Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Mozambique Politics and government 1994-'
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Morgan, Glenda Nadine. "Reform and democracy in Mozambique, 1983-1991." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003019.
Full textNamburete, Eliana Munguambe. "A Content Analysis of Mozambican Newspapers' Coverage of the 2004 Presidential Election." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2005. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4851/.
Full textThusi, Thokozani. "Mission impossible? Linking humanitarian assistance and development aid in political emergencies in Southern Africa: The case of Mozambique between 1975-1995." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2001. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&.
Full textKisin, Tatyana Tuba Kelman. "Electoral Rules, Political Parties, and Peace Duration in Post-conflict States." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2014. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc699884/.
Full textSenaratne, Jagath P. "Tamil secessionist insurrection and counterinsurgency in Sri Lanka, 1977-1994 : an analysis of government policies." Thesis, University of Northampton, 2014. http://nectar.northampton.ac.uk/8828/.
Full textSnicker, Jonathan. "Cymru am byth? : mobilising Welsh identity 1979- c.1994." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1996. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:3b0e9171-e3cd-4507-b65f-b189dd7677ac.
Full textHe, Songbai. "Politics of the state and foreign capital : the case of China, 1979-1993 /." Thesis, This resource online, 1994. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-02132009-172620/.
Full textHayman, Rachel. "The complexity of aid : government strategies, donor agendas and the coordination of development assistance in Rwanda, 1994-2004." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/1766.
Full textGunde, Anthony Mavuto. "The political role of the media in the democratisation of Malawi: The case of the Weekend Nation from 2002 to 2012." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/97883.
Full textENGLISH ABSTRACT : This study investigated the political role of the Weekend Nation newspaper in the democratisation of Malawi between 2002 and 2012 within the context of its foundational and ownership structures by a politician. Bearing in mind that the newspaper was founded by a politician belonging to the first democratically elected ruling party, the United Democratic Front (UDF), this research sought to examine the impact of media ownership on the political role of the Weekend Nation’s journalistic practices in Malawi’s democratisation. Between 2002 and 2012, Malawi was governed by three presidents – Bakili Muluzi of the UDF from 1994 to 2004, Bingu wa Mutharika of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) from 2004 to 2012, and Joyce Banda of the People’s Party (PP) from 2012 to 2014 – all of whom were hostile to the Weekend Nation. Taking into cognisance the ownership of the Weekend Nation by a politician, the critical political economy theory of the media was deemed to be the most appropriate theoretical framework for this study. In media research, the critical political economy theory asserts that owners are able to regulate the output of the media institution either by intervening in the day-to-day operations, or by establishing general goals and understandings and appointing managerial and editorial staff to implement them within the constraints set by the overall allocation of resources. The study employed a qualitative research methodology, in particular in-depth interviews and qualitative content analysis. Research findings indicate that overall, the political ownership of the newspaper had no direct bearing on the journalists’ political role in the enhancement of democracy and good governance in Malawi. It established that despite the ownership of the Weekend Nation belonging to a prominent and influential politician, the editorial independence was not compromised. Contrary to general expectations, this study established that the Weekend Nation in Malawi, was critical to the political elite in an indiscriminate manner. Although it was not the focus of this study, the research also showed that market forces, in line with the stance taken by the critical political economy theory, had some impact on the Weekend Nation’s editorial independence. The quest for more advertising revenue, to an extent, undermined the struggle for complete editorial independence.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING : Hierdie studie het die politieke rol van die koerant die Weekend Nation in die demokratisering van Malawi tussen 2002 en 2012 vanuit die konteks van sy fundamentele rol en eienaarskap deur die politieke elite ondersoek. Met as vertrekpunt dat die koerant gestig is deur ’n politikus wat lid was van die eerste demokraties-verkose regerende party, die United Democratic Front (UDF), het hierdie navorsing die impak van media-eienaarskap op die politieke rol van die joernalistieke praktyke van die koerant in Malawi se demokratisering ondersoek. Tussen 2002 en 2012 is Malawi deur drie president regeer – Bakili Muluzi van die UDF van 1994 tot 2004, Bingu wa Mutharika van die Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) van 2004 tot 2012, en Joyce Banda van die People’s Party (PP) van 2012 tot 2014 – al drie was vyandiggesind teenoor die Weekend Nation. In ag genome dat die Weekend Nation aan ’n politikus behoort, is die kritiese politieke ekonomie van die media-teorie die mees toepaslike teoretiese vertrekpunt vir hierdie studie. In medianavorsing dui dié teorie daarop dat die eienaar die inhoud van die media-instelling bepaal deur hetsy inmenging in die dag tot dag uitvoering van pligte, of deur algemene doelwitte en veronderstellings wat gestel word, en deur bestuurders en joernaliste aan te stel wat dit sal uitvoer binne die bepalings van die toegewysde hulpbronne. Die studie het kwalitatiewe navorsingsmetodologie toegepas, spesifiek indiepte- onderhoude en kwalitatiewe inhoudsanalsie. Die bevindings dui daarop dat die eienaarskap van die koerant geen direkte invloed op die joernaliste se politieke rol in die versterking van demokrasie en goeie bestuur in Malawi gehad het nie. Dit het vasgestel dat, ondanks die eienaarskap van die Weekend Nation aan ’n prominente en invloedryke politikus, die redaksionele onafhanklikheid nie gekompromitteer is nie. In teenstelling met algemene verwagtings het die studie bevind dat die Weekend Nation in Malawi krities ingestel was teenoor die politieke elite sonder om enige onderskeid te tref. Hoewel dit nie ’n fokus van die studie was nie, het dit ook aangedui dat markkragte, in ooreenstemming met die kritiese politieke ekonomie-teorie, tog ’n impak op die Weekend Nation se redaksionele onafhanklikheid gehad het. Die stewe na groter advertensie-inkomste het tot ’n mate die stryd vir algehele redaksionele onafhanklikheid ondermyn.
Pretorius, Leon G. "The political economy of South African foreign direct investment in Mozambique: a case study of Mozal and its implications for development in Mozambique and Southern Africa." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/222.
Full textThe MOZAL aluminium smelter in Maputo is the largest-ever foreign direct investment in Mozambique. South Africa's state-owned Industrial Development Corporation (IDC) owns 24% shares in MOZAL and the Development Bank of South Africa (DBSA) and Eskom provided road and power supply infrastructure to ensure the success of the smelter. BHP Billiton is the majority shareholder, the other being Mitsubishi. MOZAL is the flagship of South Africa's foreign policy for regional integration in southern Africa and economic reconstruction in Mozambique: a practical manifestation of the African Renaissance. This thesis is a case study of MOZAL as an example of cross-border industrial development and its implications for development in Mozambique. Using an eclectic multidisciplinary Critical Global Political Economy (critical GPE) theoretical framework, a survey of relevant literature and a series of selected open interviews, it examines how development based on the assumptions of industrialisation and neo-modernisation espoused by the governments and private sector champions of MOZAL impact on class, gender, environmental and social justice in Mozambique. The research identifies the socio-economic development dimensions of MOZAL for Mozambique and how the cost and benefits are distributed among the various social groups and actors directly and/or indirectly involved with the MOZAL aluminium smelter. The main findings are that MOZAL as a private sector FDI project is a qualified success. On the positive side, it contributes to economic growth. However, the benefits to Mozambique are exaggerated and are not broadly distributed. On the negative side, it contributes to increasing the economic dependence of Mozambique on the South African economy. Instead of narrowing the development gap, the smelter has contributed to increased differentiation between companies in South Africa and Mozambique and, within Mozambique, between the Northern and Southern regions, as well as among MOZAL employees and the majority of the population in Maputo. The implications are that the development benefits from foreign direct investment cross-border industrial development projects may, at least in the short-term, lead to uneven regional integration and development enjoyed by a few.
South Africa
Lohse, Stephen Alan. "U.S. Foreign Assistance and Democracy in Central America: Quantitative Evaluation of U.S. Policy, 1946 Through 1994." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1996. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc277758/.
Full textPang, Jing. "Impact of Chinese small business on sustainable livelihoods in Port Elizabeth after 1994." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1020983.
Full textDesrosiers, Eric K. "Nationalisme et racisme : analyse de dix ans de discours du Parti Québécois à l'égard des communautés minoritaires du Québec (1981- 1990)." Thesis, McGill University, 1992. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61289.
Full textOctober, Lauren Sue. "Liberation movements as governments : understanding the ANC's quality of government." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/96657.
Full textENGLISH ABSTRACT: Liberation struggles and the way liberation movements are organised can leave a lasting impact on post-liberation societies. This research project was conducted in order to research liberation movements as governments and how the quality of governance is affected in post-liberation societies when liberation movements become governments. The South African liberation movement is seen as having contributed to one of the most peaceful transitions of power on the African continent. However, the stigma surrounding liberation movements prompted a study of the South African liberation movement and to establish whether or not the ANC as ruling party has made a success of its governance of South Africa. This thesis uses South Africa as a case study to determine how quality of governance is affected when liberation movements become governments. This thesis focused on the lingering effects of the structure and organisation of liberation movements. It is thus an exploratory as well as descriptive study where the legacies of the South African liberation movement are investigated and where the ANC as a liberation movement is compared to the ANC as a ruling party. Using historical analysis to discover the structure and internal governance of the liberation movement, this thesis seeks to explain the legacies that still influence the ANC today after its transition from a liberation movement into a political party. To do this the thesis used the theoretical framework of quality of government taken from Rothstein and Teorell (2008), who define it as impartiality. These legacies of the South African liberation movement are believed to have had an impact on the quality of governance of the ANC as a ruling party in post-liberation South Africa. By researching the last twenty years of ANC rule in South Africa’s post-liberation society, this thesis investigated the impartiality of government institutions in order to evaluate the quality of governance in South Africa, and thereby to discover what happens to the quality of governance when liberation movements become governments. The findings of this thesis indicate three conclusions. First, the legacies of the South African liberation movement still have a great influence on the modus operandi, the structure and the goals of the ANC today. Second, these legacies have contributed to the decline of the impartiality of government institutions, in particular through the National Democratic Revolution (NDR) project and its cadre deployment strategy, where appointments are made without the consideration of the principle of impartiality. The legacies of the South African liberation movement have thus had a negative impact on the quality of the ANC’s governance. Finally, this thesis has found that in the case of South Africa, when the ANC as liberation movement took over as the ruling party in a post-liberation society, it negatively affected the quality of governance. Further research in this field is needed in order to compare these findings with other countries that have liberation histories so as to be able to generalise about other liberation movements and to improve the quality of governance in other countries.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Bevrydingstryde en die manier waarop bevrydingsbewegings georganiseer is kan 'n blywende impak op post-bevryding samelewings laat. Hierdie studie is uitgevoer om bevrydingsbewegings as regerings na te vors en ondersoek in te stel oor hoe die kwaliteit van staatsbestuur beïnvloed word in post-bevryding samelewings wanneer bevrydingsbewegings regerings word. Die Suid-Afrikaanse bevrydingsbeweging het bygedra tot een van die mees vreedsame oorgange van mag op die Afrika-kontinent. Die stigma rondom bevrydingsbewegings het egter gelei tot die implementering van 'n studie oor die Suid-Afrikaanse bevrydingsbeweging en of die ANC as regerende party wel 'n sukses van sy staatsbestuur van Suid-Afrika gemaak het. Hierdie tesis gebruik Suid-Afrika as 'n gevallestudie om te bepaal hoe die kwaliteit van bestuur beïnvloed word wanneer bevrydingsbewegings regerings word. Hierdie tesis is gefokus op die voortslepende gevolge van die struktuur en organisasie van bevrydingsbewegings. Dit is dus 'n verkennende asook beskrywende studie waar die nalatenskappe van die Suid-Afrikaanse bevrydingsbeweging ondersoek word en waar die ANC as 'n bevrydingsbeweging staan in vergelyking met die ANC as 'n regerende party. Die gebruik van historiese ontleding om die struktuur en interne bestuur van die bevrydingsbeweging te ontdek, is in hierdie tesis gebruik om die nalatenskappe, wat vandag nog ’n invloed het op die ANC selfs ná sy oorgang van 'n bevrydingsbeweging na 'n politieke party, te verduidelik. Om dit te kan doen het die tesis gebruik gemaak van Rothstein en Teorell (2008) se teoretiese raamwerk van die gehalte van bestuur wat gedefineer word as onpartydigheid. Hierdie nalatenskappe van die Suid-Afrikaanse bevrydingsbeweging het kwansuis 'n impak op die gehalte van die staatsbestuur van die ANC as 'n regerende party in 'n post-bevryding Suid-Afrika gehad. Deur navorsing te doen oor die laaste twintig jaar van die ANC-regering in Suid-Afrika se post-bevryding gemeenskap, ondersoek hierdie tesis die onpartydigheid van staatsinstellings om sodoende die gehalte van regering in Suid-Afrika te evalueer, en om daardeur te ontdek wat word van die kwaliteit van staatsbestuur wanneer bevrydingsbewegings regerings word. Die bevindings van hierdie studie dui aan op drie gevolgtrekkings. Eerstens, die nalatenskappe van die Suid-Afrikaanse bevrydingsbeweging het vandag nog 'n groot invloed op die modus operandi, die struktuur en die doelwitte van die ANC. Tweedens, hierdie nalatenskappe het bygedra tot die agteruitgang van die onpartydigheid van staatsinstellings, in die besonder as gevolg van die Nasionale Demokratiese Revolusie (NDR) projek en sy kaderontplooiing strategie waar aanstellings gemaak is sonder om die beginsel van onpartydigheid in ag te neem. Die nalatenskappe van die Suid-Afrikaanse bevrydingsbeweging het dus 'n negatiewe impak op die gehalte van die ANC se staatsbestuur. Laastens het hierdie tesis bevind dat in die geval van Suid-Afrika, toe die ANC as bevrydingsbeweging oorgeneem het as die regerende party in 'n post-bevryding samelewing, die gehalte van bestuur negatiewelik geaffekteer is. Verdere navorsing in hierdie gebied word benodig om hierdie bevindinge met ander lande wat ’n soortgelyke geskiedenis deel te vergelyk en om sodoende te veralgemeen oor ander bevrydingsbewegings en gevolglik die kwaliteit van bestuur in ander lande te verbeter.
Pouilot, Simon-Pierre. "Politics and emotions : making sense of the emotional component in political communications." Thesis, McGill University, 2001. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=33919.
Full textThis thesis sets out to explore two examples from Quebec's history to show how this increasing use of emotional messages in political communications has found its way into the province's social environment.
Thackwray, Elizabeth C. "The Gulf Cooperation Council, 1981-1994." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1997. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc935605/.
Full textWhytock, Ian Alexander. "South Africa’s home policy and its foreign relations : a study of transitions since 1990." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/97129.
Full textENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis is a study of South African transitions. A transition, within the context of South African contemporary history, usually refers to the period in the early 1990s when South Africa underwent a negotiated transition from racial minority rule to a full democracy in 1994. This thesis takes a liberal understanding of South Africa’s transition timeline and is not confined just to South Africa’s political transition, but also examines transitions within transitions. This will be done through three studies beginning with a survey of the global political transitions that took place against the backdrop of South Africa’s domestic political transition in the early 1990s. Secondly, we will look at the role that national historical identity plays in diplomacy and international relations and, more specifically, at the cultivation of a new historic identity in South Africa’s international relations. Lastly, we will examine the policy transitions that came in the “new” South Africa through a case study of the nationalization debate. All three of these focuses will be studied through the lens of South Africa’s foreign relations with China and the United States which provides a unique vantage point for viewing the complexities. The goal of this thesis is to develop a broader understanding of transitions in South Africa and the role that the United States and China played in them. As this theme is interrogated, some of the continuities and discontinuities will be exposed between the “old” and “new” South Africa.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis bestudeer Suid-Afrikaanse transisies. 'n Transisie, binne die konteks van kontemporêre Suid-Afrikaanse geskiedenis, verwys gewoonlik na die tydperk van die vroeë 1990's toe Suid-Afrika 'n bemiddelde oorgang ondergaan het vanaf radikale minderheidsbewind na 'n volledige demokrasie in 1994. Hierdie tesis neem 'n liberale benadering tot die tydperk waarbinne hier periode beskou word en is nie beperk tot slegs Suid-Afrika se politieke transisie nie, maar ondersoek ook transisies binne-in transisies. Dit sal gedoen word deur drie ondersoeke, wat begin met 'n oorsig van die wêreldwye politieke transisies wat op daardie stadium plaasgevind het teen die agtergrond van Suid-Afrika se binnelandse politieke transisie van die 1990's. Tweedens sal ons kyk na die rol wat nasionale historiese identiteit speel in diplomatiese en internasionale verhoudinge en, meer spesifiek, die kultivering van 'n nuwe nasionale historiese identiteit in Suid-Afrika se internasionale verhoudinge. Laastens beskou ons die beleidstransisies wat ingekom het in die "nuwe" Suid-Afrika. Dit word gedoen deur 'n gevallestudie van Suid-Afrika se debat oor nasionalisering. Al drie hierdie fokusse sal beskou word deur die lens van Suid-Afrika se verhoudinge met Sjina en die Verenigde State. Hierdie verhoudinge verskaf 'n unieke oogpunt waar rondom die kompleksiteite van hierdie debat beskou kan word. Die doel van hierdie tesis is om 'n breër verstandhouding te skep waarin Suid-Afrika se transisies beskou kan word. Soos hierdie tema ondersoek word, word van die kontinuïteite en diskontinuïteite van die "ou" en "nuwe" Suid-Afrika ontbloot.
Mashele, Hlukanisa Prince. "Locating the institution of traditional leadership within the institutional framework of South Africa's new democracy." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007512.
Full textPfister, Roger. "Apartheid South Africa's foreign relations with African states, 1961-1994." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007632.
Full textDu, Pre Roy H. "Confrontation, cooptation and collaboration." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002391.
Full textMotseta, Sello. "The political significance of Winnie-Madikazela Mandela's position in the African National Congress." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003020.
Full textCongress, Policy Unit of the African National. "ANC policy guidelines for a democratic South Africa : draft for discussion." African National Congress, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/66055.
Full textDormehl, Andries Christian. "The role of the international community in the South African transition: a critical review." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002982.
Full textRammutle, Radithebe. "Foreign aid and NGO-state relations in South Africa : post-1994 developments." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53429.
Full textENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study investigates the impact of foreign aid on the relations between Non- Governmental Organisations (NGOs) and the state in South Africa since 1994. There are three different ways in which NGOs can interact with the state and public policy: viz. they can support and help to implement policies, attempt to reform policies, or oppose them. During apartheid, the nature of NGO-state relations was characterised by political confrontation and distrust. NGOs primarily served as organisations of opposition to the state's exclusivist and dehumanising policies. Many NGOs, however, also provided developmental and social services to communities who were neglected by the apartheid state. After the first democratic election in 1994, the role of NGOs underwent a significant process of change. Various factors contributed to this change. This study, however, primarily focuses on the role of foreign aid and its effect on NGO activities in South Africa, post-1994. This study relied on secondary data sources (both qualitative and quantitative) available in the area of NGO state relations. The study also focused on two major donor agencies in South Africa: European Union (EU) and United States Agency for International Development (USAID). Analysis of data reveals that, since 1994 much of the funding that was previously directly channeled to civil society now goes to the state, which distributes it to targetted NGOs. As a result many NOOs have collapsed because of a shortage of financial resources to sustain their work. Secondly, since 1994 the rationale and purpose behind international donor policies has been to advance the New Policy Agenda (NPA), which is aimed at promoting free market-orientated reforms and the consolidation of liberal democracy. As a result, foreign aid donors have endorsed the liberal economic policies, which are set out in the government's macroeconomic strategy, viz. Growth, Employment, and Redistribution (GEAR). Thus, both government and donors have prioritised NGOs who are involved in service delivery rather than those that are likely to challenge and oppose liberal market policies. They have also shown preference to NGOs that are more concerned with the norms and practices of procedural democracy as opposed to those that are concerned with issues of participatory and social democracy. This has resulted in constraining the overtly political and advocacy role, which characterised NGOs during the apartheid era. International donors, via government disbursement institutions such as the National Development Agency (NDA), have also constrained the work of NGOs by insisting on numerous managerial related requirements that have been made conditional for the receiving of financial support. Many small, informal, rural community based organisation that lack the required administrative capacity have, as a result, been facing serious financial crises. Subsequently, NGO-state relations, since 1994, have become less adversarial and confrontational. Most NGOs, complement and support the state's social services delivery programmes and also serve as organisations which help shape the norms and practices of procedural democracy. The study concludes, that the persistent inequality, poverty and unemployment which is associated with the GEAR macroeconomic policy and endorsed by international donor agencies, will lead to the resurgence of advocacy NGOs. Furthermore, in order to resuscitate their role and to ensure their vitality as organisations, which promote participatory democracy, it is essential to focus on strategies, which can effectively challenge the current funding environment to NGOs. These include, building the administrative capacity of both the NDA and NGOs, ensuring NDA independence, and ensuring recognition by funding institutions of the importance of advocacy NGOs in the consolidation of economic democracy.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie ondersoek die impak van buitelandse hulp op die verhoudinge tussen Nie-Regeringsorganisasies (NRO'S) en die staat sedert 1994. Daar is drie verskillende wyses waarop NRO's interaksie kan bewerkstellig met die staat en met openbare beleid, naamlik, hulle kan help om beleid te implementeer, hulle kan help om beleid te verander, of hulle kan beleid teenstaan. Tydens apartheid, is die aard van NRO - staat verhoudings gekenmerk deur konfrontasie en wantroue. Die NRO's het primêr gedien as organisasies van opposrsie teen die staat se eksklusiwistiese en onmenslikingsbeleid. Talle NRO's het egter ook ontwikkelings- en sosiale dienste voorsien aan gemeenskappe wat afgeskeep is deur die apartheidstaat. Na die eerste demokratiese verkiesing in 1994, het die rol van NRO's 'n beduidende proses van verandering ondergaan. 'n Verskeidenheid faktore het bygedra tot hierdie verandering. Hierdie studie fokus egter primêr op die rol van buitelandse hulp en die uitwerking daarvan op NRO's se aktiwiteite in Suid-Afrika na 1994. Hierdie studie het staatgemaak op sekondêre bronne (kwalitatief sowel as kwantitatief) in die gebied van NRO's - staat verhoudinge. Die studie fokus ook op twee belangrike donateur agentskappe in Suid-Afrika: die Europese Unie (EU) en die Verenigde State Agentskap vir Internasionale Ontwikkeling (VSAlO). 'n Analise van die data toon aan dat, sedert 1994, heelwat van die befondsing wat voorheen direk gekanaliseer is aan die openbare gemeenskap, nou na die staat gaan, wat dit versprei na geteikende NRO's. Gevolglik het talle NRO's ineengestort vanweë 'n tekort aan finansiële bronne om hulle werk vol te hou. Tweedens, sedert 1994 was dit die rasionaal en doelstelling van internasionale donateurskapsbeleid om die Nuwe Beleid Agenda (NBA) te bevorder, wat as doelstelling het die bevordering van vrye mark-georiënteerde hervormings en die konsolidasie van 'n liberale demokrasie. Gevolglik het buitelandse hulp donateurs liberale ekonomiese beleidvorming onderskryfwat uiteengesit word in die regering se makro-ekonomiese strategie, nl. Groei, Werkverskaffing en Herverdeling (GEAR). Dus het sowel die regering as donateurs prioriteit gegee aan NRO's wat betrokke is in dienslewering, eerder as dié wat geneig is om liberale markbeleid teen te staan. Hulle het ook voorkeur gegee aan NRO's wat meer besorg is oor die norme en praktyke van 'n prosedurele demokrasie in teenstelling met dié wat besorgd is oor die vraagstukke van 'n deelnemende en sosiale demokrasie. Dit het die resultaat gehad dat die openlike politiese en kampvegtersrol wat kenmerkend van die NRO's was gedurende die apartheidsera, beperk is. Internasionale donateurs het, Vla regerings-instellings soos die Nasionale Ontwikkelingsagentskap (NOA), ook die werk van NRO's beperk deur die aandrang op talle bestuursverwante vereistes wat as voorwaarde gestel is vir die ontvangs van finansiële ondersteuning. Talle klein, informele landelike gemeenskaps-gebaseerde organisasies wat die vereiste administratiewe kapasiteit kort, het gevolglik ernstige finansiële krisisse begin ondervind. Daaropvolgend, het NRO-staat verhoudinge sedert 1994 minder konfronterend begin raak. Die meeste NRO's ondersteun die staat se diensleweringsprogramme en dien ook as organisasies wat help om die norme en praktyke van 'n prosedurale demokrasie te vorm. Die studie kom tot die gevolgtrekking dat die voortdurende ongelykheid, armoede en werkloosheid wat geassosieer word met die makro-ekonomiese beleid van die regering se program vir Groei, Werkskepping en Herverdeling (GEAR) sal lei tot In nuwe opkoms van kampvegter NRO's. Voorts, ten einde hulle rol te stimuleer en hulle lewenskragtigheid as organisasies te verseker, kan ons die huidige befondsingsomgewing van NRO's doeltreffend uitdaag. Dit sluit in die bou van die administratiewe kapasiteit van beide die NOA en NRO's, die versekering van NOA onafhanklikheid, en die versekering van die erkenning deur befondsingsinstellings van die belangrikheid van kampvegter NRO's in die konsolidasie van 'n ekonomiese demokrasie.
Francisco, Ferrada Mila. "Non-democratic peace in South America : comparing the Beagle Channel Crisis (1977-1978) and the Cenepa Crisis (1994-1995)." Thesis, McGill University, 2007. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=112337.
Full textBased on a comparison of these two dyads, this study argues that deterrence strategy alone is not sufficient to prevent war. Only an interaction of deterrence strategy and third party involvement can contain an escalatory process, constituting a tool for strengthening deterrence.
Makwembere, Sandra. "Public sector industrial relations in the context of alliance politics : the case of Makana Local Municipality, South Africa (1994-2006) /." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2007. http://eprints.ru.ac.za/1175/.
Full textSymes, Caylynne Elizabeth. "Problematizing unemployment : the competing representations of unemployment and the implications thereof." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/79921.
Full textBibliography
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Unemployment has been recognized as one of the most important social problems worldwide as most countries suffer from some unemployment. South Africa’s high unemployment rate has led to an abundance of research on the topic. A vast majority of the research available on unemployment in South Africa is positivist in nature. This study instead uses an interpretivist approach to analyse the problem of unemployment in South Africa. The study uses Carol Bacchi’s approach to provide a different way of analysing the problem of unemployment in South Africa. Bacchi’s approach allows the analyst to focus on problem representations and how these representations shape what is discussed and what is not discussed about the topic. This study demonstrates the application of Bacchi’s approach and focuses on the problem representations of the significant actors involved with unemployment, namely the South African government, business, COSATU and the SACP. The study focuses on the effects of the problem representations of unemployment, in particular the discursive and political effects. This study argues that Bacchi’s approach is a useful tool for the analysis of unemployment. It is also argued in this study that the approach provides insights into the problem of unemployment by highlighting what is not discussed in the problem representations of the significant actors. By sensitizing individuals to what is excluded in the problem representations, it is argued that solutions which negate the negative effects of such representations can be found. Bacchi’s approach highlighted a number of problem representations of unemployment. The study found that some problem representations were shared by one or more actors and that divergence exist between the representations of other actors. The shared and divergent representations focused on the tripartite alliance due to the significance of the alliance in South African politics. The shared and divergence representations were demonstrated to either help to towards improving the relationships between actors or, in the case of divergence, increase the tensions in the actor’s relationship with one another. The study also found that the non-government actors’ problem representations of unemployment direct attention to government’s responsibility for dealing with unemployment while minimising their role and contribution to unemployment. The study also demonstrated that the interests of different actors can be identified in the dominant problem representations.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Werkloosheid is ‘n belangrike probleem wat meeste lande raak. Baie navorsing is al in Suid-Afrika gedoen weens sy besonderse hoë werkloosheidyfer. Die meerderheid hiervan is positivisties in benadering. Hierdie navorsing gebruik egter ‘n interpretiewe benadering. Carrol Bacchi se benadering word gebruik as ‘n alternatiewe raamwerk om Suid-Afrika se werkloosheidsprobleem te analiseer. Bacchi se benadering laat die navorser toe om te fokus op hoe die probleem beskou word en hoe hierdie beskouing die keuse van wat ingesluit is en wat nie is nie, beïnvloed. Hierdie navorsing fokus op die sleutelfigure in die werkloosheidsprobleem, naamlik die Suid-Afrikaanse regering, die SACP en COSATU. Die studie benadruk die diskursiewe en politiese effek van die probleembeskouing van werkloosheid. Die studie argumenteer dat Bacchi se benadering waardevolle insigte kan lewer, spesifiek deur onbespreekte kwessies rakende die sleutelfigure uit te lig. Dit word aangevoer dat deur waardering te kweek vir hierdie kwessies, oplossings vir hierdie probleembeskouings gevind kan word. Bacchi se benadering het ‘n paar probleembeskouings uitgelig. Die studie het gevind dat daar ooreenstemming is by sommige figure, terwyl ander s’n uiteenlopend is. Hierdie sienings het gelei tot samegorigheid in die eersgenoemde geval, maar tot verhoogde vlakke van wantroue en spanning in die laasgenoemde geval. Die fokus van hierdie sienings is die drieparty-alliansie, weens sy belangrikheid in SA-politiek. Die studie vind ook dat nieregeringsorganisasies se probleembeskouings die rol van die regering benadruk en hul eie verantwoordelikheid onderspeel.
Scheepers, Esca. "The psychological experience of being in hiding against the background of political repression in South Africa during the 1986 general State of Emergency: a phenomenological explication." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1004586.
Full textReynolds, John. "Challenging hegemony? : a provincial perspective on the limits of policy challenge in the South African state." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1013031.
Full textMukhara, Clive Sello. "Democratic consolidation : a comparative study of Botswana and South Africa : which is the most consolidated and why?" Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/49904.
Full textThesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2004.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Before a country can have democracy a consolidated democracy, democracy is a prerequisite. The term democracy can be traced back to ancient Greece and the studies of the consolidation of democracy dates since the transition of the seventies. The notion of democratic consolidation has been defined by authors as a process of making new democracies secure, deepening institutions and liberties and making them immune against the threat of authoritarian regression. But authors have also found that there are socioeconomic conditions favourable to consolidation such as sufficient affluence. This study compares Botswana and South Africa's democracy, the reason being to find out which is the most consolidated and why? To compare these two countries' democracies, the study focuses on the following; affluence, institutions suitable for democracy, free and fair elections and electoral systems. There are similarities and differences between these countries. They share British parliamentary traditions. Both practice multiparty elections but neither experienced turnovers, for example; Botswana started practicing from 1965 until now, while South Africa started in 1994. The major institutional difference is the electoral system. Their ratings in the human development indexes are declining, but South Africa scores better. The other major difference is in their Freedom House ratings, where South Africa's rating is better than Botswana's. The issue of HIV/AIDS infections remains a big problem for these countries. To what extent this would impact on democracy is uncertain as little research of this kind has been done. In concluding this study, it is explicitly stated that these countries are free electoral democracies but not consolidated yet, because they have not passed Huntington's "two turnover test", and their socio-economic conditions are also problematic. At this stage, however South Africa is slightly better off for the reasons cited above.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Demokrasie is "n voorvereiste vir "n gekonsolideerde demokrasie. Hoewel die term demokrasie sy oorsprong het by die antieke Grieke dateer studies oor die konsolidasie van demokrasieë slegs terug na die sewentigerjare van die 20ste eeu. Demokratiese konsolidasie verwys na die proses waarvolgens nuwe demokrasieë na hul aanvanklike vestiging teen die gevaar van outoritêre verval beveilig word deur die daarstelling van demokratiese instellings en vryhede. Navorsing het bevind dat sekere sosio-ekonomiese faktore of omstandighede soos byvoorbeeld voldoende ekonomiese voorspoed die konsolidasie van jong demokrasieë bevorder. Die studie behels "n vergelyking van die demokrasieë van Suid-Afrika en Botswana ten opsigte van hulle graad van demokratiese konsolidasie en die redes daarvoor. Die studie fokus in die verband op aspekte soos: ekonomiese voorspoed, die demokratiese aard van hulle instellings, vrye en regverdige verkiesings en hulle kiesstelsels. Daar is beide ooreenkomste en verskille tussen die twee state. Beide is gesetel in die Britse parlementêre stelsel. Beide gebruik sedert hulle vestiging as demokrasieë veelparty vekiesings - Botswana sedert 1965 en Suid-Afrika sedert 1994. Die belangrikste institusionele verskil is in hulle kiesstelsels geleë. Hoewel die lande se klassifikasies beide in die indekse sowel as die verslae oor menslike ontwikkeling daal, vaar Suid-Afrika steeds beter as Botswana. Die duidelikste verskil is ten opsigte van hulle Freedom House klassifikasie. Die kwessie van MIVjVIGS-infeksies bly steeds "n belangrike probleem vir beide state. Vanweë die gebrek aan navorsing in die verband is dit onseker in watter mate die VIGS-kwessie demokrasie in die lande in die toekoms gaan beinvloed. Die gevolgtrekking van die tesis is dat hoewel beide state vrye demokrasieë is hulle nog nie as gekonsolideerde demokrasieë geklassifiseer kan word nie. Die gevolgtrekking is hoofsaaklik gebaseer op hulle problematiese sosioekonomiese omstandighede en die feit dat hulle nog nie Huntington se /I two turnover test" geslaag het nie. Suid-Afrika is egter op grond van die redes wat hierbo aangevoer is, tans beter as Botswana daaraan toe.
Du, Preez Roni. "The impact of the end of the Cold War on transition in South Africa." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002983.
Full textMason, Kirsten Zara. "Land reform in Southern Africa : a comparative study between South Africa and Zimbabwe." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/50005.
Full textENGLISH ABSTRACT: Land has been a revolutionary metaphor for wealth and power in the world. Ideally, land reform in Africa should contribute to social and economic progress and ultimately result in social equity, as well as increased agricultural productivity. This study is devoted to the history of the land ownership in Southern Africa, as well as the meaning and explanation of land reform programmes after the transition to democracy. Moreover, it is dedicated to familiarising the reader with the various meanings and issues concerning land reform, particularly in South Africa and Zimbabwe. The outcome of the study is to promote further discussion on the need and about the revival of land reform programmes in the region of Southern Africa. In this study, South Africa and Zimbabwe are discussed comparatively with regards to three main areas of land reform: restitution, redistribution and tenure reform. The goal of this study is to gauge the possibility of South Africa following in the footsteps of Zimbabwe in terms of land invasions supported by the government. Zimbabwe faces the painful reality that its political revolutions have only brought them halfway to true independence. The objective for Zimbabwe is to establish a functional socialist economy where decision-making would be under political control so as to bring about the drastic redistribution of wealth from whites to blacks. The fulfilment of the rule of law must become the first priority of the Zimbabwean government. If the government continues to belittle the rule of law, corrupt decisions benefiting only those in support of the government, will continually be made. The importance of land in Zimbabwe did not so much arise from the social and economic inequalities, but rather the inability to access land, accompanied by a growing overpopulation, landlessness, land deterioration and escalating poverty in the black areas. This was further paralleled with severe under-utilisation of land in the white farming areas. South Africa, on the other hand, did make space at an earlier stage of transition in their constitution, for organised and methodical land reform to occur. Unfortunately, this process has taken much slower than first predicted, which has led to unrest among the landless, and those who have made claims for the land. South Africa very recently made some decisions to speed up the land reform process through expropriation if negotiations fail. With the Zimbabwean situation, the issue may not so much be about land in itself, but may reflect the need for employment, especially regarding infrastructure and investment in industrialisation within the rural areas. This study concludes that South Africa, although showing many similar signs of a downward spiral, will not follow the route which Zimbabwe has taken. It would appear that the government of South Africa would not allow land invasions by the landless, organised under the banner the 'Landless Peoples Movement (LPM), as was seen in Zimbabwe with the war veterans. The reason for this is that the South African government has made continuous statements that land invasions will not be tolerated in South Africa, and that they will abide by the legislation set out, when it comes to land reform and restitution. The government has the power to enforce the rule of law if land invasions do start to occur. Although the LPM have a similar manifesto and goal as to the war veterans in Zimbabwe, they seem a lot less militant and ready to work with the government and the people to ensure the best for South Africa's land reform process. This study thus looks at land reform issues that face South Africa and Zimbabwe, and fleshes out ideas as to creating a regional procedure for the best method of land reform for implementation by the South African Development Community.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Gesien in die lig dat grond die revolusionêre metafoor van rykdom en mag in die wêreld is, sal dit ideaal wees as grondhervorming tot sosiale en ekonomiese bevordering in Afrika kan bydra en uiteindelik kan lei tot sosiale gelykheid en toename in produktiwiteit in die Landbou-sektor. Hierdie studie is toegewy aan die geskiedenis van grond-eienaarskap in Suider- Afrika, sowel as die betekenis en verduideliking van grondhervormingsprogramme na afloop van die transisie na 'n demokrasie stelsel. Die studie fokus ook daarop om die leser meer in te lig oor die verskeie menings en uitgangspunte rakende grondhervorming in die algemeen, maar meer speisfiek in Suid Afrika en Zimbabwe. Die doel van die studie is om verdere besprekings oor die behoefte en die heroplewing van grondhervormingsprogramme in Suider-Afrika. Suid-Afrika en Zimbabwe word in die studie op drie gronde met mekaar vergelyk: Die teruggawe van grondeiendom, die herverdeling van grondeiendom en die hervorming van besitreg. Die doel van die studie is om te bepaal of Suid-Afrika in die voetspore van Zimbabwe gaan volg. Zimbabwe staar die pynlike realiteit in die oë dat hul politieke revolusies hulle slegs halfpad tot ware onafhanklikheid gebring het. Die doel vir Zimbabwe was om 'n funksionele sosialistiese ekonomiese stelsel daar te stel waar besluitneming onder politieke beheer sou wees om sodanig drastiese herverdeling van rykdom vanaf blankes na swartes, asook onafhanklikheid van kapitaliste, te bewerkstellig. Die belangrikheid van grondbesit het nie werklik in die sosiale en ekonomiese ongelykhede gelê nie, maar in die onvermoë om grond te bekom tesame met 'n toenemende oorbevolkingsyfer, grondloosheid, grondverarming en toenemende armoede in swart gebiede. 'n Bydraende faktor was die groot mate van onderbenutting van grond in blanke boerdery gebiede. Aan die ander kant, het Suid Afrika baie vroeg in die oorgangsfase voorsiening vir 'n georganiseerde en stelselmatige grondhervormingsproses, in die grondwet gemaak. Ongelukkig het die proses baie langer gesloer as wat aanvanklik beplan is. Dit het tot onrustigheid onder die mense wat geen grondeiendom besit het nie en dié wat grondeise ingedien het, gelei. Suid Afrika het onlangs besluite geneem om die proses te bespoedig deur 'n paar belangrike besluite te neem, om die grondhervormings proses, vinniger te maak Dit word gedoen deur ekspropriasie as onderhandelinge onsuksesvol is. Soos in Zimbabwe, mag die werklike probleem nie slegs oor geondbesit gaan nie. Dit reflekteer die behoefte aan werkverskaffing, veral in die infrastruktuur van arm gebiede en die investering industrialisasie. Alhoewel dit lyk asof Suid-Afrika nie suksesvol in die herverdeling van grond is nie, kom die studie tot die slotsom dat die land nie in die spore van Zimbabwe sal volg nie. Dit kom voor asof die Suid-Afrikaanse owerheid nie sal toelaat dat mense sonder grondbesit, grond onregmatig inneem soos in Zimbabwe nie, omdat hulle 'n punt in die media daarvan gemaak het. Die owerheid het die mag om die wet toe te pas in situasies waar grond onregmatig ingeneem word. Alhowel die LPM ("Landless Peoples Movement") 'n soortgelyke manifes en doelstellings as die oorlogveterane van Zimbabwe het, blyk dit nie asof hulle so militaristies is nie en dat hulle gereed is om saam met die owerheid en mense te werk sodat die hervormingsproses in die beste belange van Suid-Afrika plaasvind. Hierdie studie kyk dus na die grondhervormingsproses in Zimbabwe en Suid Afrika en vorm idees rondom die skepping van 'n uniforme proses wat die beste hervormingsmetode is vir die gebruik van die Suid-Afrikaanse Ontwikkelingsgemeenskap.
Mpunzima, Kayalethu Wycliff. "Unfinished business: current and past trade union leaders' perceptions of the political transition after the first decade of democracy (1994-2004) in South Africa." Thesis, University of Port Elizabeth, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1284.
Full textWeld, David. "Reconceptualising South Africa's international identity : post-apartheid foreign policy in a post-cold war world." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/14274.
Full textWith the ending of the apartheid regime and the transition to power of a government of national unity, South Africa is now a legitimate member of the international community. It has joined the Organisation of African Unity, the British Commonwealth, and the Southern African Development Community, and it is busily fostering trade links with Europe, North America, the Far East, and Latin America. Its diplomats have worked to mediate conflicts in Angola and Mozambique, and its president is widely seen as an international statesman and a moral leader of almost unprecedented repute. Yet the new· government continues to operate within South Africa's traditional international paradigm and has not yet developed a unique global role that reflects the country's internal "negotiated revolution". As a result, substantial challenges face efforts to forge a new south African approach to the world. From outside the country, forces unleashed by the fall of communism and the rise of a truly global marketplace mark a volatile and uncertain transition in world history. From the inside, political transition has sparked a redefinition of what it means to be South African, but this has not been reflected in new policies. The Foreign Ministry is widely recognised as a bastion of old-guard stalwarts; the ANC and NP have done little to reconcile their past international experiences; and. the information flow on international political and economic trends has barely improved since April 1994, leaving interest groups and private citizens in the new democracy generally uninformed and therefore unable to help pressure policy. The result is a foreign policy over the past year that has had little vision and few cohesive threads, and has left a score of unresolved issues. The 'new' South Africa's relations with Cuba and China, its policies on illegal immigration, and regional development plans are all issues that require visionary, decisive leadership but for which none has yet been provided. What energy or vision, for example, has South Africa brought to the Southern African Development Community (SADC) since it joined last August? In the global peacekeeping debate, and again with Cuba and China, South Africa has made little effort to recognise more pro-active roles for which it is well equipped. Why is it not asserting itself? Who actually is in charge of its foreign policy? Few thus would deny that a paralysis has settled in on South African foreign policy. A recent analysis in the Weekly Mail lamented, "We are not consistent. We have not formulated clear principles. The formulators of our foreign policy do not consult with the people. The new appointments to our foreign ministry complain of being sidelined. There is no clear break with the past". At the core of this inaction is the fact that policy makers have failed to reconceptualise the way international issues are seen and policy is made. The world has changed and South Africa has changed, both dramatically; yet Cold War debates still divide the policy framework, old style security thinking still dominates higher ranks, and most importantly, the growing inter linkages between domestic and foreign policies in a post-Cold War world have gone largely unheeded. It is thus appropriate to sound a note of urgency: change and uncertainty in the world and dramatic transformation at home combine to make this an inopportune, even dangerous, time to have a directionless foreign policy. The broad purpose· of this paper is to identify the salient external and internal factors that will drive a new South African approach to the world. The first chapter presents a synthesis of dominant global trends, and sets them against the backdrop of major structural changes in international relations. The second chapter discusses change in South Africa in relation to world changes, new state objectives and shifting interest groups, and considers these implications for three major foreign policy areas. The third chapter looks at the policy framework and the ability of policy makers to conceptualise these dual changes and to formulate effective policies. The final chapter offers a 'road map' of policy options towards a true postapartheid, post-Cold War foreign policy.
Nodoba, Todani. "The political role of black women journalists in post-apartheid South Africa : Sowetan (1994-1999)." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/18112.
Full textENGLISH ABSTRACT: Black journalists in South Africa have played a crucial role in exposing the political oppression of black South Africans during the Apartheid era. In this regard the Sowetan newspaper made a great contribution. However, the political role that black women journalists played at the Sowetan has been ignored, before and after 1994. After 1994, political black women journalists at the Sowetan continued to make strides despite the hostile environment that these women journalists worked in. The limitation of beats and assignments, lack of promotions and many other challenges that black women journalists faced during this period made their work environment unfriendly and hostile towards their performance. This study examines the political role made by black women journalists at the Sowetan newspaper from 1994 to 1999. The study shows how the black women journalists brought different perspectives in news at the Sowetan through their manner of reporting and also how they viewed matters within the context of a new democracy in South Africa.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Swart joernaliste in Suid-Afrika het ’n onontbeerlike rol gespeel in die onthulling van die politieke onderdrukking van swart Suid-Afrikaners tydens die apartheidsjare. In hierdie verband het die Sowetan-koerant ’n groot bydrae gelewer. Die politieke rol van swart vrouejoernaliste by die Sowetan is egter geïgnoreer, voor en ná 1994. Ná 1994 het politieke swart vrouejoernaliste by die Sowetan steeds opgang gemaak, ten spyte van die vyandige omgewing waarin hierdie vroue gewerk het. Beperkte opdragte en spesialisonderwerpe om te dek, ’n gebrek aan bevordering en die talle ander uitdagings wat swart vrouejoernaliste in hierdie tydperk moes trotseer, het hul werksomgewing onvriendelik en vyandig gemaak met betrekking tot hul werksverrigting. Hierdie studie ondersoek die politieke rol wat vanaf 1994 tot 1999 deur swart vrouejoernaliste by die Sowetan gespeel is. Die studie toon aan hoe die swart vrouejoernaliste ander nuusperspektiewe na die Sowetan gebring het, met die wyse waarop hulle verslag gedoen het en ook waarop hulle aangeleenthede in die breë verband van ’n nuwe demokratiese bestel in Suid-Afrika beskou het.
Dayimani, Bongikhaya. "Elite attitudes and the ANC's shift from nationalization to privatization : 1990-2000." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/52820.
Full textENGLISH ABSTRACT: The period prior to the 1990's marked the ANC as a liberation movement, perceived by many as being in favour of nationalization and a state controlled economy. The advent of democracy and the ANC's assumption of political power have, however, seen a change in the ANC elites' policy rhetoric, practice and approach to policy formulation. This essay examines the extent to which elite views and attitudes have shifted from nationalization to privatization. It notes that while the ANC government has been persuing and implementing Gear and its privatization component, its elite seems to be less supportive and to some extent ambivalent on the question. In addition, continued implementation of Gear and its privatization elements, in spite of reservations by the majority of the elites supporting the ANC, reveals a technocratie nature in approach to policy-making on the part of the ANC-led government.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Voor 1990 was die ANC oor die algemeen beskou as 'n bevrydingsorganisasie, ten gunste van nasionalisering en 'n staatsbeheerde ekonomie. Met die totstandkoming van demokrasie en die ANC se aanname van politieke mag, het daar 'n verandering plaasgevind onder ANC elite ten opsigte van beleidsretoriek, praktyk en hulle benadering betreffende beleidsformulering. Hierdie studie ondersoek tot hoe 'n mate die elite se sieninge en houdings verskuif het vanaf nasionalisering na privatisering. Terwyl die ANC regering GEAR implementeer met sy privatiseringkomponent, is die ANC elite al minder ondersteunend t.o.v die privatiseringskwessie; om die waarheid te sê, hul standpunt hieroor is tot 'n mate dubbelsinnig. Verder toon die implementering van GEAR, en sy privatiseringselement, ten spyte van bedenkinge onder die meerderheid van die elite wat die ANC ondersteun, 'n toenemende tegnokratiese benadering tot beleidsmaking aan die kant van die ANC regering.
Tali, Lolonga Lincoln. "The South African Communist Party and its prospects for achieving socialism in a democratic South Africa." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1020569.
Full textO'Dowd, Catherine Frances. "An examination of the factors underlying decision-making about selection and presentation of photographs of political conflict in South African newspapers." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002933.
Full textWright, Laurence. "English in South Africa : effective communication and the policy debate : inaugural lecture delivered at Rhodes University." Rhodes University, Grahamstown, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1020752.
Full textRyklief, Cheryl Cecelia. "The manufacture of chaos and compromise: an analysis of the path to reform in South Africa." Thesis, Faculty of Humanities, School of Politics and Communication Studies, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/76218.
Full textDissertation submitted in accordance with the requirements of the University of Liverpool for the degree of Master of Arts
Kruger, Botha W. (Botha Willem). "Prenegotiation in South Africa (1985-1993) : a phaseological analysis of the transitional negotiations." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/55956.
Full textENGLISH ABSTRACT: The perception exists that the South African transitional negotiations were initiated by events during 1990. This study challenges such a perception and argues that prior to formal contact there existed a crucial period of informal bargaining. This period, known as prenegotiation, saw members of the National Party government and the African National Congress (ANC) attempt to communicate in order to gauge the possibility of a negotiated settlement. By utilising a phaseological approach to bargaining/negotiation, this study analyses the transition in order to ascertain the structure and functions of South African prenegotiation. The following three negotiation phases are identified: bargaining about bargaining, preliminary bargaining and substantive bargaining. Both of the first two phases are regarded as part of prenegotiation. This study argues that the first phase started as early as 1985 under conditions of immense secrecy and stayed that way until its conclusion in 1990. Three different avenues of communication were established during this time. The first avenue existed between government officials and the imprisoned Nelson Mandela. Regular meetings were held in an attempt to create an understanding of what was needed to normalise South African politics. The second avenue operated mostly on international soil, through intermediaries, and became an indirect channel of communication between exiled ANC officials and officials in the government's National Intelligence Service. The third avenue consisted of independent efforts by extra-governmental role-players to establish communication with the exiled ANC leadership. All three avenues impacted differently on the negotiation process, yet all are regarded as part of the bargaining about bargaining phase. The second phase was initiated by F.W. de Klerk's opening of parliament speech in 1990. In this phase new negotiators came to the fore and it signified an ongoing attempt by the government and the ANC to establish a contract zone for substantive bargaining. Prominent agreements included the Groote Schuur Minute, the Pretoria Minute, the D.F. Malan Accord and the National Peace Accord. The establishment of a multi-party negotiating forum, Codesa, ended preliminary bargaining, but only temporarily. After deadlock occurred in May 1992 it became necessary to revert back to prenegotiation issues before further progress could be made. The bilateral discussions that ensued between the government and the ANC saw the most prominent bargaining relationships of the transition develop, notably between Roelf Meyer and Cyril Ramaphosa, and between Nelson Mandela and F.W. de Klerk. With the signing of the Record of Understanding and the establishment of the Multi-P~ Negotiating Process ·m1993, ~ ,--· .. . ~ ~-- prenegotiation came to an end. In focussing primarily on prenegotiation, this study attempts both to refine existing prenegotiation theory and to identify possible recommendations for other deeply divided societies. For the success of a negotiation process it is an imperative that lasting good faith and a workable contract zone are established prior to any form of substantive bargaining.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die opvatting bestaan dat die Suid-Afrikaanse oorgangsonderhandelinge geinisieer is deur gebeurtenisse tydens 1990. Hierdie stuC.:ie betwis so 'n opvatting en argumenteer dat 'n noodsaaklike tydperk van informele onderhandeling voor formele kontak bestaan het. Gedurende die voorafgaande tydperk, wat bekend staan as vooronderhandeling, het lede van die Nasionale Party regering en die African National Congress (ANC) gepoog om kommunikasiekanale daar te stel en sodoende die moontlikheid van 'n onderhandelde skikking te ondersoek. Deur van 'n fase-benadering tot onderhandeling gebruik te maak, analiseer hierdie studie die oorgangstydperk met die doel om die struktuur en funksies van Suid-Afrikaanse vooronderhandelinge te bepaal. Die volgende drie onderhandelingsfases word onderskei: onderhande/ing oor onderhandeling, voorlopige onderhande/ing, en substantiewe onderhandeling. Beide fases een en twee word beskou as deel van vooronderhandeling. Volgens hierdie studie het die eerste fuse so vroeg as 1985 onder uiters geheime omstandighede begin, en het dit so voortgeduur tot met die finalisering daarvan in 1990. Drie verskillende kommunikasiewee het ontstaan gedurende hierdie tydperk. Die eerste weg was tussen regeringsamptenare en die gevange Nelson Mandela. Gereelde ontmoetings is gehou in 'n poging om 'n verstandhouding te kweek oor wat nodig sou wees om Suid-Afrikaanse politiek te normaliseer. Die tweede weg het meestal op internasionale grondgebied afgespeel deur middel van tussengangers, en het 'n indirekte kommunikasiekanaal tussen uitgeweke ANC lede en amptenare van die regering se Nasionale Intelligensie Diens bewerkstellig. Die derde weg het bestaan uit ona:thanklike pogings deur rolspelers buite die regering om kominunikasie te bewerkstellig met die uitgeweke ANC-leierskap. Alhoewel die wee op verskillende vlakke die onderhandelingsproses beiinvloed het, word al drie as deel van die eerste fase beskou. Die tweede fase is ingelei deur F. W. de Klerk se parlementere openingstoespraak in 1990. In hierdie fase het nuwe onderhandelaars na vore getree en dit is gekenmerk deur 'n deurlopende poging van die regering en die ANC om 'n kontraksone vir substantiewe onderhandeling te skep. Prominente skikkings het ingesluit die Groote Schuur Minuut, die Pretoria Minuut, die D.F. Malan Verdrag, en die Nasionale Vredesverdrag. Die totstandkoming van 'n veelparty-onderhandelingsforum, Codesa, het die einde van voorlopige onderhandeling aangedu~ alhoewel slegs tydelik. Na 'n dooiepunt bereik is in Mei 1992 het dit noodsaaklik geword om terug te keer na voorlopige onderhandeling. Die daaropvolgende bilaterale ontmoetings tussen die regering en die ANC is gekenmerk deur die ontwikkeling van prominente onderhandelingsverhoudings, veral tussen RoelfMeyer en Cyril Ramaphosa, en tussen Nelson Mandela en F.W. de Klerk. Met die ondertekening van die Rekord van Verstandhouding en die totstandkoming van die Veelparty-onderhandelingsproses in 1993, het vooronderhandeling tot 'n einde gekom. Deur hoofsaaklik op vooronderhandeling te fokus, probeer hierdie studie om beide bestaande vooronderhandelingsteorie te verfyn, asook moontlike riglyne vir ander diepverdeelde samelewings te identifiseer. Vir 'n onderhandelingsproses om suksesvol te wees is dit noodsaaklik dat blywende goedertrou en 'n werkbare kontraksone tot stand gebring word voor die aanvang van enige vorm van substantiewe onderhandeling.
Centre for Science Development (HSRC, South Africa)
Othieno, Timothy. "Contending issues in South Africa's foreign policy : universalism versus economic national interest : the case of South Africa's arms sales to 'pariah states' 1994-1999." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007712.
Full textWildschut, Angelique Colleen. "Investigating women's participation in protest politics between 1991 and 2001." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53473.
Full textENGLISH ABSTRACT: The involvement of women in both conventional and unconventional forms of political participation in South Africa has over the past 10 years, and often at present, been experienced as problematic and limited. Exacerbating the problem of limited access and information, the study of, and literature about, women's participation in unconventional forms of politics have also been limited. It is the aim of this study to contribute to our knowledge in this area. This study investigates women's participation in unconventional politics between 1991 and 2001. This period is specifically important, as it makes possible the examination of trends in women's political participation before and after the democratic transition in 1994. This makes it possible for us to speculate about the influence of transition on women's political participation. I propose and evaluate two mam hypotheses in which I; firstly, expect women's participation in protest politics to decrease between 1991 and 2001, and secondly, expect to find women's levels of participation in protest to be consistently lower than that of their male counterparts. The complex set of variables influencing women's participation is evaluated according to the socialization and structural approaches, which offer different assumptions about the reasons for the trends in women's participation. In conclusion, I offer the main findings of my research, as well as suggesting possible areas still to be investigated within the field, as deduced from the questions arising out of my analysis in this project.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die betrokkenheid van vroue in beide konvensionele en onkonvensionele vorme van politieke deelname in Suid Afrika, was oor die laaste 10 jaar, en is steeds ervaar as problematies en beperk. Wat die probleem vererger, is die beperkte toegang tot informasie, die studie van, en literatuur oor, vroue se deelname in onkonvensionele vorme van politiek. Dit is in die strewe na die oorkoming van hierdie leemtes, dat hierdie werk aangepak word. Hierdie werk ondersoek vroue se deelname in onkonvensionele politiek tussen 1991 en 2001. Hierdie periode is spesifiek belangrik, omdat dit die demokratiese transisie na 1994 insluit, en om neigings in vroulike deelname voor en na 1994 te bestudeer. Dit maak dit moontlik om oor die invloed van die transisie op vroue se politieke deelname te spekuleer. Ek stel, en evalueer twee hoof hipoteses waarin ek; eerstens, verwag dat vroue se deelname in protes politiek sal verminder tussen 1991 en 2001, en tweedens, verwag ek om te vind dat vroue se vlakke van deelname in protes, deurentyd laer sal wees as die van mans. Die komplekse stel veranderlikes wat vroue se deelname beinvloed, word geevalueer in terme van die sosialisering- en strukturele benaderings, wat verskillende voorstelle oor die motivering van die geobserveerde neigings in vroue se deelname oplewer. Ten slotte, bied ek die hoof bevindinge van my navorsing aan, so wel as voorstelle ten opsigte van moontlike areas vir verder ondersoek binne die veld.
Kayuni, Happy Mickson. "The role of party politics in local participation and representation: challenges and prospects in Malawi's local assemblies." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/2772.
Full textSoon after independence in 1964 the Malawi government made an attempt to decentralise some of its activities through the creation of district development committees. However, in practice local-level institutions were not fully operational as the one-party system of government (led by the Malawi Congress Party) tended to manipulate the autonomy and operations of these institutions. Accordingly, there was no manifestation of local participation and representation. The period of one-party rule in Malawi came to an end in 1994 with the introduction of multi-party democracy. The new government revitalised the idea of decentralised governance by passing the Local Government Act of 1998, which saw the establishment of local assemblies. Thus officially Malawi has a very supportive system in relation to citizen participation and representation through decentralised local institutions. However, in practice, there is no clear evidence that this is actually being realised. Consequently, this study was undertaken to examine the role of party politics on local participation and representation. The study was conducted in three district local assemblies of Malawi ...
Gcoyi, Thembinkosi. "Explaining South Africa's quiet diplomacy towards Zimbabwe since 2000: the dilemma of a pluralist middle power." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002987.
Full textMechnig, Christopher Markus. "A Comparative Study of the Namibian and South African Transitions to Democracy and the Effects on Reconciliation." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/4105.
Full textENGLISH ABSTRACT: The Namibian transition to independence and the South African transition to a majority democracy have many similarities as well as differences. The key similarities are composed of the shared history and mutual influences on society, the economy and national politics. Key differences constitute the manner in which the transitions were executed: internationally imposed in the Namibian case, and internally negotiated in the South African case. Almost every facet of Namibian and South African societies have in some way or another been imprinted by the respective transitions, which also contributed to the shape of the national consciousness. However, decades of stateenforced racial discrimination in the form of Apartheid legislation left its mark on both the Namibian and South African society. As a result, public and private consciousness is marred with racial and ethnic identities created and legislated during Apartheid, which is hampering democratic consolidation. This study provides a comparison between the South African and Namibian transitions, within the broader context of democratic consolidation. This study contends that reconciliation is a necessary condition for democratic consolidation in South Africa and Namibia, and aims to assess whether there is any significant difference between the impact of the internationally orchestrated Namibian transition as opposed to the internally negotiated South African transition on levels of reconciliation in the two countries. This is done by applying Gibson’s (2004) four criteria of reconciliation (interracial reconciliation, political tolerance, support for the principles of democracy and legitimacy) to the South African and Namibian cases. The hypothesis is that there should be less support for democratic ideals in Namibia than in South Africa, on the basis that democracy was, to a certain degree, forced unto Namibian society, while it was freely chosen by South African society. The main finding of this study, however, suggests that the differences in the transition style - the one being internationally orchestrated and the other being internally negotiated- seems not to have had any significant affect on national reconciliation. It seems as though hostility between different groups based mainly on the superficial racial and ethnic differences that were created during Apartheid has made way for hostility centred more on socio-economic differences. While socio-economic issues have become the overriding concern for both South Africans and Namibians, socio-economic differences between individuals and groups are still largely tied to ethnicity and race.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die onafhanklikheidswording en die oorgang na ‘n meerderheidsdemokrasie van onderskeidelik Namibië en Suid-Afrika word gekenmerk deur ‘n aantal ooreenkomste asook verskille. Die sleutel ooreenkomste behels die gedeelde geskiedkundige agtergrond, die invloede van die ekonomie en nasionalie politiek klimaat en die gevolglike uitwerking van hierdie faktore op die samelewing. In kontras behels die verskille die wyse waarop die oorgang uitgevoer is. In die Suid-Afrikaanse konteks is die proses deur interne onderhandelinge bewerkstellig terwyl die Namibiese oorgang sterk beinvloed is deur eksterne invloede. Ongeag hierdie verskille het die verwikkelinge ‘n hewige impak gehad op beide die Suid- Afrikaanse, asook die Namibiese publiek en hul kollektiewe bewussyn. Die invloed van jare se rasdiskriminasie in die vorm van apartheidswetgewing het egter sy tol op die publiek geëis. Die gevolg is die merkbare invloed van ras en etniese identiteite op albei lande se bevolkings wat oor die langtermyn demokratiese konsolidasie kan teenwerk. Hierdie studie tref ‘n vergelyking tussen Suid-Afrika an Namibië binne die breër konteks van demokratiese konsolidasie. Die studie veronderstel dat versoening ‘n noodsaaklike vereiste is vir demokratiese konsolidasie in Suid-Afrika en Namibië, en poog ook om die invloed van die intern-gedrewe Suid-Afrikaanse transisie teenoor die ekstern-georkestreerde Namibiese transisie te assesseer. Dit word gedoen deur die toepassing van Gibson (2004) se vier-voudige konsep van versoening (inter-ras versoening, politieke verdraagsaamheid, ondersteuning vir die beginsels van demokrasie en legitimiteit) op beide lande. Die hipotese word as volg geformuleer: Die Namibiese bevolking toon ‘n negatiewe ingesteldheid teenoor demokratiese beginsels aangesien demokrasie as regeerstelsel op die bevolking afgedwing is, in kontras met Suid-Afrika waar demokrasie as regeerstelsel deur ‘n meerderheidstemming verkies is. Die hoofbevinding van hierdie werkstuk is egter dat die verskille in die aard van die oorgang na demokrasie in beide lande nie ‘n noemenswardige invloed gehad het op nasionale versoening nie. Dit blyk egter dat konflik tussen sekere bevolkingsgroepe wat hoofsaaklik spruit uit die etniese en ras identiteite, soos geformuleer deur die apartheidswetgewing, huidiglik gesentreer is rondom sosio-ekonomiese verskille. Gevolglik word dit gemeld dat hierdie sosio-ekonomiese verskille direk verband hou met ras en etnisiteit. i
Haasbroek, Mart-Marie. "Suid-Afrika, Maleisie en post skikkingsgeweld : konstitusionele wysigings as oplossing vir geweld?" Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/3031.
Full textThis study undertakes to look at the relationship between peace agreements and the violence that follows these agreements. Throughout modern history, there are examples of peace agreements between two warring internal factions that ended in post-conflict violence and in extreme cases, to the end of the peace agreement. It does not necessarily lead to full out war, but can manifest in riots, like Malaysia and criminal violence in South Africa. This study attempts to compare both South Africa and Malaysia by looking specifically at the reasons for post conflict violence. South Africa has faced a growing problem with violent crime after the negotiations of the early 1990’s and its result, the new constitution of 1993, that functioned as the peace agreement. Malaysia moved through several constitutions to arrive at their constitution of 1957 that which viewed as their constitutional agreement. This constitutional agreement went to great lengths to protect the sons of the soil, the bumiputra. The uneasy peace only lasted until 1969, when race riots followed the general elections and left hundreds dead or injured. By studying South Africa and Malaysia and looking at the underlying factors of violence, with special focus on ethnic factors and especially poverty, can we move closer to the underlying causes of post conflict violence. Malaysia tried to address these problems by making constitutional amendments, following the 1969 riots. These amendments were implemented in 1972. Since then the problem of post conflict violence has been addressed to some extent. There are however, still factors of violence that have not been completely eradicated, that might lead to a flaring of violence again one day. The question that this thesis tries to address in the end is, if we need to consider and implement constitutional amendments, like Malaysia, to address our growing problem of post conflict violence. I attempt here to answer this question, comparing the histories of South Africa and Malaysia and the underlying factors of violence to see exactly how similar these states are and if the same solution can work for both.
Ferendinos, Michael Gerry. "Strategies for South Africa's ascent in the modern world-system." Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/19971.
Full textENGLISH ABSTRACT: Strategies for South Africa’s development are often analysed from a predominantly economic perspective, overlooking the key role that political and sociocultural elements play in the developmental process. This study will assess possible development strategies by making use of the modern world-systems (MWS) theoretical perspective, due to the theory’s holistic approach to development. The question is posed whether South Africa – in accordance with the MWS perspective – will be able to ascend from its current semi-peripheral position in the hierarchy of the modern world-system to the core group of states by 2025. The components for national development are all-encompassing and require an increase in state strength, long-term economic development, and domestic and international sociocultural influence. Prospects for South Africa’s ascent to the core have been explored within a 15-20 year time period because the capitalist world-economy is currently still in a phase of contraction, or B-phase of growth (1973-2025). The modern world-systems theoretical approach asserts that country mobility is more likely during this phase and that ascent in the hierarchy will be increasingly difficult when the world-economy begins its expansionary phase around 2025. The study concludes that South Africa faces numerous external and internal constraints to its development, despite the noteworthy economic, political and sociocultural incentives that it could potentially capitalise on over the next fifteen years. It is anticipated that these constraints will place the country in a position whereby it will be unable to reap the benefits of the most optimal developmental strategies put forward by the modern world-systems approach; hence it will be severely challenged to attain core status by 2025.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Strategieë vir die ontwikkeling van Suid-Afrika word meerendeels geanaliseer vanuit ‘n hoofsaaklike ekonomiese invalshoek en dit het tot gevolg dat die rol wat politieke en sosio-kulturele aspekte in die ontwikkelingsproses speel nie op ag geslaan word nie. Die studie evalueer moontlike ontwikkelings-strategieë vir Suid-Afrika deur gebruik te maak van die moderne wêreld-sisteem teoretiese benadering (MWS) wat ‘n meer holistiese perspektief op ontwikkeling bied. Die vraag word gevra of Suid- Afrika – in ooreenstemming met die uitganspunte van MWS - teen 2025 sal kan vorder tot die kategorie van “kern-staat”, vanaf sy huidige status as “semi-periferale staat”. Die allesomvattende komponente vir ontwikkeling wat MWS identifiseer vereis die groei van staatskapasiteit, langtermyn ekonomiese ontwikkeling, en die uitbreiding van regionale en internasionale sosio-kulturele invloed. Die vooruitsigte vir Suid-Afrika se opgang is nagevors oor die verloop van ‘n 15-20 jaar tydperk, aangesien die kapitalistiese wêreld-ekonomie tans in ‘n fase van kontraksie verkeer (B-fase van groei) tussen 1973-2025. Die MWS benadering argumenteer dat opwaartse mobiliteit van state meer waarskynlik is tydens ‘n B-fase van groei en dat opgang moeiliker sal word wanneer die wêreld-ekonomie weer ‘n ekspansionistiese fase van groei betree in 2025. Die studie kom tot die gevolgtrekking dat Suid-Afrika se ontwikkelings-uitdagings deur beide eksterne en interne faktore bemoeilik word, nieteenstaande moontlike sterkpunte op ekonomiese, politieke en sosio-kulturele gebied waarop dit sou kon kapitaliseer oor die volgende 15 jaar. Hierdie faktore, word geargumenteer, sal veroorsaak dat die optimale ontwikkelingstrategieë wat deur ander state gevolg is, nie deur Suid-Afrika nagevolg sal kan word nie, en dat gevolglik, sonder innoverende strategieë, die kanse dat die land kern-status teen 2025 sal bereik, gering is.
White, Colin Stewart. "The rule of Brigadier Oupa Gqozo in Ciskei: 4 March 1990 to 22 March 1994." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1013360.
Full textDelvaux, Denise. "The politics of humanitarian organizations : neutrality and solidarity : the case of the ICRC and MSF during the 1994 Rwandan genocide /." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2005. http://eprints.ru.ac.za/146/.
Full text