislation." Commonwealth Law Bulletin 16, no. 3 (July 1990): 699–724. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03050718.1990.9986085.

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"Legislation." Commonwealth Law Bulletin 16, no. 4 (October 1990): 1103–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03050718.1990.9986099.

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"Legislation." Commonwealth Law Bulletin 17, no. 1 (January 1991): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03050718.1991.9986112.

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"Legislation." Commonwealth Law Bulletin 17, no. 2 (April 1991): 425–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03050718.1991.9986126.

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"Legislation." Commonwealth Law Bulletin 17, no. 3 (July 1991): 767–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03050718.1991.9986140.

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"Legislation." Commonwealth Law Bulletin 17, no. 4 (October 1991): 1141–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03050718.1991.9986155.

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