Journal articles: 'Mshḥ (The Hebrew root)'

1

Rubin, A. D. "The Paradigm Root in Hebrew." Journal of Semitic Studies 53, no. 1 (January 1, 2008): 29–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jss/fgm043.

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Schaeffer, Jeannette, and Dorit Ben Shalom. "On Root Infinitives in Child Hebrew." Language Acquisition 12, no. 1 (January 2004): 83–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1207/s15327817la1201_4.

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Geary, Jonathan, and Adam Ussishkin. "Morphological priming without semantic relationship in Hebrew spoken word recognition." Proceedings of the Linguistic Society of America 4, no. 1 (March 15, 2019): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/plsa.v4i1.4509.

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We report on an auditory masked priming study designed to test the contributions of semantics and morphology to spoken word recognition in Hebrew. Thirty-one native Hebrew speakers judged the lexicality of Hebrew words that were primed by words which either share their root morpheme and a transparent semantic relationship with the target (e.g. poreʦ פּורץ ‘burglar’ priming priʦa פּריצה ‘burglary’) or share their root morpheme but lack a transparent semantic relationship with the target (e.g. mifraʦ מפרץ ‘gulf’ priming priʦa פּריצה ‘burglary’). We found facilitatory priming by both types of morphological relatives, supporting that semantic overlap is not required for morphological priming in Hebrew spoken word recognition. Thus, our results extend the findings of Frost, Forster, & Deutsch’s (1997) Experiment 5 to the auditory modality, while avoiding confounds between root priming and Hebrew’s abjad orthography associated with the visual masked priming paradigm. Further, our results are inconsistent with models of word processing which treat morphological priming as reflecting form and semantic coactivation, and instead support an independent role for root morphology in Hebrew lexical processing.

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Norman, Tal, Tamar Degani, and Orna Peleg. "Transfer of L1 visual word recognition strategies during early stages of L2 learning: Evidence from Hebrew learners whose first language is either Semitic or Indo-European." Second Language Research 32, no. 1 (October 11, 2015): 109–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0267658315608913.

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The present study examined visual word recognition processes in Hebrew (a Semitic language) among beginning learners whose first language (L1) was either Semitic (Arabic) or Indo-European (e.g. English). To examine if learners, like native Hebrew speakers, exhibit morphological sensitivity to root and word-pattern morphemes, learners made an off-line graded lexical decision task on unfamiliar letter strings. Critically, these letter strings were manipulated to include or exclude familiar Hebrew morphemes. The results demonstrate differential morphological sensitivity as a function of participants’ language background. In particular, Indo-European-L1 learners exhibited increased sensitivity to word-pattern familiarity, with little effect of root familiarity. In contrast, Semitic-L1 learners exhibited non-additive sensitivity to both morphemes. Specifically, letter strings with a familiar root and a familiar word-pattern were the most likely to be judged as real words by this L1-Semitic group, whereas strings with a familiar root in the absence of a familiar word-pattern were the most likely to lead to a non-word decision. These findings show that both groups of learners activate their morphological knowledge in Hebrew in order to process unfamiliar Hebrew words. Critically, the findings further demonstrate transfer of L1 word recognition processes during the initial stages of second language (L2) learning.

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Charlap, Luba R. "Lexical Root vs. Substantive Root: The Status of the Hebrew Alphabet As A Precursory System for Menaḥem Ben Saruq's Root Concept." Journal of Semitic Studies 65, no. 2 (September 1, 2020): 419–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jss/fgaa026.

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Abstract Menaḥem ben Saruq (Spain, tenth century) is considered to be the first scholar to write a dictionary of Biblical Hebrew - called the Maḥberet - on Spanish soil. His role in the development of Hebrew grammar, however, has not been given pride of place in the scholarly literature. Renewed interest in his theory arose only in the late twentieth century. As some scholars have noted, Menaḥem was the first to reveal the three-consonantal basis of Hebrew roots. This article will continue to establish the basis for this concept, while further elaborating on several emphases in his teaching, especially in the context of the distinction between the radical and the servile letters and their subdivision, which, in our view, led Menaḥem to formulate his root concept. Following our analysis, we note a difference between the ‘lexical root’ concept, by which he arranged the entries in his Maḥberet, and the ‘substantive root’ concept on which he based his innovation. A parallel idea can be seen in the theory of Yusuf Ibn Nūḥ, who set forth the jawhar concept, which means the basic entity of a word on the abstract level (as opposed to a word-based morphology), as Geoffrey Khan has shown. The article concludes with a clarification of the difference between Menaḥem's theory and that of Judah Ḥayyūj. Despite the enormous development made by Menaḥem, he was not able to offer a coherent morphological system, as Ḥayyūj did.

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Tauberschmidt, Gerhard. "Polysemy and Homonymy in Biblical Hebrew." Journal of Translation 14, no. 1 (2018): 29–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.54395/jot-3rkrr.

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In the analysis of Hebrew lexical items there is sometimes a tendency to interpret words exclusively based on their root meaning. In fact, the one-sided etymological analysis of Hebrew words is particularly tempting, because most Hebrew words are constructed around lexical roots consisting of two or three (sometimes four) consonants that are shared in common by a family of related words. Deriving the meaning of a lexical item exclusively from its root meaning while disregarding the phenomenon of semantic shift, which is frequently caused by metonymy, can lead to incorrect interpretations. Hebrew lexicons such as Brown–Driver–Briggs (BDB) sometimes contribute to this error due to interpreting words as polysemous lexical items when they should be interpreted as homonyms with non-related meanings.

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FARHY, YAEL, JOÃO VERÍSSIMO, and HARALD CLAHSEN. "Do late bilinguals access pure morphology during word recognition? A masked-priming study on Hebrew as a second language." Bilingualism: Language and Cognition 21, no. 5 (June 13, 2018): 945–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1366728918000032.

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This study extends research on morphological processing in late bilinguals to a rarely examined language type, Semitic, by reporting results from a masked-priming experiment with 58 non-native, advanced, second-language (L2) speakers of Hebrew in comparison with native (L1) speakers. We took advantage of a case of ‘pure morphology’ in Hebrew, the so-called binyanim, which represent (essentially arbitrary) morphological classes for verbs. Our results revealed a non-native priming pattern for the L2 group, with root-priming effects restricted to non-finite prime words irrespective of binyanim type. We conclude that root extraction in L2 Hebrew word recognition is less sensitive to both morphological and morphosyntactic cues than in the L1, in line with the Shallow-Structure Hypothesis of L2 processing.

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Stadel, Christian. "The Recovery of the Aramaic Root br' 'to cleanse' and Another Possible Aramaising Rendering in the Septuagint." Aramaic Studies 7, no. 2 (2009): 155–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/147783509x12627760049714.

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Abstract One source of our knowledge of the Aramaic used in Hellenistic Egypt is the Septuagint, whose translators at times resorted to Aramaic when rendering their Hebrew Vorlage. The present article proposes one such 'Aramaising rendering', in which the Hebrew verb br' pi''el 'to cut down (wood)' was translated as if derived from the Aramaic homonymous root meaning 'to cleanse'. This root, attested in Nabataean, Samaritan, and Jewish Babylonian Aramaic and mistakenly seen as an Arabism in these dialects, is recovered as Aramaic.

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Lund, Jerome A. "Some Cases of Root Exegesis of Hebrew Forms in Peshitta Ezekiel." Vetus Testamentum 69, no. 1 (January 21, 2019): 69–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685330-12341341.

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AbstractThe new translation of Peshitta Ezekiel by Gillian Greenberg and Donald M. Walter in the Bible of Antioch series raises issues with regard to the interpretation of the Syriac text and its relationship to the Hebrew. The Syriac translator used root exegesis of Hebrew forms as a translation tool. This study will examine a number of cases of root exegesis in Peshitta Ezekiel with the aim of better understanding the Peshitta translation. This research was undertaken as part of the Bible of Edessa project.

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Aïm, Emmanuel. "Consonant dissimilarity in Biblical Hebrew defective nouns." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 83, no. 2 (May 27, 2020): 225–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x20002591.

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AbstractCo-occurrence restrictions on Biblical Hebrew root consonants have received thorough treatment in the specialized literature. However, combinations involving glides on the one hand, and nominal roots on the other, have received very little attention. The aim of this paper is to argue for an incompatibility between medial consonants and final glides in defective nouns: a final w cannot generally follow a homorganic medial root consonant, viz. labial p, b, m and velar k, g, q. The III-w roots are rare: they came about as a result of a well-documented historical process and are found almost only in nominal roots. Previous investigations have overlooked this incompatibility owing to the incomplete scope of the studies.

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Vayntrub, Jacqueline E., and Humphrey H. Hardy. "Biblical Hebrew šninɔ: A ‘Cautionary Tale’ of Root Identification." Vetus Testamentum 64, no. 2 (April 16, 2014): 279–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685330-12341152.

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Abstract The present study comprises a philological examination of the Biblical Hebrew term šninɔ. The contextual semantics, the ancient translations, and the re-identification of the verbal root ŠNN as a by-form of ŠNY ‘to recount’ demonstrate that šninɔ may be realigned as related to this root and translated as a ‘cautionary tale’.

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Hatav, Galia. "Verb phrase secondary predication: Biblical Hebrew as a case study." Linguistics 58, no. 2 (April 26, 2020): 363–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ling-2020-0044.

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AbstractIn this article, I discuss secondary predication in Biblical Hebrew, showing that contrary to what linguists such as Rothstein (2004. Structuring events. Malden, MA & Oxford: Blackwell) suggest, there are languages with verb phrases as secondary predicates.In particular, I deal with a construction in Biblical Hebrew I refer to as the double infinitive-absolute construction, where in addition to a finite verb, the sentence contains two conjoined occurrences of an infinitive absolute, where the first is of the same root and binyan (pattern) as the finite verb but deprived of temporal and agreement features, while the second is of a different root and (maybe) binyan. I show that Biblical Hebrew uses this construction to form a new complex verb with the primary predicate, such that it shares the subject or the object with the primary predicate, depicting a situation that overlaps in time with the situation depicted by the primary predicate or results from it.

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Farhy, Yael, João Veríssimo, and Harald Clahsen. "Universal and particular in morphological processing: Evidence from Hebrew." Quarterly Journal of Experimental Psychology 71, no. 5 (January 1, 2018): 1125–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17470218.2017.1310917.

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Do properties of individual languages shape the mechanisms by which they are processed? By virtue of their non-concatenative morphological structure, the recognition of complex words in Semitic languages has been argued to rely strongly on morphological information and on decomposition into root and pattern constituents. Here, we report results from a masked priming experiment in Hebrew in which we contrasted verb forms belonging to two morphological classes, Paal and Piel, which display similar properties, but crucially differ on whether they are extended to novel verbs. Verbs from the open-class Piel elicited familiar root priming effects, but verbs from the closed-class Paal did not. Our findings indicate that, similarly to other (e.g., Indo-European) languages, down-to-the-root decomposition in Hebrew does not apply to stems of non-productive verbal classes. We conclude that the Semitic word processor is less unique than previously thought: Although it operates on morphological units that are combined in a non-linear way, it engages the same universal mechanisms of storage and computation as those seen in other languages.

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Schwarzwald, Ora Rodrigue. "The Hebrew Root ˀ-m-n and its Derivatives hɛˀěmīn and nɛˀĕman in both Medieval Spanish and Ladino Translations of the Bible." Meldar: Revista internacional de estudios sefardíes, no. 1 (December 15, 2020): 9–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.46661/meldar.5097.

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The Hebrew root ˀ-m-n is related to a number of different words found in the Hebrew Bible, for instance, hɛˀěmīn ‘believe, trust, confide, be sure’, nɛˀĕman ‘was trustworthy’, ˀemūn ‘trust’, ˀěmūnā ‘faith, belief, trust’, ˀĕmɛṯ ‘truth’, and ˀāmen ‘amen’. The purpose of this paper is to examine, contrast and compare various translations of the derivatives of this root, hɛˀěmīn and nɛˀĕman/ nɛˀĕmān, which appear in both medieval Spanish and in Ladino versions of the Bible from the 16th century onwards, and to explore the extent to which these translations are diverse in their interpretations. This comparison enables us to establish the claim that Ladino versions of the Bible developed independently and are not based on earlier medieval Spanish translations.

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15

Olszowy-Schlanger, Judith. "Early Qaraite Grammarians and their Concept of the Hebrew « Root »." Histoire Épistémologie Langage 21, no. 2 (1999): 101–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/hel.1999.2749.

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Brenner, Athalya. "A Note on the Root ZQN in the Hebrew Bible." Zutot 1, no. 1 (2001): 10–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187502101788691123.

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Slawik, Jakub. "The root N)P in the Hebrew Bible in relation to ZNH." Rocznik Teologiczny 65, no. 2 (December 22, 2023): 249–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.36124/rt.2023.11.

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This article analyses all passages in the Hebrew Bible where the root N)P is used in order to establish its exact meaning, in particular its relationship to the root ZNH. In a literal sense, their meanings are indiscriminately distinct. The root N)P refers to marital infidelity, to adultery, which is nowhere described with the root ZNH. Although figuratively the two roots are used side by side (including within parallelisms), there is no indication of their source domains overlapping. In the oldest passages where they appear next to each other in a figurative sense, i.e. in Hos, a clear distinction is made between their source domains. In the literature, therefore, it is erroneously assumed that the meaning of hnz encompasses that of adultery, believed to be an appropriate metaphor for the people’s religious or cultic infidelity to YHWH.

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Feldman, Laurie Beth, and Shlomo Bentin. "Morphological Analysis of Disrupted Morphemes: Evidence from Hebrew." Quarterly Journal of Experimental Psychology Section A 47, no. 2 (May 1994): 407–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14640749408401118.

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In concatenative languages such as English, the morphemes of a word are linked linearly so that words formed from the same base morpheme also resemble each other along orthographic dimensions. In Hebrew, by contrast, the morphemes of a word can be but are not generally concatenated. Instead, a pattern of vowels is infixed between the consonants of the root morpheme. Consequently, the shared portion of morphologically-related words in Hebrew is not always an orthographic unit. In a series of three experiments using the repetition priming task with visually presented Hebrew materials, primes that were formed from the same base morpheme and were morphologically-related to a target facilitated target recognition. Moreover, morphologically-related prime and target pairs that contained a disruption to the shared orthographic pattern showed the same pattern of facilitation as did nondisrupted pairs. That is, there was no effect over successive prime and target presentations, of disrupting the sequence of letters that constitutes the base morpheme or root. In addition, facilitation was similar across derivational, inflectional and identical primes. The conclusion of the present study is that morphological effects in word recognition are distinct from the effects of shared structure.

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Davis, Stuart, and Bushra Adnan Zawaydeh. "Arabic Hypocoristics and the Status of the Consonantal Root." Linguistic Inquiry 32, no. 3 (July 2001): 512–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002438901750372540.

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There is currently a controversy regarding the lexical (morphemic) status of the consonantal root in the Semitic languages. Bat-El (1994) and Ratcliffe (1997) have argued against the lexical status of the consonantal root in Hebrew and Arabic, respectively. However, Prunet, Béland, and Idrissi (2000) present Arabic aphasic evidence supporting the lexical (morphemic) status of the consonantal root for Arabic. In this article we offer supporting evidence from Arabic hypocoristics for the morphemic status of the consonantal root. We argue that hypocoristic formation is an output-to-output word formation process that nonetheless references the consonantal root. We then discuss implications.

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Berent, Iris, Joseph Tzelgov, and Uri Bibi. "The autonomous computation of morpho-phonological structure in reading." Mental Lexicon 1, no. 2 (August 30, 2006): 201–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ml.1.2.03ber.

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Is morphological decomposition automatic? To address this question, we examine whether Hebrew readers decompose morphologically complex words when reading is not required, in the Stroop task. Morphological decomposition is assessed using two markers. One marker examines whether color-naming is modulated by morphologically complex words generated from color roots. For example, we compare words generated from the Hebrew root of “blue” displayed in either blue or an incongruent color. The second marker examines whether color-naming is sensitive to root phonotactics. Here we compare color-naming with words whose (color-unrelated) roots are either phonologically illicit (e.g., ssm) or well-formed (e.g., smm). Results suggest that morphological decomposition proceeds even when reading is discouraged, but unlike previous research with intentional reading tasks, Stroop-like conditions do not allow for a detailed representation of the root’s internal structure.

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DRIJVERS, HAN J. W. "ARAMAIC H˙MN' AND HEBREW H˙MN: THEIR MEANING AND ROOT." Journal of Semitic Studies XXXIII, no. 2 (1988): 165–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jss/xxxiii.2.165.

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Oganyan, Marina, Richard Wright, and Julia Herschensohn. "The role of the root in auditory word recognition of Hebrew." Cortex 116 (July 2019): 286–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.cortex.2018.06.010.

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Kavé, Gitit, and Yonata Levy. "The Processing of Morphology in Old Age." Journal of Speech, Language, and Hearing Research 48, no. 6 (December 2005): 1442–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1044/1092-4388(2005/100).

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Purpose: Taking advantage of the rich morphological structure of Hebrew, the current article aims to examine whether age affects the processing of morphological forms through an investigation of 2 systematic morphological paradigms. Method: Forty-eight young and 48 old Hebrew speakers completed 2 experiments: the 1st investigated sensitivity to subject-verb gender incongruity in a reading task, and the 2nd examined parsing of pseudoverbs containing existing and nonexisting consonantal roots in a lexical-decision task. Results: Older adults were slower relative to the young, but both groups were slower on incongruent relative to congruent targets and on a pseudoverb with a real root relative to a pseudoverb with a nonexistent root. In both experiments the interaction between condition and age was statistically significant. Conclusions: While older adults demonstrate preserved morphological parsing abilities, possible explanations for the interaction effect include cognitive slowing or deficient inhibitory control.

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Farhy, Yael, and João Veríssimo. "Semantic Effects in Morphological Priming: The Case of Hebrew Stems." Language and Speech 62, no. 4 (November 30, 2018): 737–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0023830918811863.

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To what extent is morphological representation in different languages dependent on semantic information? Unlike Indo-European languages, the Semitic mental lexicon has been argued to be purely “morphologically driven”, with complex stems represented in a decomposed format (root + vowel pattern) irrespectively of their semantic properties. We have examined this claim by comparing cross-modal root-priming effects elicited by Hebrew verbs of a productive, open-ended class (Piel) and verbs of a closed-class (Paal). Morphological priming effects were obtained for both verb types, but prime-target semantic relatedness interacted with class, and only modulated responses following Paal, but not Piel primes. We explain these results by postulating different types of morpho-lexical representation for the different classes: structured stems, in the case of Piel, and whole-stems (which lack internal morphological structure), in the case of Paal. We conclude that semantic effects in morphological priming are also obtained in Semitic languages, but they are crucially dependent on type of morpho-lexical representation.

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Baden, Joel S. "Hithpael and Niphal in Biblical Hebrew: Semantic and Morphological Overlap." Vetus Testamentum 60, no. 1 (2010): 33–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/004249310x12577537066873.

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AbstractThe well-established semantic overlap between the niphal and hithpael in Biblical Hebrew is explained by the morphological similarities between the two stems in the imperfect form in the consonantal text. This claim is supported by a statistical analysis indicating that the first root consonant of some verb classes has assimilated rather than undergone metathesis more commonly than has previously been thought.

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Reshef, Yael. "The historical composition of the lexicon as a stylistic factor in a text-oriented culture: a case-study from Modern Hebrew." Language and Literature: International Journal of Stylistics 12, no. 1 (February 2003): 57–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/096394700301200104.

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This article studies the relevance of an historical lexical analysis to the stylistic description of Modern Hebrew texts. The examination of the lexical make-up of two distinct genres - administrative language and folksong - reveals a correlation between the social functions of the corpora and their formal characteristics. The administrative corpus reflects the lexical structure of standard Modern Hebrew. The folksong, on the other hand, is influenced by literary and ideological considerations. Consequently, it gives expression to the cultural ties with the traditional Hebrew sources by an abundant use of inherited lexicon. The findings suggest that in text-oriented cultures such as Hebrew, stylistic description can benefit from an historical analysis. Such an analysis responds to an intrinsic socio-linguistic characteristic of the language, and complements the structural stylistic analysis. Following Sarfatti (1990), the lexical analysis is based on distinctions drawn within each lexical item between three elements - root, form and meaning. Such a distinction takes account of diachronic changes in the semantic value of lexical items. It pinpoints factors characterizing the corpora’s lexical composition and enables multi-level distinctions between different types of discourse. As a result, it sheds light on one aspect of genre differentiation in the language.

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Velan, Hadas, Ram Frost, Avital Deutsch, and David C. Plaut. "The processing of root morphemes in Hebrew: Contrasting localist and distributed accounts." Language and Cognitive Processes 20, no. 1-2 (February 2005): 169–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01690960444000214.

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Deutsch, Avital, and Adi Meir. "The role of the root morpheme in mediating word production in Hebrew." Language and Cognitive Processes 26, no. 4-6 (May 2011): 716–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01690965.2010.496238.

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Brice, Henry. "The root and word distinction: an experimental study of Hebrew denominal verbs." Morphology 27, no. 2 (August 18, 2016): 159–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11525-016-9297-0.

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Joo, Wonjun. "Reflection on ‘Hatred’ in the Old Testament through the Hebrew Root נאf." Theological Perspective 223 (December 31, 2023): 19–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.22504/tp.2023.12.223.19.

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ASHKENAZI, Orit, Steven GILLIS, and Dorit RAVID. "Input–output relations in Hebrew verb acquisition at the morpho-lexical interface." Journal of Child Language 47, no. 3 (September 26, 2019): 509–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305000919000540.

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AbstractThis study examined early Hebrew verb acquisition, highlighting CDS–CS relations across inflectional and derivational verb learning. It was carried out on a corpus of longitudinal dense dyadic interactions of two Hebrew-speaking toddlers aged 1;8–2;2 and their parents. Findings revealed correlated patterns within and between CDS and CS corpora in terms of verbs, structural root categories, and their components (roots, binyan conjugations, and derivational verb families), and clear relations between lexical-derivational development and inflectional growth in input–output relations, measured by MSP. It also showed that both corpora had few, yet highly semantically coherent, derivational families. Lexical learning in Hebrew was shown to be morphologically oriented, with both inflectional and derivational learning supporting and being supported by the development of the verb lexicon. These findings support findings in the general literature regarding the close relationship between parental input and child speech, and the affinity between lexical and grammatical growth.

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Chia, Philip Suciadi. "Divided by the Translation, But United in the Concept? The Word Study of מִכְתָּם." Perichoresis 21, no. 3 (July 1, 2023): 109–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/perc-2023-0024.

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Abstract The Hebrew word מִכְתָּם creates a problem because the meaning is controversy. The Hebrew lexicon, BDB (1906) and TWOT lexicon (2003), confirm this difficulty, saying, “the meaning of this word is unknown.” PONS Kompaktwörterbuch Althebräisch (2015) records that this word is untranslated, while the other sources translate as song, prayer, or epigram. Allen P. Ross (2012:48), a Hebrew scholar, indicates that its meaning is disputed. Ibn Ezra (Strickman 2009:112) interprets that this word refers to a very precious Psalm. He compares with ketem paz or the finest gold in Song of Songs 5:11 because both words are derived from the same root. This perplexity also occurs in ancient texts as they differ in their translations. This article, therefore, attempts to study and solve this dilemmatic word in ancient texts with textual criticism of its methodology. This study argues that the word מִכְתָּם is not only different in translation, but also the concept in ancient texts.

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Reshef, Yael, and Einat Gonen. "Imperfect language learning vs. dynamic sound change." Journal of Historical Linguistics 8, no. 2 (December 27, 2018): 169–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jhl.17023.res.

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Abstract Modern Hebrew provides an idiosyncratic case for historical linguistic study: due to the discontinuity of its use as a spoken language, differences between contemporary structures and classical ones do not necessarily reflect change processes, but may instead result from imperfect language learning by the original L2 speakers of Modern Hebrew at the initial stages of speech revival. This article offers a new research direction for delineating the boundaries between the two types of phenomena based on the recent discovery of two collections of recordings of spontaneous Hebrew speech made in the 1960s. Focusing on one conspicuous sound change in contemporary Modern Hebrew, namely the transition from [i] to [e] in the prefix of the verbal pattern hif’il, we show that the variability in contemporary language between hif’il and hef’il has two distinct sources: (i) an initial state of variability between [i] and [e] in forms derived from weak root verbs (initial-[n] and middle-[w/y] roots, e.g. higi’a-hegi’a ‘arrived’) due to imperfect language learning in the initial phases of the formation of Modern Hebrew; and (ii) a recent change from [i] to [e] in forms derived from regular roots (e.g. hitxil-hetxil ‘started’). In this category, the 1960s recordings attest to a stable realization of [i] amongst all age groups, with deviations from the rules of traditional Hebrew grammar occurring only marginally. Based on this data, the measure of synchronic variation documented in the 1960s recordings is analyzed as a precursor of the sound change that developed in the language at a later stage.

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BERENT, IRIS, and JOSEPH SHIMRON. "Co-occurrence restrictions on identical consonants in the Hebrew lexicon: are they due to similarity?" Journal of Linguistics 39, no. 1 (March 2003): 31–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226702001949.

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It is well known that Semitic languages restrict the co-occurrence of identical and homorganic consonants in the root. The IDENTITY HYPOTHESIS attributes this pattern to distinct constraints on identical and nonidentical homorganic consonants (e.g. McCarthy 1986, 1994). Conversely, the SIMILARITY HYPOTHESIS captures these restrictions in terms of a single monotonic ban on perceived similarity (Pierrehumbert 1993; Frisch, Broe & Pierrehumbert 1997). We compare these accounts by examining the acceptability of roots with identical and homorganic consonants at their end. If well-formedness is an inverse, monotonic function of similarity, then roots with identical (fully similar) consonants should be less acceptable than roots with homorganic (partially similar) consonants. Contrary to this prediction, Hebrew speakers prefer root final identity to homorganicity. Our results suggest that speakers encode long-distance identity among root radicals in a manner that is distinct from feature similarity.

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Kavé, Gitit, and Yonata Levy. "Preserved Morphological Decomposition in Persons With Alzheimer's Disease." Journal of Speech, Language, and Hearing Research 47, no. 4 (August 2004): 835–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1044/1092-4388(2004/062).

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Persons with Alzheimer's disease (AD) demonstrate a severe lexical impairment that affects conceptual knowledge. Research into aspects of word structure and the structural relationships between words, however, has been scarce in this population. Taking advantage of the rich morphology of Hebrew, the current article examines the status of morphological decomposition in AD. Fourteen persons with AD and 48 control participants completed 2 experiments: The 1st investigated root extraction from pseudoverbs containing existing and nonexisting consonantal roots, and the 2nd looked at sensitivity to morphological priming effects. Results suggest that despite severe semantic-conceptual deficits on naming, fluency, and comprehension tasks, persons with AD engage in adequate morphological decomposition of words, in a similar manner to normal adult speakers of Hebrew.

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Lam, Joseph. "On The Etymology Of Biblical Hebrew : A Contribution to the ‘Sin Offering’ vs. ‘Purification Offering’ Debate*." Journal of Semitic Studies 65, no. 2 (September 1, 2020): 325–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jss/fgaa024.

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Abstract This article evaluates Jacob Milgrom's widely-cited argument that the Biblical Hebrew offering term , by virtue of its derivation from a *qattalt noun pattern with gemination of the second root consonant, is intrinsically connected in its semantics to the Piel of (‘to purify, purge’) — an argument often used to support a rendering of as ‘purification offering’ (instead of the traditional ‘sin offering’). This argument is untenable, not only because it is based on an outmoded approach to the Semitic noun system, but also because it fails to explain how came simultaneously to denote ‘sin’ in Biblical Hebrew. Instead, the most plausible account of the term sees the ‘sin’ meaning as primary, with the ‘offering’ usage derived via metonymy, i.e., ‘an offering that deals with ’. Also, given the explanations of the *qattal(a)t pattern in the comparative Semitic literature, (‘sin’) is best understood as an abstract substantive derived from, or viewed as a counterpart to, the *qattal noun (‘sinful’, ‘[habitual] sinner’), with perhaps a secondary association with malady — another common semantic connotation of Biblical Hebrew *qattalt.

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Schneider, Nathan. "Computational Cognitive Morphosemantics: Modeling Morphological Compositionality in Hebrew Verbs with Embodied Construction Grammar." Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society 36, no. 1 (August 24, 2010): 353. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/bls.v36i1.3923.

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In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt:This paper brings together the theoretical framework of construction grammar and studies of verbs in Modern Hebrew to furnish an analysis integrating the form and meaning components of morphological structure. In doing so, this work employs and extends Embodied Construction Grammar (ECG; Bergen and Chang 2005), a computational formalism developed to study grammar from a cognitive linguistic perspective. In developing a formal analysis of Hebrew verbs (section 3), I adapt ECG—until now a lexical/syntactic/semantic formalism—to account for the compositionality of morphological constructions, accommodating idiosyncrasy while encoding generalizations at multiple levels. Similar to syntactic constructions, morpheme constructions are related in an inheritance network, and can be productively composed to form words. With the expanded version of ECG, constructions can readily encode nonconcatenative root-and-pattern morphology and associated (compositional or noncompositional) semantics, cleanly integrated with syntactic constructions. This formal, cognitive study should pave the way for computational models of morphological learning and processing in Hebrew and other languages.

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Recht, Tom. "Surface Faithfulness Phenomena and the Consonantal Root in the Modern Hebrew Verb System." Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society 36, no. 1 (August 24, 2010): 322. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/bls.v36i1.3921.

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In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt:This paper argues that from the point of view of speakers Modern Hebrew must be described as a hybrid system, possessing elements of both templatic and concatenative morphology, and that more generally, templaticity and concatenativity are not absolute, binarily opposed categories, but stand for bundles of morphological characteristics, of which a given language may possess a combination and which are subject to piecemeal diachronic change.

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Berent, Iris, Vered Vaknin, and Joseph Shimron. "Does a theory of language need a grammar? Evidence from Hebrew root structure." Brain and Language 90, no. 1-3 (July 2004): 170–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0093-934x(03)00430-9.

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Kreuzer, Siegfried. "Zebaoth – der Thronende." Vetus Testamentum 56, no. 3 (2006): 347–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853306778149665.

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AbstractZebaoth is the most frequent attribute for Jhwh in the Hebrew Bible. It's connotation is god's majesty and power. Yet its etymology and original meaning are still under debate. In modern research as well as in the OT, sebāot is connected with the root sābā, meaning "host". The changing identifi cations (the hosts of Israel's army, the stars as Jhwh's heavenly hosts, all of Jhwh's creation) and the modern interpretations (esp. as an abstract plural or plural of intensity) as well as the grammatical problems of the combination "Jhwh sebāot", point to the idea, that sebāot had an non-Hebrew origin and was taken over and understood in Hebrew context. The paper then takes up and advances the suggestion of M. Görg, that sebāot has an Egyptian origin, in the sense of "belonging to/owning the throne". This is explained and advanced in its linguistic development, and in relation to the political and religio-historical situation of Canaan at the turn from the Late Bronze to the Early Iron Age, including the archaeological evidence concerning Shilo in relation to nearby Aphek, the Egyptian administrative center at that time. So, Zebaoth designates the enthroned, powerful god in his majesty; this basic understanding is held through, though understood in the light of the Hebrew word for hosts, which were identified in different—appropriate—ways.

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Wormser, Yehonatan. "Conceptualization of the Morpheme and the Distinction Between Verbs and Nouns in Traditional Hebrew Grammars." Journal of Semitic Studies 64, no. 2 (August 23, 2019): 445–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jss/fgz030.

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Abstract This paper deals with the traditional distinction between verbs and nouns, in which any verbal form is assigned to one of the seven constant verbal patterns (binyanim), while a nominal form might be assigned to various basic patterns which differ according to its root class (gizrah). It is suggested that this distinction, which is customarily applied in Hebrew grammars since the Middle Ages, is derived from an abstract implicit concept of the notion of the morpheme, which could be deduced from the stances expressed in the traditional discussion on the number of the Hebrew verbal patterns. Given that there is a fundamental semantic difference between the verbal system and the nominal system, this concept of the morpheme, based on the semantic profile of a given word, entailed the distinction between verbs and nouns.

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Nesher, S. "Parallels of the Hebrew Root כפר k-p-r (k-f-r) ‘Covering’ in the Lexicon of Semitic and Caucasian Languages." Язык и текст 11, no. 2 (June 26, 2024): 52–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.17759/langt.2024110205.

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In the 8th century BC the Israelites were expelled from northern Israel by the Assyrians, according to historians, some to Media (Armenia). Later, in the 6th century BC, the southern tribe of Israel, Judah (“Jews”) was expelled by the Babylonians, later many of them migrated to the regions of the Caucasus. There are numerous references to the stay of Jews in the Caucasus in scientific and popular science literature, which makes us expect that evidence of these connections could and should have been preserved in the Caucasian languages. However, the problem of searching for Hebraisms and lexical evidence of the influence of one language on another is complicated by the fact that from the 7th century, Arabic penetrated into the Caucasian languages along with religion, and since Arabic and Hebrew are related languages, it becomes more difficult to establish from which language (Hebrew or Arabic) the term penetrates into Caucasian languages. This study is devoted to the analysis of Arabic and Hebrew uses in the Caucasian languages. The comparative-historical and etymological research methods used in the work will help, in our opinion, to determine the source of some lexical units in the Dagestan languages that are part of the Iberian-Caucasian family of languages.

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Ellis, Anthony. "The Rot of the Bones: A New Analysis of קנאה (“Envy/Jealousy”) in the Hebrew Bible." Journal of Biblical Literature 142, no. 3 (September 15, 2023): 385–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.15699/jbl.1423.2023.2.

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Abstract This article reassesses the expression of jealousy and envy in the Hebrew Bible as well as their ethical status. Through a systematic analysis of the Hebrew root קנא, I argue that קנאה arises exclusively in scenarios involving a relative loss in status to a rival and that its closest English counterparts are therefore envy and jealousy. While some sort of link between קנאה and envy/jealousy is widely acknowledged, communis opinio has it that קנאה in the Bible regularly refers to other emotions and states, from anger and fury, to devotion and love, to vaguer feelings of passion, emotional excitement, zeal, or the desire for vengeance. Likewise, קנאה is widely considered to be ethically neutral—an emotion that might be positive or negative, good or bad. I challenge these views through new readings of several passages (esp. Song 8:6, Prov 14:30, Num 11:29, 2 Sam 21:1–2) and close with a brief discussion of the significance of these findings for biblical theology, religious zealotry, and the lexical expression of jealousy in cultures that evolved in contact with the Hebrew Bible and its translations.

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Oganyan, Marina, and Richard A. Wright. "The Role of the Root in Spoken Word Recognition in Hebrew: An Auditory Gating Paradigm." Brain Sciences 12, no. 6 (June 7, 2022): 750. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/brainsci12060750.

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Very few studies have investigated online spoken word recognition in templatic languages. In this study, we investigated both lexical (neighborhood density and frequency) and morphological (role of root morpheme) aspects of spoken word recognition of Hebrew, a templatic language, using the traditional gating paradigm. Additionally, we compared the traditional gating paradigm with a novel, phoneme-based gating paradigm. The phoneme-based approach allows for better control of information available at each gate. We found lexical effects with high-frequency words and low neighborhood density words being recognized at earlier gates. We also found that earlier access to root-morpheme information enabled word recognition at earlier gates. Finally, we showed that both the traditional gating paradigm and gating by phoneme paradigm yielded equivalent results.

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Khateb, Asaid, Ibrahim A. Asadi, Shiraz Habashi, and Sebastian Peter Korinth. "Role of Morphology in Visual Word Recognition: A Parafoveal Preview Study in Arabic Using Eye-Tracking." Theory and Practice in Language Studies 12, no. 6 (June 1, 2022): 1030–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.17507/tpls.1206.02.

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Words in Semitic languages such as Arabic and Hebrew are composed of two interwoven morphemes: roots and word patterns (verbal and nominal). Studies exploring the organizing principles of the mental lexicon in Hebrew reported robust priming effects by roots and verbal patterns, but not by nominal patterns. In Arabic, prior studies have produced some inconsistent results. Using the eye-tracking methodology, this study investigated whether the Arabic morphological classes (i.e., root, verbal pattern, nominal pattern) presented parafoveally would facilitate naming of foveally presented words among young native Arabic skilled readers. Results indicate that roots and both word patterns accelerated word naming latencies, suggesting that morphological knowledge contributed to word recognition processes in Arabic. The inclusion of the three morpheme classes into one study represents so far the most comprehensive study of morphological priming effects in Arabic.

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Ussishkin, Adam. "The inadequacy of the consonantal root: Modern Hebrew denominal verbs and output???output correspondence." Phonology 16, no. 3 (December 1999): 401–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0952675799003796.

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Deutsch, Avital, Hadas Velan, and Tamar Michaly. "Decomposition in a non-concatenated morphological structure involves more than just the roots: Evidence from fast priming." Quarterly Journal of Experimental Psychology 71, no. 1 (January 2018): 85–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17470218.2016.1250788.

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Complex words in Hebrew are composed of two non-concatenated morphemes: a consonantal root embedded in a nominal or verbal word-pattern morpho-phonological unit made up of vowels or vowels and consonants. Research on written-word recognition has revealed a robust effect of the roots and the verbal-patterns, but not of the nominal-patterns, on word recognition. These findings suggest that the Hebrew lexicon is organized and accessed via roots. We explored the hypothesis that the absence of a nominal-pattern effect reflects methodological limitations of the experimental paradigms used in previous studies. Specifically, the potential facilitative effect induced by a shared nominal-pattern was counteracted by an interference effect induced by the competition between the roots of two words derived from different roots but with the same nominal-pattern. In the current study, a fast-priming paradigm for sentence reading and a “delayed-letters” procedure were used to isolate the initial effect of nominal-patterns on lexical access. The results, based on eye-fixation latency, demonstrated a facilitatory effect induced by nominal-pattern primes relative to orthographic control primes when presented for 33 or 42 ms. The results are discussed in relation to the role of the word-pattern as an organizing principle of the Hebrew lexicon, together with the roots.

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Sadik, Shalom. "Eckhart, Lost in Translation: La traduction de Sh-h-r par Yehuda Alharizi et ses implications philosophiques." Vivarium 54, no. 2-3 (August 19, 2016): 125–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685349-12341322.

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Maimonides’s Guide for the Perplexed had a significant influence on both Jewish and Christian philosophy, although the vast majority of Jewish and Christian readers in the Middle Ages could not read the original Judeo-Arabic (Arabic written in Hebrew characters) text. Instead, they had access to the text through Hebrew and Latin translations. The article focuses on words derived from the root sh-h-r in the original text of Maimonides, first (section 1) on the understanding of Maimonides himself, where they take on two meanings; the first sense of these words is an adjective that refers to things well-known to the larger public; the second sense is that in which the opinions held by the public are opposed to the intelligibles. Second (section 2), while one of Maimonides’ Hebrew translators, Ibn Tibbon, did understand the original meaning of the words in the Guide, the other, Alharizi did not; he missed the distinction between rational understanding and generally admitted opinions. This misunderstanding changed the meaning of three important passages of the Guide. Finally (section 3) the mistranslation of Alharizi influenced the medieval philosophers that either read his translation, such as Rabbi Aaron ben Elijah of Nicomedia, or a Latin translation based upon it, such as Meister Eckhart.

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Fridman, Clara, and Natalia Meir. "A Portrait of Lexical Knowledge among Adult Hebrew Heritage Speakers Dominant in American English: Evidence from Naming and Narrative Tasks." Languages 8, no. 1 (January 20, 2023): 36. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/languages8010036.

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While the field of heritage language (HL) bilingualism has grown substantially in recent years, no studies have considered heritage Hebrew speakers dominant in American English. Expanding HL studies to new language pairs is crucial to understand the generalizability of prior findings across diverse linguistic contexts. In the current study, we assess 40 adult participants (16 M, 24 F) and present an overview of their lexical abilities, as derived from a quantitative and qualitative analysis of performance on the Multilingual Naming Test (MINT) and a narrative elicitation task. We consider target accuracy, types of non-target responses, and cross-linguistic influence in the form of code-switching and calquing. Participants’ non-target responses indicated a strong grasp of Hebrew root-pattern word formation and creativity in the face of lexical gaps. Code-switching and calquing patterns in the narratives suggest that the dominant English is the clear framing language, from which speakers draw resources directly or indirectly. Although this linguistic blending leads to innovative lexical formations that would not be found in standard monolingual speech, the speakers’ overall message is still understandable. We conclude that heritage Hebrew speakers are able to clearly communicate complex thoughts in their HL while relying on their dominant language to fill lexical gaps.

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Cheng, Gong, and Ying Liu. "A root-and-pattern approach to word-formation in Chinese." Asian Languages and Linguistics 1, no. 1 (March 11, 2020): 71–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/alal.00003.che.

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Abstract This paper argues that compounding, the major source of word-formation in Chinese, and the root-and-pattern system in Hebrew involve fundamentally the same syntactic operations and observe the same locality constraints, despite the salient differences. More specifically, it addresses the well-known continuum that the coordinate and attributive compounds behave more like words, whereas resultative and subordinate compounds are much more like phrases. It puts forward the idea that this continuum can be accounted for by assuming that there is a distinction between word-formation from roots and word-formation from words, with the former giving rise to more lexical properties and the latter more phrasal properties. The paper also discusses some related issues, such as the correct formulation of word-level phases and the structure of the major types of compound words in Chinese.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Mshḥ (The Hebrew root)'

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