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1
Brown, MacAlister. "Election Observers in Cambodia, 1998: What Can We Learn?" Government and Opposition 35, no. 1 (January 2000): 77–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1477-7053.00013.
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COUNTRIES RIVEN BY INTERNAL CONFLICT HAVE INCREASINGLY SOUGHT to resolve their conf licts and establish stable government by conducting elections, which outside observers can verify as ‘free and fair’. The first highly successful such venture, in Nicaragua 1990, was followed by election operations by the UN in Ethiopia 1992, Angola 1992, El Salvador 1994, Mozambique 1994, South Africa 1994, Haiti 1995, Liberia 1997 and Cambodia 1993 and 1998. The degree of stability and reconciliation achieved by these operations has varied, but the recent election observer effort, in Cambodia (26 July 1998), had a disputed outcome, which raised fundamental questions concerning the efficacy of post-conf lict election monitoring.
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Alden, Chris. "The UN and the Resolution of Conflict in Mozambique." Journal of Modern African Studies 33, no. 1 (March 1995): 103–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00020875.
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The signing of the General Peace Agreement in Rome in October 1992 marked the formal cessation of 17 years of intermittent warfare in the former Portuguese colony of Mozambique.1 The bitter struggle by the guerrilla movement known as the Resistência Nacional Moçambicana (Renamo) to topple the avowedly Marxist–Leninist régime established by the leaders of the Frente de Libertção de Moçambique (Frelimo) was in many respects a regional expression of the cold war politics which dominated the international environment. The transformations in the Soviet Union and South Africa, blunting the ideological and logistical support which had fuelled the conflict, provoked a crisis for the protagonists. With over a million casualties, a greater number of refugees in neighbouring countries, and an economy devastated by war and mismanagement, the Government and Renamo at last sued for peace.2
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Machava, Benedito, and Euclides Gonçalves. "The dead archive: governance and institutional memory in independent Mozambique." Africa 91, no. 4 (August 2021): 553–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972021000425.
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AbstractTranslated from the Portuguese expression arquivo morto, the dead archive is a site where files that have lost their procedural validity are stored for a determined number of years before they are destroyed or are sent to permanent archives. In Mozambique, where awareness and institutional capacity for proper archival procedures are still being developed, a common feature of the dead archive is the way in which files are untidily piled up with old typewriters, furniture, spare parts and other material debris of bureaucratic work and administration. In these archives, more than forty years of institutional and public memory lie ignored in leaky, damp basements across the country and in serious danger of irreparable damage. Drawing from various stints of historical and anthropological field research conducted between 2009 and 2016 in Maputo, Niassa and Inhambane provinces, this article examines the dead archive in order to explore the relationship between institutional memory and governance during the long period of austerity in Mozambique. Based on our investigation of the multiple layers of the dead archive, we argue that the Mozambican post-socialist government has sought to control institutional memory as a way to keep the ruling party in power in the context of multiparty politics. While the public sector has experienced conditions of austerity since independence, we show how, during the socialist period (1975–90) of single-party rule, the state's relationship with institutional memory was more progressive, with transparent and communicative archival practices. In contrast, despite the combination of public sector reforms and progressive legislation regarding the right to information, the multiparty democratic period (1990 to the present) has seen an exacerbation of administrative secrecy leading to less transparent and communicative archival practices.
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Ngwane, Trevor, and Patrick Bond. "South Africa’s Shrinking Sovereignty: Economic Crises, Ecological Damage, Sub-Imperialism and Social Resistances." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 20, no. 1 (December 15, 2020): 67–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2020-20-1-67-83.
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The development of contemporary South Africa political economy occurred within the context of a global capitalist order characterized by increasingly unequal political and economic relations between and within countries. Before liberation in 1994, many people across the world actively supported the struggle against apartheid, with South Africa’s neighbouring states paying the highest price. The ‘sovereignty’ of the apartheid state was challenged by three processes: first, economic, cultural and sporting sanctions called for by Nelson Mandela’s African National Congress and other liberation movements, which from the 1960s-80s were increasingly effective in forcing change; second, solidaristic foreign governments including Sweden’s and the USSR’s provided material support to overthrowing the Pretoria Regime; and third, military defeat in Angola and the liberation of neighbouring Mozambique (1975), Zimbabwe (1980) and Namibia (1990) signalled the inevitability of change. But that state nevertheless maintained sufficient strength - e.g. defaulting on foreign debt and imposing exchange controls in 1985 - to ensure a transition to democracy that was largely determined by local forces. Since 1994, the shrinkage of sovereignty means the foreign influences of global capitalism amplify local socio-economic contradictions in a manner destructive to the vast majority of citizens. This is evident when considering economic, ecological, geopolitical and societal considerations.
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Ottaway, Marina. "Mozambique: From Symbolic Socialism to Symbolic Reform." Journal of Modern African Studies 26, no. 2 (June 1988): 211–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00010442.
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In the four years since the signing of the Nkomati accord in March 1984, Mozambique has undergone a quiet but far-reaching process of policy reform. Faced with a major crisis caused by the Renamo insurgency and by economic mismanagement, the Government has apparently abandoned its ambitious programme of socialist transformation through the creation of state farms and the launching of large projects, adopting instead a package of market-oriented economic reforms. Having joined the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund in late 1984, Mozambique has been devaluing its currency, increasing the prices of agricultural produce, allowing peasants to sell commodities to private traders, and channelling some aid to the private sector, in keeping with the policies favoured by those organisations, The U.S. Agency for International Development, which has also become a donor since 1984, has likewise exerted pressure for policy reform, in particular for aid to the private commercial farms. While the socialist economic sector has not been dismantled, the Government is now stressing the importance of peasant and private agriculture, and the necessity of providing more support for both.1
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Sommaruga, Cornelio. "Recognition of the Mozambique Red Cross Society." International Review of the Red Cross 28, no. 267 (December 1988): 556–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020860400072053.
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We have the honour of informing you that the Mozambique Red Cross Society has been officially recognized by the International Committee of the Red Cross. This recognition, which took effect on 29 September 1988, brings to 147 the number of National Societies that are members of the International Red Cross and Red Crescent Movement.Founded on 10 July 1981, the Society officially applied for recognition by the International Committee of the Red Cross on 23 September 1988. In support of its application, it forwarded various documents, including a report on its activities, the text of its Statutes and a copy of Government Decree No. 7/88 of 17 May 1988 attesting that the Mozambique Red Cross Society is recognized by the Government as a voluntary aid society auxiliary to the public authorities in accordance with the provisions of the First Geneva Convention of 1949.
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Grieves, Forest L., and Carl-Christoph Schweitzer. "Politics and Government in Germany, 1944-1994: Basic Documents." German Studies Review 20, no. 1 (February 1997): 186. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1432372.
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Neudorfer, Natascha S. "Development, democracy and corruption: how poverty and lack of political rights encourage corruption." Journal of Public Policy 35, no. 3 (January 6, 2015): 421–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x14000282.
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AbstractOn average, higher per capita income comes with lower corruption levels. Yet, countries like Mexico, Libya and Saudi Arabia are relatively wealthy but experience comparatively high corruption levels. Simultaneously, countries like Madagascar or Mozambique (in the 1990s) combine poor economic development with a low level of corruption. I propose that the two most common variables in corruption research – wealth and democracy – are mutually conditional: economic development brings about a larger (and stronger) middle class that demands public goods from the government. However, citizens’ ability to influence governmental decision-making varies by political regime type. In democracies, citizens are, on average, more successful in demanding goods from the government than in autocracies. Using a large-N approach (up to 139 countries, 1984–2006), the analysis finds robust empirical support for the proposed conditional effect.
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Grest, Jeremy. "Urban management, local government reform and the democratisation process in Mozambique: Maputo city 1975–1990." Journal of Southern African Studies 21, no. 1 (March 1995): 147–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03057079508708438.
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Marsh, Holly. "Changing Pressure-group Politics: The Case of the TUC 1994–2000." Politics 22, no. 3 (September 2002): 143–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9256.00169.
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Since, the election of a Labour government in 1997 there has been a renewed interest in the changing relationship between the TUC and the government. This article uses the TUC General Council Reports to establish the number of contacts that took place, who initiated the contact, at what level of government the contact occurred and what kind of contact took place for the years 1994 to 2000. The data indicates that the number of contacts between the TUC and government has increased significantly since Labour came to power. As such, it provides the first detailed quantitative evidence about the nature of the relationship between the TUC and the Labour Party in power. However, I also argue that, although the data I present is useful for addressing the question of the extent and type of contacts between the government and the TUC since 1997, its limitations also need to be acknowledged. In contrast to earlier claims by Neil Mitchell, my view is that such data can tell us little, if anything, about the changing power of the unions.
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Monjane, Celso M., and M. Anne Pitcher. "The Elusive Dream of Democracy, Security, and Well-Being in Mozambique." Current History 121, no. 835 (May 1, 2022): 177–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2022.121.835.177.
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The 1992 peace accords ending a 16-year civil war, followed by the 1994 democratic elections, promised a brighter political and economic future for Mozambique. Despite the adoption of multiparty politics and robust economic growth since the 1990s, however, Mozambique today faces seemingly intractable challenges. Amid increasing allegations of electoral fraud, Frelimo continues to be the country’s ruling party, a position it assumed after independence in 1975. Political insiders control most of the country’s considerable economic assets, including vast natural gas deposits in the north. A violent jihadi insurgency, which began in the northern province of Cabo Delgado in 2017 and tapped into local grievances, has so far resisted the combined efforts of the national military, regional security forces, and a contingent of troops from Rwanda to eliminate it. With spaces for peaceful civic participation and action shrinking, the glimmer of hope for democracy, security, and well-being in Mozambique is fading.
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Kaarsholm, Preben. "Islam, secularist government, and state–civil society interaction in Mozambique and South Africa since 1994." Journal of Eastern African Studies 9, no. 3 (July 3, 2015): 468–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17531055.2015.1082255.
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Ahmed, Nizam U. "Party Politics in Bangladesh's Local Government: The 1994 City Corporation Elections." Asian Survey 35, no. 11 (November 1, 1995): 1017–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2645725.
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Ahmed, Nizam U. "Party Politics in Bangladesh's Local Government: The 1994 City Corporation Elections." Asian Survey 35, no. 11 (November 1995): 1017–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.1995.35.11.01p0069b.
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Pitcher, M. Anne. "What's missing from ‘What's missing’? A reply to C. Cramer and N. Pontara, ‘Rural poverty and poverty alleviation in Mozambique: what's missing from the debate?’." Journal of Modern African Studies 37, no. 4 (December 1999): 697–709. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x99003195.
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Mozambique has undergone some dramatic changes in recent years. The government concluded a 17-year-old civil war in 1992 and held democratic elections in 1994. Following the adoption of structural adjustment policies after 1987, the government eliminated subsidies on food and consumer items, pledged its support for emerging markets, and has now sold most state companies to private investors. These changes have generated much interest among researchers and policymakers, particularly with regard to their impact on the countryside, where the majority of Mozambicans live and work. Recent studies have focused on the most appropriate rural development strategy for Mozambique now that the war has ended, or examined ways to alleviate the widespread poverty that still exists in rural areas. Other work has analysed the structure of agrarian relations or how to ensure food security. Additional research has criticised the government's on-going policy of encouraging and granting land concessions to private investors. It claims that the policy lacks transparency and fails to consider the rights of local communities.
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Barber, Benjamin R. "Letter From America: The 1994 Elections—Herbert Hoover Redux?" Government and Opposition 30, no. 2 (April 1, 1995): 151–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1995.tb00120.x.
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READERS OF GOVERNMENT AND OPPOSITION WILL NOT BE strangers to the events of November that led to a crushing defeat for the Democrats and the first all-Republican Congress in a very long time, if for no other reason than that they have read my colleague Harvey Mansfield's account in the winter issue. There was quite a lot of conservative gloating in November and December (and why not?). There is a little less now that the Gingrich revolution has begun to face up to the two dauntingly unalterable realities of American politics: the reality of the centre and the reality of divided government.
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VIEIRA, MARCO ANTONIO. "Southern Africa's response(s) to international HIV/AIDS norms: the politics of assimilation." Review of International Studies 37, no. 1 (May 21, 2010): 3–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210510000306.
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AbstractThis article is interested in the impact of a singular international phenomenon, namely the global securitisation of the HIV/AIDS epidemic, on the domestic structure of three Southern African states: Botswana, Mozambique and South Africa. These countries are geographically located in the epicenter of the global HIV/AIDS epidemic, Southern Africa. However, notwithstanding their common HIV/AIDS burden, Botswana, Mozambique and South Africa present quite different political cultures and institutions which reflected upon the distinctive way they responded to the influence of international HIV/AIDS actors and norms. So, by investigating the latter's impact in these rather diverse settings, the present analysis aims to empirically demonstrate and compare variations in the effects of norm adaptation across states. To carry out this evaluation, the study provides a framework for understanding the securitisation of HIV/AIDS as an international norm defined and promoted mainly by the Joint UN Programme on HIV/AIDS (UNAIDS), the US government and transnational HIV/AIDS advocacy networks. The HIV/AIDS securitisation norm (HASN) is an intellectual attempt of the present work to synthesise in a single analytical concept myriad of ideas and international prescriptions about HIV/AIDS interventions.
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Blechinger, Verena. "Cleaning up politics and revitalizing democracy? A European view of the new system of political finance in Japan." European Review 8, no. 4 (October 2000): 533–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798700005093.
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When a package of political reform bills was enacted in Japan in 1994, commentators predicted that Japanese politics would fundamentally change. After a series of corruption scandals, the new legislation tightened the system of legal controls, increased penalties for wrongdoing by politicians and made the flow of money more transparent. One key element of the reform package was the introduction of government subsidies for political parties. These funds were intended to strengthen the role of political parties and, at the same time, to close the gap between voters and politicians. Based on a comparison between the German and Japanese systems of political finance, this paper argues that government subsidies have not brought parties and voters closer together. While the distance between politics and big business in Japan has increased since 1994, change has come from the business side, not as a result of the new regulations. In the long run, the new Japanese political finance system will not bridge the gap between political elites and ordinary citizens.
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Green, David. "TRANCE-GRESSION: TECHNOSHAMANISM, CONSERVATISM AND PAGAN POLITICS." CONTEMPORARY BRITISH RELIGION AND POLITICS 4, no. 2 (December 1, 2010): 201–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.54561/prj0402201g.
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This article looks at the politics of successive Conservative governments in Britain in the 1980s and ‘90s through the lens of the increasing politicisation of Paganisms in that period. A wave of moral panics in the late ‘80’s and early ‘90s concerning marginal communities – such as Ravers, New Age travellers and anti-road protesters – and their ‘riotous assemblies’, culminated in the Conservative Government of John Major enacting The Criminal Justice and Public Order Act of 1994. This was seen by these communities as legislation against alternative lifestyles and, in some respects, an infringement of spiritual freedom. Using the case study of technoshamanism – a Pagan meeting of ‘rave’ culture and neo-shamanism – I wish to examine how the political and Pagan religious landscapes of ‘80s and ‘90s Britain intersected and led to politically engaged forms of Pagan practice often centred around grassroots lifestyle and environmental politics. This will be explored with especial reference to the politicisation of The Spiral Tribe, a technoshamanic collective of the early ‘90s, and their increasing involvement in resisting the 1994 Act and promotion of campaigns such as Reclaim the Streets.
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Radcliffe, Vaughan S. "The Election of Auditors in Government: A Study of Politics and the Professional." Accounting and the Public Interest 12, no. 1 (December 1, 2012): 38–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.2308/apin-10269.
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ABSTRACT Although in many countries government auditors are appointed, often in an all-party process designed to emphasize a preference and hope for accounting information to be prepared in an independent manner, many such office holders in U.S. state governments are directly elected. This paper examines one such election, which occurred in the State of Ohio in 1994, and uses this case to explore how the electoral process fosters an interaction between the professional claim and political platforms. The paper follows earlier work concerning “special” government audits in using Weber's discussion of formal and substantive rationality to interpret events. The election of government auditors is seen as providing an unusual opportunity to consider the mixture of auditing and politics. The paper provides observations on the proximate operation of professional claims and political dynamics, and discusses these in terms of the roles of government auditing and of accountancy as a profession. Further research is called for into the operation of auditing in public life.
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Bolten, Catherine E. "SobelRumors and Tribal Truths: Narrative and Politics in Sierra Leone, 1994." Comparative Studies in Society and History 56, no. 1 (December 19, 2013): 187–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417513000662.
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AbstractThis article examines a case study from war-torn Sierra Leone in 1994, in which a rumor galvanized violent public action and only dissipated when a seemingly unrelated issue was resolved. I argue that the circulation of rumors can foment the emergence of political narratives focused on topics that are otherwise taboo, and creates the space to act on them without overtly disturbing the status quo. I analyze the content of interview material with residents of the town of Makeni and eight months of articles printed in national newspapers to illustrate the subtle emergence of tribal accusations in the context of military mutiny. The rumor itself concerned an imminent attack by mutinous, criminal soldiers (calledsobels) on the town they were meant to defend. This instigated a mass demonstration, shooting into a crowd, political mudslinging, and accusations that some politicians were trying to “tribalize the war.” Responding to the distress, the government removed the offending “tribalist” administrator from Makeni, and all talk ofsobelfears dissipated, even as the reality ofsobelswas borne out in confirmed attacks and a high profile court-martialing. That tribal favoritism was the real issue was illustrated by residents' embrace of their new military administrator and the town's unprecedented move towards development in the midst of renewed security threats.
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Lawton, William. "Worn Themes and New Developments in Quebec and Canadian Politics." Politics 15, no. 3 (September 1995): 167–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9256.1995.tb00136.x.
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Taking the Quebec election of September 1994 as a starting point, this article provides observations on developments in Canadian politics and Quebec-Canada relations. The Quebec election resulted in the transfer of power to a government committed to Quebec's withdrawal from the Canadian federation. This latest manifestation of Quebec nationalism bears similarity with events in the past but the Canadian political landscape has undergone profound changes over the past decade. The article seeks to place the nationalist victory in the contexts of Canada's quest for constitutional reform, the regionalisation of federal politics, and North American economic integration.
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Shaw, Julia. "Ayodhya's sacred landscape: ritual memory, politics and archaeological ‘fact’." Antiquity 74, no. 285 (September 2000): 693–700. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00060087.
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Great astonishment has been expressed at the recent vitality of the Hindu religion at Ajudhia [sic], and it was to test the extent of this chiefly that … this statement has been prepared. As the information it contains may be permanently useful, I have considered it well to give it a place here. This information is as correct as it can now be made and that is all that I can say CARNEGY(1870: appendix A)After the destruction of Ayodhya's Babri mosque in 1992 by supporters of the Vishva Hindu Parishad (VHP), the statement above seems laden with premonition of the events to come (Rao 1994). More importantly, Carnegy’s comments highlight that the mosque’s destruction was not simply the result of 20th-century politics. The events surrounding and following the outbreak of violence in 1992 have resulted in more ‘spilt ink’ than Carnegy could ever have imagined. This literature can be divided into two main categories; firstly, the initial documentation submitted to the government by a group of VHP aligned historians, which presented the ‘archaeological proof’ that the Babri mosque had occupied the site of a Hindu temple dating to the 10th and 11th century AD (VHP1990; New Delhi Historical Forum 1992). This was believed to have marked the birthplace of the Hindu god Rama (hence the name Rama Janmabhumi — literally ‘birthplace of Rama’), and been demolished at the orders of the Mughal emperor Babur during the 16th century. As a response, a second group of ‘progressive’ Indian historians began a counter-argument, based on the same ‘archaeological proof’ that no such temple had ever existed (Gopal et al. 1992; Mandal 1993). The second category is a growing body of literature which has filled many pages of international publications (Rao 1994; Navlakha 1994). Especially following the World Archaeology Congress (WAC) in Delhi (1994), and subsequently in Brač, Croatia (1998), this has been preoccupied with finding an acceptable route through the battlefield which arises as a result of the problematic, but recurrent, marriage between archaeology, folklore and politics (Kitchen 1998; Hassan 1995).
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Carbone, Giovanni M. "Continuidade na renovação? Ten years of multiparty politics in Mozambique: roots, evolution and stabilisation of the Frelimo–Renamo party system." Journal of Modern African Studies 43, no. 3 (July 28, 2005): 417–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x05001035.
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Post-conflict elections in Mozambique, held in 1994, 1999 and 2004, established a formally competitive and pluralistic system. This paper examines the country's emerging two-party system as an essential feature affecting prospects for democratic deepening and consolidation. The condition for political parties to actually help the establishment of democratic politics is their development as durable, socially rooted, country-wide effective and legitimate organisations. The paper contends that the current party system has indeed been a major instrument for political expression and for the channelling and peaceful management of conflicts. It shows how both Frelimo and Renamo – and the competition between them – have deep-seated historical origins and well-established regional roots. Yet, a number of aspects concerning the Mozambican party system negatively affect the deepening of democratic politics: the legitimacy of the party system is weakened by post-conflict polarisation and uncertain mutual recognition; the ethno-regional entrenchment of the two main parties bestows a communal connotation on electoral competition; and most importantly, the party system remains unbalanced and unevenly institutionalised, with Frelimo's disciplined and fundamentally institutionalised organisation opposed by a strongly personalistic and weakly organised Renamo, which struggles to operate within state institutions and to accommodate internal differences.
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Pearce, Justin. "History, legitimacy, and Renamo's return to arms in central Mozambique." Africa 90, no. 4 (August 2020): 774–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972020000315.
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AbstractTwenty years after the Mozambican war ended, a return to arms from 2013 by the opposition movement Renamo served to revitalize support for the party in the 2014 election, and put pressure on the Frelimo government to consider demands for constitutional change. Building on existing research on post-war politics and on recent economic change, this article addresses the question of how Renamo obtained civilians’ approval for renewed armed action in the south of Sofala province, the region where conflict broke out in 2013. I argue that popular legitimacy for Renamo's challenge to the state is constituted in a narrative about Renamo that is congruent both with present-day grievances against the state and with understandings of local history dating to the anticolonial struggle that challenge the nationalist history on which Frelimo hegemony rests. Renamo has adapted this narrative in such a way as to claim a historic role for itself in defending the interests of central and northern Mozambique and in struggling for an inclusive and democratic state. In this way, Renamo has gained support for its renewed armed actions, not only among those politicized by Renamo in the earlier war but more broadly among civilians in the region.
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Case, J. David. "The Politics of Memorial Representation: The Controversy Over the German Resistance Museum in 1994." German Politics and Society 16, no. 1 (March 1, 1998): 58–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503098782487176.
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The study of historical memory in its various forms is a burgeoningarea of inquiry among historians. The debate over public, official,government-supported memory and private individual memoriesreveals a complex dynamic among myth, memory, and history,which as Michel Foucault and others have argued, is simply the dominantform of memory in a society at a given time.1 Some of the mostrevealing instances of the intersection between public and privatememory are commemorations and memorial sites where personalmemories are created and sustained within the context of the officialrepresentation of the event and those involved. The constant need tolocate memories within a larger social frame of reference ensuresthat supporters of different memories of the same event will directlyand forcefully link images from the present with their memories ofthe past, no matter how incongruous these images may appear.
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Engel, Ulf. "Zupta's Next Nightmare: The South African Local Government Elections of 3 August 2016." Africa Spectrum 51, no. 2 (August 2016): 103–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203971605100207.
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On 3 August 2016 South Africa held its fifth local government elections (LGE) since the end of Apartheid in 1994. Against a backdrop of increasing political frustration with the ruling party's poor performance and continued debates about corruption and cronyism in the highest government circles, the African National Congress (ANC) maintained its dominant position but lost 8 per cent of the aggregate vote (53.91 per cent). The Democratic Alliance (DA) gained some 3 per cent (26.89 per cent) of the vote, and the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF), first-time LGE campaigners, garnered 8.02 per cent. Importantly, the ANC lost control of three of the seven big metropolitan municipalities it had previously held. Since there was no clear-cut majority in four of the eight metros, coalition politics and the art of compromise will become a major feature of South African politics in the coming years. The elections were highly competitive and considered free and fair. At 57.97 per cent, voter turnout was slightly higher than in 2011.
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Campos Diniz, Bárbara. "O Protagonismo do PMDB na Política Brasileira: Uma Análise Comparativa das Eleições de 1994 a 2018." Encuentro Latinoamericano 6, no. 1 (May 2021): 28–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.22151/ela.6.1.2.
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With the promulgation of a new Federal Constitution in 1988, the Brazilian political-institutional arrangement was established based on a process of reconstructing representative democracy. With this change, the present work sought to analyze the role of PMDB in Brazilian politics during the electoral period of 1994 and 2018. PMDB was the pivotal party in the process of redemocratization in Brazil, as well as the greatest ally to have been sought by the government in studied period. However, due to its characterization as a center party and lack of an ideology consistent with the current demands of the population, the PMDB lost a significant space within the Brazilian Legislative, being neither part of the allied base nor of the opposition of the current Bolsonaro government, making with its protagonism in check.
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Tewes, Amanda. "“The Future of Women in Government Is Indeed a Bright One”." California History 97, no. 4 (2020): 34–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ch.2020.97.4.34.
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March Fong Eu (1922–2017) was a talented California politician who broke barriers as the first Asian American and first woman elected to serve as California’s secretary of state (1975–1994). Previously, she served on the Alameda County Board of Education (1956–1966) and was the first Asian American and one of few women in the California State Assembly at mid-century (1967–1974). Known for a 1969 toilet-smashing publicity stunt to call attention to her legislation establishing free public restrooms in California, Eu skirted many of the obstacles that mid-century women politicians faced by creating her own political networks, building personal relationships with colleagues, and gathering public attention on her own terms. The progressive Eu gained a foothold in California politics during a time of conservative control, yet she also served during a pivotal moment in the state’s history when women and people of color were advancing in California politics. She was ambitious but never reached the pinnacle of her political abilities. As such, Eu’s life and work highlight the momentum of mid- to late-twentieth-century political women leaders in California, but also point to the historical limits of political success for women at all levels of government.
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Tewes, Amanda. "“The Future of Women in Government Is Indeed a Bright One”." California History 97, no. 4 (2020): 34–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ch.2020.97.4.34.
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March Fong Eu (1922–2017) was a talented California politician who broke barriers as the first Asian American and first woman elected to serve as California’s secretary of state (1975–1994). Previously, she served on the Alameda County Board of Education (1956–1966) and was the first Asian American and one of few women in the California State Assembly at mid-century (1967–1974). Known for a 1969 toilet-smashing publicity stunt to call attention to her legislation establishing free public restrooms in California, Eu skirted many of the obstacles that mid-century women politicians faced by creating her own political networks, building personal relationships with colleagues, and gathering public attention on her own terms. The progressive Eu gained a foothold in California politics during a time of conservative control, yet she also served during a pivotal moment in the state’s history when women and people of color were advancing in California politics. She was ambitious but never reached the pinnacle of her political abilities. As such, Eu’s life and work highlight the momentum of mid- to late-twentieth-century political women leaders in California, but also point to the historical limits of political success for women at all levels of government.
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Strøm, Kaare. "Comparative Politics - Government Survival in Parliamentary Democracies. By Paul V. Warwick. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994. 182p. $49.95." American Political Science Review 90, no. 3 (September 1996): 689–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2082683.
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Kachuyevski, Angela. "The Possibilities and Limitations of Preventive Action: The OSCE High Commissioner on National Minorities in Ukraine." International Negotiation 17, no. 3 (2012): 389–415. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718069-12341237.
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Abstract This article examines the efforts of the High Commissioner on National Minorities (HCNM) of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) to manage tensions in Ukraine between the substantial Russian minority and the Ukrainian government, and to prevent potentially violent conflict in Crimea from 1994 to 2001, as well as the subsequent efforts to promote peace and stability. It questions why the HCNM was remarkably successful in crisis management from 1994 to 2001, especially in averting secessionism in Crimea, but was hampered in his efforts to achieve a solid foundation for durable peace through the creation of a robust system of minority rights protection. The central argument is that regional politics often preclude the construction of a minority rights regime that could otherwise provide the foundation for durable peace.
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Creed, Gerald W. "The Politics of Agriculture: Identity and Socialist Sentiment in Bulgaria." Slavic Review 54, no. 4 (1995): 843–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2501396.
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When Bulgarians elected a parliament dominated by the Bulgarian Socialist Party (BSP) in their first, free postcommunist election, they were considered the mavericks of eastern Europe. As Misha Glenny critically points out, “Bulgaria bucks the trend” was a recurrent phrase in English-language reports of the 1990 contest. But four years later, after an intervening non-socialist government, a second socialist victory seemed to be following trends set in Lithuania, Hungary and Poland. In a front-page article in The New York Times several months before Bulgaria's 1994 election, the east European trend towards embracing ex-communists is described as beginning in Lithuania, with no mention of Bulgaria's earlier socialist victory and its continual socialist electoral strength. Then, following the election, the Washington Post reported that the results “brought the fourth former Communist Party to power in Eastern Europe, after Hungary, Poland and Lithuania.“
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Hodgkinson, Dan. "POLITICS ON LIBERATION'S FRONTIERS: STUDENT ACTIVIST REFUGEES, INTERNATIONAL SOLIDARITY, AND THE STRUGGLE FOR ZIMBABWE, 1965–79." Journal of African History 62, no. 1 (March 2021): 99–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853721000268.
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AbstractDuring Zimbabwe's struggle for national liberation, thousands of black African students fled Rhodesia to universities across the world on refugee scholarship schemes. To these young people, university student activism had historically provided a stable route into political relevance and nationalist leadership. But at foreign universities, many of which were vibrant centres for student mobilisations in the 1960s and 1970s and located far from Zimbabwean liberation movements’ organising structures, student refugees were confronted with the dilemma of what their role and future in the liberation struggle was. Through the concept of the ‘frontier’, this article compares the experiences of student activists at universities in Uganda, West Africa, and the UK as they figured out who they were as political agents. For these refugees, I show how political geography mattered. Campus frontiers could lead young people both to the military fronts of Mozambique and Zambia as well as to the highest circles of government in independent Zimbabwe. As such, campus frontiers were central to the history of Zimbabwe's liberation movements and the development of the postcolonial state.
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Kaspin, Deborah. "The Politics of Ethnicity in Malawi's Democratic Transition." Journal of Modern African Studies 33, no. 4 (December 1995): 595–620. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00021455.
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While the western media were directing their gaze towards South Africa's political restructuring, another democratic transition was taking place to the north that was no less remarkable and no more imaginable a few years ago. Since Malawi obtained independence in 1964, it had been governed by Dr Hastings Banda (as he was then known) and the Malawi Congress Party (MCP) under a system of absolute rule which the country's élites refused to reform or relinquish. In March 1992 the Catholic bishops issued a formal protest against President H. Kamuzu Banda's political high-handedness, initiating a popular movement for democratic reform and anti-régime demonstrations by university students and staff, as well as factory workers.1 When additional pressure was exerted by the international community, holding foreign aid hostage to democratisation, the Government finally yielded, holding a referendum for multi-party democracy in June 1993 that led to presidential and parliamentary elections in May 1994. Banda and the MCP were ousted, Bakili Muluzi and the United Democratic Front (UDF) were elected, and Malawians of all parties revelled in the freedom to be openly, aggressively political.
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Albertazzi, Daniele, Duncan McDonnell, and James L. Newell. "Di lotta e di governo: The Lega Nord and Rifondazione Comunista in office." Party Politics 17, no. 4 (June 27, 2011): 471–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068811400523.
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Since 1994, Italian politics has seen a number of coalitions including parties whose identity has been strongly based on their ‘outsider’ status as uncompromising opposition movements which would not previously consider government participation. This article examines the contrasting experiences in office of two such parties: the regionalist populist Lega Nord (LN) and the radical left Rifondazione Comunista (RC). While the Lega confounded expectations not only simply by remaining in the centre-right coalition from 2001 to 2006, but by influencing policy, increasing its vote-share and maintaining its ‘outsider’ identity, RC was unable to match its fellow outsider’s success when it served in the centre-left government from 2006 to 2008. Looking at the experiences in office of the RC and the LN in terms of the three temporal divisions ‘before’, ‘during’ and ‘after’, this article seeks to analyse and explain the differing experiences and effects of government on both parties.
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Stokes, Gale. "The Government and Politics of Postcommunist Europe. By Andrew A. Michta. Westport: Praeger, 1994. 236 pp. Index. $19.95, paper." Slavic Review 54, no. 2 (1995): 549–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2501723.
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Bennington, John. "Clive Gray, Government Beyond the Centre: Sub-National Politics in Britain, Macmillan, London, 1994, xi + 212 pp., £10.99 paper." Journal of Social Policy 23, no. 4 (October 1994): 622–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279400023564.
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Sarkin, Jeremy. "THE TENSION BETWEEN JUSTICE AND RECONCILIATION IN RWANDA: POLITICS, HUMAN RIGHTS, DUE PROCESS AND THE ROLE OF THE GACACA COURTS IN DEALING WITH THE GENOCIDE." Journal of African Law 45, no. 2 (October 2001): 143–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0221855301001675.
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Rwanda, since the genocide of 1994, has had immense difficulty in dealing with the past. It has pursued the model of prosecutions without being able to bring many of the alleged perpetrators before the courts. The article examines why this is so, as well as the political situation in Rwanda in the context of the country's human rights record, to determine whether sufficient weight is being given to truth, reconciliation, peace and stability. The proposed new gacaca community courts are examined to determine whether the stated government intention of using these structures to deal with genocide cases outweighs the potential problems they may cause. The article suggests that as so many years have elapsed since the genocide of 1994 that the authorities cannot, and should not, seek to prosecute all those accused of participating in the slaughter because attempting to prosecute all those in detention may cause more harm than good.
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Melenotte, Sabrina. "Zapatista autonomy and the making of alter-native politics." Focaal 2015, no. 72 (June 1, 2015): 51–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fcl.2015.720105.
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Since 1994, the Zapatista political autonomy project has been claiming that “another world is possible”. This experience has influenced many intellectuals of contemporary radical social movements who see in the indigenous organization a new political alter-native. I will first explore some of the current theories on Zapatism and the crossing of some of authors into anarchist thought. The second part of the article draws on an ethnography conducted in the municipality of Chenalhó, in the highlands of Chiapas, to emphasize some of the everyday practices inside the self-proclaimed “autonomous municipality” of Polhó. As opposed to irenic theories on Zapatism, this article describes a peculiar process of autonomy and brings out some contradictions between the political discourse and the day-to-day practices of the autonomous power, focusing on three specific points linked to economic and political constraints in a context of political violence: the economic dependency on humanitarian aid and the “bureaucratic habitus”; the new “autonomous” leadership it involved, between “good government” and “good management”; and the internal divisions due to the return of some displaced members and the exit of international aid.
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Southall, Roger. "Democracy at Risk? Politics and Governance under the ANC." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 652, no. 1 (January 30, 2014): 48–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716213508068.
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The negotiated settlement of 1994 established South Africa as a constitutional democracy. Under Nelson Mandela, the new democracy basked in a glow of national reconciliation, early growth, and optimism. Subsequently, however, the national sense of collective well-being has declined. Racial inequality has narrowed, but the fundamental features of the apartheid economy remain, including a significant section of the population living in absolute poverty, despite the efforts of the government to combine economic growth with redistribution. Given the continued entrenchment of white economic power, the African National Congress (ANC) has sought to use its capture of the state to promote the empowerment of blacks. However, having assumed the characteristics of a “dominant party” assured of successive election victories, the ANC now presides over a party-state whose accountability leaves much to be desired, providing opportunity and scope for corrupt and predatory behavior by significant elements of the party’s elite. Further merging of party and state challenges constitutionalism and threatens the rule of law. It is only when the ANC’s electoral hegemony is eroded that we will discover whether, if faced by loss of power, it will obey or disregard its democratic heritage.
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Fumey, Abel, and Festus O. Egwaikhide. "Redistributive politics: the case of fiscal transfers in Ghana." International Journal of Social Economics 46, no. 2 (February 11, 2019): 213–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijse-05-2017-0191.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine the effects of political influences on fiscal transfers from the central government to district assemblies in Ghana. Design/methodology/approach It adopted a redistributive politics model and estimated the two-step system generalized method of moment using electoral outcomes, and transfers data for 167 districts which were classified into swing and aligned, from 1994 to 2014. Findings The findings reveal that Gh₵6.28m on average was transferred to each district annually, which tend to increase by 8.4 percent in election years. Further, the swing districts received 5.2 percent more than the aligned districts. Practical implications The sharing mechanism is significantly influenced by political considerations as there exists a political budget cycle and a general dominance of swing effects. Social implications The fiscal transfer system disregards the social principles of fairness and efficiency. Therefore, a wider consultative process in reviewing the formula is proposed; and this should be done in intervals of five years to minimize the indiscriminate adjustments of the sharing formula. Originality/value The paper empirically examines the political economy dynamics of intergovernmental fiscal transfers in a decentralized unitary system.
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Herndon, Gerise, and Shirley Randell. "Surviving Genocide, Thriving in Politics: Rwandan Women’s Power." Cosmopolitan Civil Societies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 5, no. 1 (March 27, 2013): 69–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v5i1.2779.
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Rwandan women have given their nation new status as a world leader in gender equality, having achieved a 56 percent majority in Parliament. Women have reached this level of political power for many reasons, including the current government’s political will and women parliamentarians’ conscious decision to emphasize pre-colonial traditions of leadership as an alternative to prevailing patriarchal notions of women’s capacity. Highlighting women’s historical roles as behind-the-scenes advisors effectively promoted gender equality in the public sphere. Not only have women in Parliament taken leadership in promoting laws that protect women against gender-based violence, but also civil society organizations have participated in rebuilding and unifying the country following the trauma of horrific sexual violence and killing during the 1994 genocide. Interviews conducted in Kigali and Butare in 2009 and 2010 inform this study of perceptions of women’s power at the parliamentary and the grassroots levels. Women’s visibility in national government has not immediately translated into empowerment in the home, in agriculture, in the office or in social life. Formal education is key to providing girls and women the tools to analyze and dismantle remaining obstacles to gender equality in the professional, social and private spheres, building on their political achievement.
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Duriesmith, David, and Georgina Holmes. "The masculine logic of DDR and SSR in the Rwanda Defence Force." Security Dialogue 50, no. 4 (June 24, 2019): 361–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010619850346.
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Since the 1994 genocide and civil war, the Rwandan government has implemented an externally funded disarmament, demobilization and reintegration/security sector reform (DDR/SSR) programme culminating in the consolidation of armed groups into a new, professionalized Rwanda Defence Force. Feminists argue that DDR/SSR initiatives that exclude combatant women and girls or ignore gendered security needs fail to transform the political conditions that led to conflict. Less attention has been paid to how gendered relations of power play out through gender-sensitive DDR and SSR initiatives that seek to integrate women and transform hyper-masculine militarized masculinities. This article investigates how Rwanda’s DDR/SSR programme is governed by an oppressive masculine logic. Drawing on critical studies on men and masculinities and feminist work on peacebuilding, myths and the politics of belonging, it argues that Rwanda’s locally owned DDR/SSR programme places the military and militarization at the centre of the country’s nation-building programme. Through various ‘boundary-construction’ practices, the Rwandan government attempts to stabilize the post-1994 gender order and entrench the hegemony of a new militarized masculinity in Rwandan society. The case study draws on field research conducted in 2014 and 2015 and a discourse analysis of historical accounts, policy documents and training materials of the Rwanda Defence Force.
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Umeda, Michio. "The Liberal Democratic Party: Its adaptability and predominance in Japanese politics for 60 years." Asian Journal of Comparative Politics 4, no. 1 (June 28, 2018): 8–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057891118783270.
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This article discusses the origin and continuity of the predominance of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) in Japanese politics since the party’s formation in 1955. The LDP experienced two crises in its history, the first owing to the transformation of Japanese society by rapid economic development during the 1960–1970s, and the second due to the electoral reform in 1994 and the challenge from the Democratic Party of Japan thereafter. I argue that the LDP’s continuous success is attributable to its adaptability to new environments: the party overcame the first crisis by shifting the policy focus, reorganizing its support base and the party organization to achieve intraparty consensus. It coped with the second crisis by forming a coalition with the Clean Government Party and reforming the party’s presidential election and the ministerial post-allocation system. The article concludes with a summary and a brief discussion regarding the future of the LDP.
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P. Krüger, Louis. "Black economic empowerment in post-1994 South Africa: ANC curse and/or socialist/communist covenant?" Problems and Perspectives in Management 14, no. 3 (September 6, 2016): 162–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.21511/ppm.14(3-1).2016.03.
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After more than 21 years under the leadership of the African National Congress (ANC), post-1994 South Africa finds itself yet again embroiled in race-related politics. Government policies such as black economic empowerment (BEE) and employment equity (EE) have not brought about the economic growth, social development and political democracy that the late former President Nelson Mandela had envisaged and what the ANC had promised to all the people of South Africa. South Africa is currently disengaging itself from the West including the Unites States of America (USA) and certain European Union (EU) countries and appears to rather embrace and align itself with countries such as Russia and China that pursue socialist and communist ideologies. Both these two issues may have a profound impact on how businesses will be managed in the future. In an exploratory, qualitative study using a “5 Star” research methodology, the direct and indirect impacts of BEE policies were investigated and the possible movement in South Africa’s ideological stance was explored. BEE does not appear to have helped to bring about high economic growth to help to reduce unemployment and eradicate the high levels of poverty and inequality, and government graft and corruption have increased at all levels of government, including local municipalities. BEE appears to have become the ANC’s curse to economic, social and political progress and should be scrapped. A national debate should follow on whether the ANC’s current covenant with pro-socialism and pro-communism rather than Western free-market capitalism is the appropriate ideology for South Africa to pursue. Keywords: black economic empowerment (BEE), employment equity (EE), African National Congress (ANC), capitalism, socialism, communism. JEL Classification: M14, M21
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Ahady, Anwar-ul-Haq. "KAMAL MATINUDDIN, The Taliban Phenomenon: Afghanistan 1994–1997 (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1999). Pp. 306." International Journal of Middle East Studies 32, no. 4 (November 2000): 586–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800002920.
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In his book, The Taliban Phenomenon, Kamal Matinuddin does not offer a central thesis regarding Afghan politics or the Taliban movement. Rather, he discusses a number of important questions pertaining to the Taliban movement. Since the rise of the Taliban, their identity has been disputed. The opponents of the Taliban claim that many members of the movement are natives of Pakistan. In contrast, the supporters of the Taliban assert that they are ethnic Afghans. Matinuddin's discussion of the origins of the Taliban addresses this controversy. According to Matinuddin, during the 1980s a large number of Islamic seminaries (d―in―i mad―aris) were established in Pakistan. The government of Pakistan and oil-rich Arab states paid for most of the expenses of these institutions. In 1997, about 220,000 students were enrolled in these seminaries. After the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, a large number of young Afghan refugees registered in these institutions. When the Taliban movement began, not only Afghan students (Taliban) of these seminaries joined the movement, but Pakistani Taliban from these institutions also joined their Afghan colleagues in their efforts to take control of Afghanistan. Thus, according to Matinuddin, the Taliban movement is an Afghan phenomenon, but occasionally Pakistani Taliban help their Afghan colleagues in the battlefield. However, Pakistani Taliban do not take orders from the government of Pakistan.
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Adetiba, Toyin Cotties. "Migration policy implementation and its politics in South Africa." EUREKA: Social and Humanities, no. 3 (May 31, 2022): 91–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.21303/2504-5571.2022.002383.
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Globally, migration is to a certain degree an important and highly debated political topic among scholars because of its peculiarity to human movement and relationship between states. Migration is fundamental to liberal democracies and a function of the international system of states. Following the demise of the apartheid system and the adoption of inclusive governance in South Africa in 1994, the country has continued to witness an influx of migrants. However, the call for the deportation and rejection of migrants amongst South Africans has continued to increase with black foreign nationals at the receiving end, sometimes openly or clandestinely done by government officials. Using a qualitative research method, underpinned by the following questions (i) Is South Africa playing politics with its migration policies, while surreptitiously legalizing xenophobism? (ii) Can well-managed migration policies allay the fears of foreign nationals, particularly the blacks in South Africa? (iii) What effects would anti-immigrants’ laws and attitudes have on South Africa’s relations with other [African] countries? The paper argued that South Africa’s preoccupation with restrictionism policies, driven by xenophobism and political interest, seems to have compromised inroads for immigrants that are very important to its economic growth, concluding that unless the rhetoric of a perceived socio-economic threat, posed by migrants, is countered effectively, South Africa’s economies stand to lose out substantially from the implementation of anti-immigration policies.
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Richey, Lisa. "Family planning and the politics of population in Tanzania: international to local discourse." Journal of Modern African Studies 37, no. 3 (September 1999): 457–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x99003110.
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Population politics in Tanzania reflect multiple understandings of the ‘problem’ of population. While Tanzania has a long history of family planning service provision through its childspacing programmes, a national population policy was not adopted until 1992. This work explores the ambiguity and ambivalence reflected in the discourse surrounding the Tanzanian National Population Policy. Although an international consensus on questions of population and family planning may have been reached at the 1994 International Conference on Population and Development in Cairo, when we look at actual cases of policy formulation and implementation, the discourse reflects ambiguity and conflict rather than consensus. The Tanzanian case suggests that this ambiguity may be strategic. Competing ‘positive’ and ‘negative’ approaches have been articulated from the level of national policy negotiations to that of local implementation. This enables the Tanzanian government, promoting a ‘positive’ view of population, to ally itself with proponents of an expanded reproductive health agenda without alienating the elements of the population establishment that pushed for a population policy and fund its implementation.
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Isaacman, Alien. "Historical Amnesia, or, the Logic of Capital Accumulation: Cotton Production in Colonial and Postcolonial Mozambique." Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 15, no. 6 (December 1997): 757–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/d150757.
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In this article, the very different cotton production schemes that the state introduced in colonial and post-colonial Mozambique are explored. Three distinct periods in the history of cotton production are examined. In the first, the focus is on the impact of cotton cultivation on the daily lives of peasants trapped in a highly coercive labor regime which Portugal imposed in 1938 and enforced for almost a quarter of a century. An outline of the abortive attempt of the newly independent FRELIMO government to revitalize cotton production from 1977 to 1985 as part of its broader socialist agenda to transform the countryside, is given next, and the study is concluded with a discussion of recent state efforts to promote joint cotton ventures under the guise of the IMF—World Bank structural adjustment program. An analysis of these changing cotton regimes offers a way of exploring a wide set of issues in the sustainability debate, The Mozambican cotton scheme demonstrates the extent to which state development planning often is not only about either social or ecological sustainability but also about control, power, and effectively silencing the rural poor by experts disconnected from the countryside. It is also stressed that the politics of memory is an important dimension of the sustainability debate and the broader ideological struggles which it reflects. Try as they might, neither the colonial state nor the postcolonial state could control how peasants constructed and interpreted the past. The official representations of cotton as a path to progress, whether on a capitalist or a social road, were simply dismissed by most growers who knew better.