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1
Morgan, Glenda Nadine. "Reform and democracy in Mozambique, 1983-1991." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003019.
Full textAbstract:
Africa is currently experiencing a movement toward more democratic systems of government. The causes of such changes are numerous, but the literature on African democratization, like that on similar changes elsewhere in the world, places emphasis on the role of internal or domestic factors. The role of international pressures toward democratization is almost completely ignored. The case of Mozambique illustrates the dangers of such an omission. During the past decade Mozambique has undergone considerable political change. The single-party, Marxist-Leninist oriented state has been replaced by a multi-party system, devoid of explicit references to any guiding ideology. The government has also expanded its contacts with the West, particularly by means of its assuming membership of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. These changes in Mozambique's political orientation have been accompanied by economic reforms, designed to arrest the precipitous decline in the Mozambican economy. In this dissertation I argue that the causes of both the economic and political reforms lie in this decline and in the government's need to secure capital and debt relief internationally. In order to do this, the Mozambican government had to change the aspects of its political system which were seen as being unacceptable by the West, in particular the lack of multi-party competition and its overtly Marxist orientation and close ties to socialist countries. Because the reforms had their primary genesis in Mozambique's need for international acceptance and not in the growth of popularly based democratic organisations, the reforms are fragile and their meaningfulness questionable.
2
Namburete, Eliana Munguambe. "A Content Analysis of Mozambican Newspapers' Coverage of the 2004 Presidential Election." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2005. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4851/.
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This study focuses on the amount of coverage given by four major tabloid newspapers-Demos, Zambeze, Savana and Domingo-to the candidates of the major political parties Renamo and Frelimo, during the 2004 presidential race. The number of stories of both parties in those newspapers were counted and calculated by chi-square to determine how much one party was covered than the other identifying signs of balance or bias. The research showed that there was a significant result of 42 percent of likelihood that stories in the four newspapers would either be about Frelimo or Renamo. However, the study also revealed that Frelimo was the party covered most often by Demos, Zambeze and Savana while Renamo was covered most often by Domingo.
3
Thusi, Thokozani. "Mission impossible? Linking humanitarian assistance and development aid in political emergencies in Southern Africa: The case of Mozambique between 1975-1995." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2001. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&.
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The aim of this research is to highlight both the conceptual and practical factors that constrain attempts to link humanitarian assistance and development aid in political emergencies in Southern Africa by using the case study of Mozambique in the period between 1975-1995. Extensive use and reference to Norwegian relief and development aid during the above-mentioned period is made. Although cross-reference is made to other donor countries such as the Like-minded Group (comprising of Canada, Sweden, Denmark, Finland, the Netherlands, Norway and Switzerland) and UN agencies that supported Mozambique's transition from war to peace, the major focus is on Norway as she has traditionally been the sixth largest bilateral donor by the early 1990's and incorporated long-term development priorities in her programs.
4
Kisin, Tatyana Tuba Kelman. "Electoral Rules, Political Parties, and Peace Duration in Post-conflict States." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2014. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc699884/.
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This dissertation examines the following research question: Which types of electoral rules chosen in post-conflict states best promote peace? And are those effects conditional upon other factors? I argue that the effects are conditional upon the types of political parties that exist in the post-conflict environment. Although this explanation is contrary to scholars that speak of political parties as products of the electoral system, political parties often predate the choice of electoral system. Especially in post-conflict states, political parties play an important role in the negotiation process and hence in the design of the electoral rules. I argue that the effects of electoral rules on peace duration are mitigated by the degree to which a party system is broad (nonexclusive) or narrow (exclusive). I develop a theoretical model that led to three hypotheses focusing on the independent role that political parties play in mitigating the effects of electoral rules on peace duration. To test these hypotheses, I use the Cox proportional hazard model on 57 post-conflict states from 1990 to 2009 and had competitive elections. The empirical results show support for the main argument of this study. First, the findings show that electoral rules alone do not increase or decrease the risk of civil war outbreak, yet when interacting with the degree to which political parties are broad or narrow, there is a significant effect on the outbreak of civil war. Second, the results show that post-conflict states with party centered electoral systems (closed list PR system) are less likely to have an outbreak of civil war when more seats in the parliament are controlled by broad-based parties. In addition, I conduct a comparative case study analysis of two post-conflict states, Angola (1975-1992) and Mozambique (1975-1994), using the most similar systems (MSS) research design.
5
Senaratne, Jagath P. "Tamil secessionist insurrection and counterinsurgency in Sri Lanka, 1977-1994 : an analysis of government policies." Thesis, University of Northampton, 2014. http://nectar.northampton.ac.uk/8828/.
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6
Snicker, Jonathan. "Cymru am byth? : mobilising Welsh identity 1979- c.1994." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1996. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:3b0e9171-e3cd-4507-b65f-b189dd7677ac.
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This thesis is an attempt to document and explain the manifest changes that have been taking place in Welsh identity since 1979, and the political consequences thereof. It is presupposed that before any autonomist outbursts and other, related political changes take place in a sub-national region such as Wales, some sort of identive change has to occur. This 'identive change' is posited to take place in two stages - identity transformation followed by identity mobilisation. Central chapters deal with this process in two, non-exclusive, dimensions - institutions and individual agents. Alongside institution-building, certain policy areas are deemed to be of crucial importance in relation to the maintenance and dissemination of Welsh identity, namely education and broadcasting. In addition, the relationship between endogenous and exogenous forces affecting Welsh identity is considered in the context of civil society, political praxis, the economy and the European Union. These events are charted and analysed by means of primarily qualitative techniques which emphasise the importance of the positional and strategic confluence of individual 'gatekeepers', who are able to influence policy and, perhaps more importantly, affect the perception and reception of new ideologies and institutional exigencies.
7
He, Songbai. "Politics of the state and foreign capital : the case of China, 1979-1993 /." Thesis, This resource online, 1994. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-02132009-172620/.
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8
Hayman, Rachel. "The complexity of aid : government strategies, donor agendas and the coordination of development assistance in Rwanda, 1994-2004." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/1766.
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This thesis contributes to current debates on aid politics, policy and practice by exploring the dynamics of the new aid agenda which emerged in the 1990s and early 2000s, focused on poverty reduction and the Millennium Development Goals. Concerns with aid effectiveness have led to renewed interest in programme aid (particularly budget support), coordination of aid and harmonisation around developing country strategies, and ownership. Through an exploration of aid in Rwanda since 1994, I demonstrate the complexity of translating into practice a global consensus about the need for coherent, coordinated and effective aid. Different understandings and interests exist among donor agencies, within donor agencies, between donors and the developing country government, and within that government. On the one hand these reflect the specific Rwandan context, the recent history of the country, the nature of the Government and its development strategies, individual donor interests, donor domestic social and political issues, and personal agency. On the other hand, these differences relate to more general donor positions, including how donor policies tie in with international shifts in thinking on aid. I further analyze problems around the ownership of development policy and practice in aid-dependent environments. The thesis discusses the Government of Rwanda’s development strategy, its political and developmental priorities, and how these have been affected by its reliance on external assistance. It considers the relationship between the Government and donors and amongst donors by examining coordination and harmonisation mechanisms on the ground. It concentrates particularly on bilateral donors, and takes a deeper look at Belgium, a ‘traditional’ donor to Rwanda, and the UK, a ‘new’ donor, in order to compare and contrast donor positions. I conducted primary research over 18 months in Rwanda, the UK and Belgium, using semi-structured interviews with government officials, politicians and civil society representatives, observation of interactions between the Government and donors, as well as in-depth analysis of policy documents. Diversity among the positions of actors in the aid system is not a new phenomenon. However, given the increasing convergence at the international level around universal goals, my research indicates that a much deeper understanding, and acceptance, of the political and practical complexity of aid at the country level is essential if aid effectiveness debates are to be enhanced.
9
Gunde, Anthony Mavuto. "The political role of the media in the democratisation of Malawi: The case of the Weekend Nation from 2002 to 2012." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/97883.
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Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2015<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT : This study investigated the political role of the Weekend Nation newspaper in the democratisation of
Malawi between 2002 and 2012 within the context of its foundational and ownership structures by a
politician. Bearing in mind that the newspaper was founded by a politician belonging to the first
democratically elected ruling party, the United Democratic Front (UDF), this research sought to
examine the impact of media ownership on the political role of the Weekend Nation’s journalistic
practices in Malawi’s democratisation. Between 2002 and 2012, Malawi was governed by three
presidents – Bakili Muluzi of the UDF from 1994 to 2004, Bingu wa Mutharika of the Democratic
Progressive Party (DPP) from 2004 to 2012, and Joyce Banda of the People’s Party (PP) from 2012
to 2014 – all of whom were hostile to the Weekend Nation.
Taking into cognisance the ownership of the Weekend Nation by a politician, the critical political
economy theory of the media was deemed to be the most appropriate theoretical framework for this
study. In media research, the critical political economy theory asserts that owners are able to regulate
the output of the media institution either by intervening in the day-to-day operations, or by
establishing general goals and understandings and appointing managerial and editorial staff to
implement them within the constraints set by the overall allocation of resources. The study employed
a qualitative research methodology, in particular in-depth interviews and qualitative content analysis.
Research findings indicate that overall, the political ownership of the newspaper had no direct bearing
on the journalists’ political role in the enhancement of democracy and good governance in Malawi.
It established that despite the ownership of the Weekend Nation belonging to a prominent and
influential politician, the editorial independence was not compromised. Contrary to general
expectations, this study established that the Weekend Nation in Malawi, was critical to the political
elite in an indiscriminate manner.
Although it was not the focus of this study, the research also showed that market forces, in line with
the stance taken by the critical political economy theory, had some impact on the Weekend Nation’s
editorial independence. The quest for more advertising revenue, to an extent, undermined the struggle
for complete editorial independence.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING : Hierdie studie het die politieke rol van die koerant die Weekend Nation in die demokratisering van
Malawi tussen 2002 en 2012 vanuit die konteks van sy fundamentele rol en eienaarskap deur die
politieke elite ondersoek. Met as vertrekpunt dat die koerant gestig is deur ’n politikus wat lid was
van die eerste demokraties-verkose regerende party, die United Democratic Front (UDF), het hierdie
navorsing die impak van media-eienaarskap op die politieke rol van die joernalistieke praktyke van
die koerant in Malawi se demokratisering ondersoek. Tussen 2002 en 2012 is Malawi deur drie
president regeer – Bakili Muluzi van die UDF van 1994 tot 2004, Bingu wa Mutharika van die
Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) van 2004 tot 2012, en Joyce Banda van die People’s Party (PP)
van 2012 tot 2014 – al drie was vyandiggesind teenoor die Weekend Nation.
In ag genome dat die Weekend Nation aan ’n politikus behoort, is die kritiese politieke ekonomie van
die media-teorie die mees toepaslike teoretiese vertrekpunt vir hierdie studie. In medianavorsing dui
dié teorie daarop dat die eienaar die inhoud van die media-instelling bepaal deur hetsy inmenging in
die dag tot dag uitvoering van pligte, of deur algemene doelwitte en veronderstellings wat gestel
word, en deur bestuurders en joernaliste aan te stel wat dit sal uitvoer binne die bepalings van die
toegewysde hulpbronne. Die studie het kwalitatiewe navorsingsmetodologie toegepas, spesifiek indiepte-
onderhoude en kwalitatiewe inhoudsanalsie. Die bevindings dui daarop dat die eienaarskap
van die koerant geen direkte invloed op die joernaliste se politieke rol in die versterking van
demokrasie en goeie bestuur in Malawi gehad het nie. Dit het vasgestel dat, ondanks die eienaarskap
van die Weekend Nation aan ’n prominente en invloedryke politikus, die redaksionele
onafhanklikheid nie gekompromitteer is nie. In teenstelling met algemene verwagtings het die studie
bevind dat die Weekend Nation in Malawi krities ingestel was teenoor die politieke elite sonder om
enige onderskeid te tref.
Hoewel dit nie ’n fokus van die studie was nie, het dit ook aangedui dat markkragte, in
ooreenstemming met die kritiese politieke ekonomie-teorie, tog ’n impak op die Weekend Nation se
redaksionele onafhanklikheid gehad het. Die stewe na groter advertensie-inkomste het tot ’n mate die
stryd vir algehele redaksionele onafhanklikheid ondermyn.
10
Pretorius, Leon G. "The political economy of South African foreign direct investment in Mozambique: a case study of Mozal and its implications for development in Mozambique and Southern Africa." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/222.
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Philosophiae Doctor - PhD<br>The MOZAL aluminium smelter in Maputo is the largest-ever foreign direct investment in Mozambique. South Africa's state-owned Industrial Development Corporation (IDC) owns 24% shares in MOZAL and the Development Bank of South Africa (DBSA) and Eskom provided road and power supply infrastructure to ensure the success of the smelter. BHP Billiton is the majority shareholder, the other being Mitsubishi. MOZAL is the flagship of South Africa's foreign policy for regional integration in southern Africa and economic reconstruction in Mozambique: a practical manifestation of the African Renaissance. This thesis is a case study of MOZAL as an example of cross-border industrial development and its implications for development in Mozambique. Using an eclectic multidisciplinary Critical Global Political Economy (critical GPE) theoretical framework, a survey of relevant literature and a series of selected open interviews, it examines how development based on the assumptions of industrialisation and neo-modernisation espoused by the governments and private sector champions of MOZAL impact on class, gender, environmental and social justice in Mozambique. The research identifies the socio-economic development dimensions of MOZAL for Mozambique and how the cost and benefits are distributed among the various social groups and actors directly and/or indirectly involved with the MOZAL aluminium smelter. The main findings are that MOZAL as a private sector FDI project is a qualified success. On the positive side, it contributes to economic growth. However, the benefits to Mozambique are exaggerated and are not broadly distributed. On the negative side, it contributes to increasing the economic dependence of Mozambique on the South African economy. Instead of narrowing the development gap, the smelter has contributed to increased differentiation between companies in South Africa and Mozambique and, within Mozambique, between the Northern and Southern regions, as well as among MOZAL employees and the majority of the population in Maputo. The implications are that the development benefits from foreign direct investment cross-border industrial development projects may, at least in the short-term, lead to uneven regional integration and development enjoyed by a few.<br>South Africa
11
Lohse, Stephen Alan. "U.S. Foreign Assistance and Democracy in Central America: Quantitative Evaluation of U.S. Policy, 1946 Through 1994." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1996. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc277758/.
Full textAbstract:
U.S. policymakers consistently argue that U.S. security depends on hemispheric democracy. As an instrument of U.S. policy, did foreign assistance promote democracy in Central America, 1946 through 1994? Finding that U.S. foreign assistance directly promoted neither GDP nor democracy in Central America, 1946 through 1994, I conclude that U.S. policy failed consistently in this specific regard.
12
Pang, Jing. "Impact of Chinese small business on sustainable livelihoods in Port Elizabeth after 1994." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1020983.
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Since the advent of democracy in April 1994, the issues of economic empowerment and growth have been high on the agenda of the Government of National Unity of South Africa. In order to achieve social-economic growth, resolve wealth and asset gaps between rich and poor, decrease unemployment and meet the Millennium Development Goals, government has sought efficient mechanisms of transformation. The formation of SMMEs was put forward as a solution to solve the above problems. SMMEs play a vital role in economic development and livelihoods uplifting. The purpose of this study is to examine how Chinese SMMEs have impacted on sustainable livelihoods in Nelson Mandela Bay Metropolitan District. The study has identified the challenges of local livelihoods in the district. The findings on the effects of Chinese SMMEs were that: (1) They have provided affordable goods and services to local people, improving livelihoods by means of reducing living costs of the local population and thus providing relief on their financial capital; (2) The vast extent of their services in the district has enlarged their network of offerings in urban, suburban and even rural settings; (3) They have enabled the poor’s access to the economic markets and services; (4) They have contributed positively to employment by providing local jobseekers with gainful employment and access to financial capital; (5) They have empowered the local employee base through training and skills transfer; (6) They have promoted knowledge and skills that have enriched local human capital and positively contributed to livelihoods; and (7) They have made a contribution to GDP and tax revenues. Revenues fed to government have helped fund welfare and public services, including in the areas of education, health care, pensions, unemployment benefits, public transportation, infrastructure and housing. These benefits have collectively contributed to the improvement of local livelihoods in the district.
13
Desrosiers, Eric K. "Nationalisme et racisme : analyse de dix ans de discours du Parti Québécois à l'égard des communautés minoritaires du Québec (1981- 1990)." Thesis, McGill University, 1992. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61289.
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How well founded are accusations of racism against Quebec nationalist? No research has been done on this question regarding contemporary Quebec. Authors who have examined the link between nationalism and racism in other contexts have disagreed about its relevance. To provide an answer, a broad and flexible definition of the concept of racism is required. This thesis analyses the content of the Parti Quebecois' political discourse concerning minority communities as reported in newspapers between 1981 to 1990. An original aspect of this research is the fact is submits its results to representatives of the Parti Quebecois and minority communities to shed different lights on the author's interpretation of his results. The research supports the conclusion that the Parti Quebecois' discourse from 1981 to 1990 was not racist. As a result, a direct link between nationalism and racism cannot be established.
14
October, Lauren Sue. "Liberation movements as governments : understanding the ANC's quality of government." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/96657.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2015.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Liberation struggles and the way liberation movements are organised can leave a lasting impact on post-liberation societies. This research project was conducted in order to research liberation movements as governments and how the quality of governance is affected in post-liberation societies when liberation movements become governments. The South African liberation movement is seen as having contributed to one of the most peaceful transitions of power on the African continent. However, the stigma surrounding liberation movements prompted a study of the South African liberation movement and to establish whether or not the ANC as ruling party has made a success of its governance of South Africa. This thesis uses South Africa as a case study to determine how quality of governance is affected when liberation movements become governments.
This thesis focused on the lingering effects of the structure and organisation of liberation movements. It is thus an exploratory as well as descriptive study where the legacies of the South African liberation movement are investigated and where the ANC as a liberation movement is compared to the ANC as a ruling party. Using historical analysis to discover the structure and internal governance of the liberation movement, this thesis seeks to explain the legacies that still influence the ANC today after its transition from a liberation movement into a political party. To do this the thesis used the theoretical framework of quality of government taken from Rothstein and Teorell (2008), who define it as impartiality. These legacies of the South African liberation movement are believed to have had an impact on the quality of governance of the ANC as a ruling party in post-liberation South Africa. By researching the last twenty years of ANC rule in South Africa’s post-liberation society, this thesis investigated the impartiality of government institutions in order to evaluate the quality of governance in South Africa, and thereby to discover what happens to the quality of governance when liberation movements become governments.
The findings of this thesis indicate three conclusions. First, the legacies of the South African liberation movement still have a great influence on the modus operandi, the structure and the goals of the ANC today. Second, these legacies have contributed to the decline of the impartiality of government institutions, in particular through the National Democratic Revolution (NDR) project and its cadre deployment strategy, where appointments are made without the consideration of the principle of impartiality. The legacies of the South African liberation movement have thus had a negative impact on the quality of the ANC’s governance. Finally, this thesis has found that in the case of South Africa, when the ANC as liberation movement took over as the ruling party in a post-liberation society, it negatively affected the quality of governance. Further research in this field is needed in order to compare these findings with other countries that have liberation histories so as to be able to generalise about other liberation movements and to improve the quality of governance in other countries.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Bevrydingstryde en die manier waarop bevrydingsbewegings georganiseer is kan 'n blywende impak op post-bevryding samelewings laat. Hierdie studie is uitgevoer om bevrydingsbewegings as regerings na te vors en ondersoek in te stel oor hoe die kwaliteit van staatsbestuur beïnvloed word in post-bevryding samelewings wanneer bevrydingsbewegings regerings word. Die Suid-Afrikaanse bevrydingsbeweging het bygedra tot een van die mees vreedsame oorgange van mag op die Afrika-kontinent. Die stigma rondom bevrydingsbewegings het egter gelei tot die implementering van 'n studie oor die Suid-Afrikaanse bevrydingsbeweging en of die ANC as regerende party wel 'n sukses van sy staatsbestuur van Suid-Afrika gemaak het. Hierdie tesis gebruik Suid-Afrika as 'n gevallestudie om te bepaal hoe die kwaliteit van bestuur beïnvloed word wanneer bevrydingsbewegings regerings word.
Hierdie tesis is gefokus op die voortslepende gevolge van die struktuur en organisasie van bevrydingsbewegings. Dit is dus 'n verkennende asook beskrywende studie waar die nalatenskappe van die Suid-Afrikaanse bevrydingsbeweging ondersoek word en waar die ANC as 'n bevrydingsbeweging staan in vergelyking met die ANC as 'n regerende party. Die gebruik van historiese ontleding om die struktuur en interne bestuur van die bevrydingsbeweging te ontdek, is in hierdie tesis gebruik om die nalatenskappe, wat vandag nog ’n invloed het op die ANC selfs ná sy oorgang van 'n bevrydingsbeweging na 'n politieke party, te verduidelik. Om dit te kan doen het die tesis gebruik gemaak van Rothstein en Teorell (2008) se teoretiese raamwerk van die gehalte van bestuur wat gedefineer word as onpartydigheid. Hierdie nalatenskappe van die Suid-Afrikaanse bevrydingsbeweging het kwansuis 'n impak op die gehalte van die staatsbestuur van die ANC as 'n regerende party in 'n post-bevryding Suid-Afrika gehad. Deur navorsing te doen oor die laaste twintig jaar van die ANC-regering in Suid-Afrika se post-bevryding gemeenskap, ondersoek hierdie tesis die onpartydigheid van staatsinstellings om sodoende die gehalte van regering in Suid-Afrika te evalueer, en om daardeur te ontdek wat word van die kwaliteit van staatsbestuur wanneer bevrydingsbewegings regerings word.
Die bevindings van hierdie studie dui aan op drie gevolgtrekkings. Eerstens, die nalatenskappe van die Suid-Afrikaanse bevrydingsbeweging het vandag nog 'n groot invloed op die modus operandi, die struktuur en die doelwitte van die ANC. Tweedens, hierdie nalatenskappe het bygedra tot die agteruitgang van die onpartydigheid van staatsinstellings, in die besonder as gevolg van die Nasionale Demokratiese Revolusie (NDR) projek en sy kaderontplooiing strategie waar aanstellings gemaak is sonder om die beginsel van onpartydigheid in ag te neem. Die nalatenskappe van die Suid-Afrikaanse bevrydingsbeweging het dus 'n negatiewe impak op die gehalte van die ANC se staatsbestuur. Laastens het hierdie tesis bevind dat in die geval van Suid-Afrika, toe die ANC as bevrydingsbeweging oorgeneem het as die regerende party in 'n post-bevryding samelewing, die gehalte van bestuur negatiewelik geaffekteer is. Verdere navorsing in hierdie gebied word benodig om hierdie bevindinge met ander lande wat ’n soortgelyke geskiedenis deel te vergelyk en om sodoende te veralgemeen oor ander bevrydingsbewegings en gevolglik die kwaliteit van bestuur in ander lande te verbeter.
15
Pouilot, Simon-Pierre. "Politics and emotions : making sense of the emotional component in political communications." Thesis, McGill University, 2001. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=33919.
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In the 20th century, political communications have evolved at a tremendous pace. In its present version, as can be encountered everywhere in the Western world, this type of communication increasingly makes use of marketing-related techniques. These techniques, coupled with the naturally affective characteristics of modern media have influenced political campaigning into featuring more and more emotional messages. This tendency has decisively affected the quality of the information that political actors (politicians, parties, etc.) contribute to the public sphere, thus impeding on citizens' capacity to construct rational opinion on a variety of political matters.<br>This thesis sets out to explore two examples from Quebec's history to show how this increasing use of emotional messages in political communications has found its way into the province's social environment.
16
Thackwray, Elizabeth C. "The Gulf Cooperation Council, 1981-1994." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1997. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc935605/.
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The purpose of this study is to analyze the foreign policy outcomes of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) to understand the extent to which a Regional Intergovernmental Organization (RGO) consisting of developing nations is able to promote regional cooperation. Much of the literature on integration and the formation of Intergovernmental Organizations was developed with regard to western nations. These approaches are examined for their contributions to foreign policy behavior analysis and with respect to understanding why small and developing nations join such organizations. Final analysis of the outcomes using two scales to measure the organization's ability to promote regional cooperation reveal that the level of success was moderate and the level of political action undertaken by the GCC was generally moderate to low. Leadership is supportive of the organization but both external and internal factors contribute to the modest levels achieved so far. Issues of national sovereignty and a decade of regional conflicts affected the ability of the organization to achieve greater levels or regional cooperation.
17
Whytock, Ian Alexander. "South Africa’s home policy and its foreign relations : a study of transitions since 1990." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/97129.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2015.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis is a study of South African transitions. A transition, within the
context of South African contemporary history, usually refers to the period in
the early 1990s when South Africa underwent a negotiated transition from
racial minority rule to a full democracy in 1994. This thesis takes a liberal
understanding of South Africa’s transition timeline and is not confined just to
South Africa’s political transition, but also examines transitions within
transitions. This will be done through three studies beginning with a survey of
the global political transitions that took place against the backdrop of South
Africa’s domestic political transition in the early 1990s. Secondly, we will look
at the role that national historical identity plays in diplomacy and international
relations and, more specifically, at the cultivation of a new historic identity in
South Africa’s international relations. Lastly, we will examine the policy
transitions that came in the “new” South Africa through a case study of the
nationalization debate. All three of these focuses will be studied through the
lens of South Africa’s foreign relations with China and the United States which
provides a unique vantage point for viewing the complexities. The goal of this
thesis is to develop a broader understanding of transitions in South Africa and
the role that the United States and China played in them. As this theme is
interrogated, some of the continuities and discontinuities will be exposed
between the “old” and “new” South Africa.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis bestudeer Suid-Afrikaanse transisies. 'n Transisie, binne die
konteks van kontemporêre Suid-Afrikaanse geskiedenis, verwys gewoonlik na
die tydperk van die vroeë 1990's toe Suid-Afrika 'n bemiddelde oorgang
ondergaan het vanaf radikale minderheidsbewind na 'n volledige demokrasie
in 1994. Hierdie tesis neem 'n liberale benadering tot die tydperk waarbinne
hier periode beskou word en is nie beperk tot slegs Suid-Afrika se politieke
transisie nie, maar ondersoek ook transisies binne-in transisies. Dit sal
gedoen word deur drie ondersoeke, wat begin met 'n oorsig van die
wêreldwye politieke transisies wat op daardie stadium plaasgevind het teen
die agtergrond van Suid-Afrika se binnelandse politieke transisie van die
1990's. Tweedens sal ons kyk na die rol wat nasionale historiese identiteit
speel in diplomatiese en internasionale verhoudinge en, meer spesifiek, die
kultivering van 'n nuwe nasionale historiese identiteit in Suid-Afrika se
internasionale verhoudinge. Laastens beskou ons die beleidstransisies wat
ingekom het in die "nuwe" Suid-Afrika. Dit word gedoen deur 'n gevallestudie
van Suid-Afrika se debat oor nasionalisering. Al drie hierdie fokusse sal
beskou word deur die lens van Suid-Afrika se verhoudinge met Sjina en die
Verenigde State. Hierdie verhoudinge verskaf 'n unieke oogpunt waar
rondom die kompleksiteite van hierdie debat beskou kan word. Die doel van
hierdie tesis is om 'n breër verstandhouding te skep waarin Suid-Afrika se
transisies beskou kan word. Soos hierdie tema ondersoek word, word van die
kontinuïteite en diskontinuïteite van die "ou" en "nuwe" Suid-Afrika ontbloot.
18
Mashele, Hlukanisa Prince. "Locating the institution of traditional leadership within the institutional framework of South Africa's new democracy." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007512.
Full textAbstract:
This study looks into the role of the institution of traditional leadership in post-apartheid South Africa. It seeks to critically engage the debate on how to locate the institution within the new politico-constitutional framework. This is done with the main objective of proposing an altemative to the current state of affairs vis-à-vis traditional leadership and governance in South Africa. In order to clear the ground, the study first deals with the important question of democracy in relation to the institution of traditional leadership. In this regard, the study unearthed that the institution of traditional leadership is fundamentally undemocratic in character, as it is largely based on heredity and devoid of principles of democracy such as equality, accountability, etc. In order to put matters into perspective the study also delves into the history of the institution of traditional leadership with the aim of getting to the role that traditional leaders played in various epochs of South Africa's political development. This investigation reveals that the denting of the integrity of the institution of traditional leadership began with the advent of colonialism and worsened by successive apartheid regimes. It is at these stages of development that the institution was subordinated to a higher authority that sought to use the institution as an instrument of domination and oppression of the black majority. Considering this role, it would seem that the place that the space that the institution occupies in the post-apartheid South African governance framework is a compromise. The institution plays an advisory role at all levels of government - with their houses in both national and provincial legislatures, whilst traditional leaders sit as ex-officio members on local councils. However, traditional leaders fiercely contest this position as, in their view, this limits their powers. The main argument of this study is that for traditional leaders to be given an advisory role in the current and future governance framework of the country is a step in the right direction, as that serves to insulate the institution from active politics. For that reason, the study recommends that the institution of traditional leadership should occupy a cultural space in society - meaning that it should be responsible for the preservation of African customs and culture. This, therefore, means that the institution is better-placed to advise government on cultural and customary aspects of development. Whilst playing this role, the institution of traditional leadership should also -be brought into line with democratic ways of governance.
19
Pfister, Roger. "Apartheid South Africa's foreign relations with African states, 1961-1994." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007632.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines South Africa's foreign relations, viewed from a South African perspective, with the black African countries beyond southern Africa from 1961 to 1994. These relations were determined by the conflict between Pretoria's apartheid ideology on the one hand, and African continental rejection of South Africa's race discrimination policies and its exclusion from the community of African states on the other. The documentary material used primarily stems from the Department of Foreign Affairs archive in Pretoria, supplemented by research conducted in other archives. Furthermore, we conducted interviews and correspondence, and consulted the relevant primary and secondary literature. Given the main source of information, we chose to make this work a case study in Diplomatic History. In consequence, and constituting the core of the study, Chapters 3 to 6 explore the interaction between South Africa and the black African states in a chronological order. At the same time, we draw on the analytical concepts from the academic disciplines of Political Science and its derivative, International Relations, to comprehend developments more fully. We discuss the significance of the approaches from these two disciplines in both the Introduction and Chapter 2. In particular, we emphasise that this study is about Pretoria's foreign policy, involving state and non-state actors, and we suggest that the unequal status between South Africa and the other African states constitutes an inherent factor in the relationship between them. The Conclusion examines the role of the state and non-state actors in determining Pretoria's foreign relations and the relevance of the structural imbalance between South Africa and the black African states in this context.
20
Du, Pre Roy H. "Confrontation, cooptation and collaboration." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002391.
Full textAbstract:
The Labour Party was a prominent political party amongst coloured people for more than twenty-five years. Formed in 1965 to contest elections for the Coloured Persons' Representative Council (CRC), the Labour Party at the outset adopted an anti-apartheid, anti-separate representation and anti-eRe stance. During the first five years of its existence, the party tried to muster coloured support for its policies. Its promise to cripple the CRC by refusing to occupy seats in the council became the rallying call. The Labour Party won a majority of the elected seats in the first CRC election in 1969 but the government nominated progovernment candidates to all the nominated seats, depriving the Labour Party of an overall majority. Thwarted in their bid to "wreck" the CRC, Labour Party members instead took their seats in the council, vowing to destroy it from within. For the next five years the Labour Party pursued a policy of "confrontation. " By using a "boycott" strategy, it not only hamstrung the effective working of the CRC but thwarted the government in other areas of its "coloured" policy. In the 1975 election the Labour Party won an outright victory, giving it the power to cripple the CRC. However, it did not seize this opportunity. Its decision to "govern" in the CRC constituted a decisive step in the change from confrontation to cooptation. The Labour Party's continued support of the CRC drew widespread criticism from supporters and opponents alike. Its leaders tried to hold together a disaffected party and eventually agreed to the dissolution of the CRC in 1980 in an effort to paper over the cracks in party unity, and to forestall growing coloured opposition to the CRC at the next election. In 1983, the Labour Party displayed a decisive shift in its anti-separate representation stance by lending support to the tricameral system. By doing so, it laid itself open to the same charge of collaboration it had levelled at the other CRC parties. This thesis will examine the history of the Labour Party from its formation in 1965 as an anti-government party, to one of cooperation with its erstwhile opponent by 1984.
21
Motseta, Sello. "The political significance of Winnie-Madikazela Mandela's position in the African National Congress." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003020.
Full textAbstract:
Winnie Mandela has endured so many scandals over the last ten years that she has acquired a reputation for being untouchable. It is therefore ironic that there are those who feel that "the ANC want to act against Winnie not because of her human rights record, but for her outspoken criticism of the government's inability to deliver houses, thwart crime and testing our feelings on the death penalty." This assessment is instructive because in the "... turbulent years of the 1980s, she was a hero, a living martyr to the black liberation cause and despite the discomforts inflicted on her by her perpetrators, she revelled in the role" (Sparks, 1994:15). But Winnie Madikazela-Mandela, who was a Deputy Minister before being dismissed and who has had to appear before the TRC because of allegations that she was responsible for the death of teenage activist Stompie Seipei, has nevertheless been able to make a political comeback. The thesis therefore sets out to examine the rationale behind the State President's (he did not hold this title then) decision to take a considerable risk in standing by Winnie Madikazela-Mandela (they were at the time married) during her trial on charges of kidnapping in 1991. Even after her conviction, Mandela wrote that "as far as I was concerned, verdict or no verdict, her innocence was not in doubt." This unstinting loyalty was replicated elsewhere. Commenting on her acquittal on the assault charges, ANC Youth League President, Peter Mokaba, said: "What was taken away from her as a result of these false allegations must now be given back". He described the Appellate Division decision as "a political sentence" saying: "It has nothing to do with whether she was guilty or not."3 The ANC has established a practice of accommodating dissidents within its structures and has survived complex challenges during its years in exile by doing so. But political commentators are now asking whether the political cost will prove to be too great.
22
Congress, Policy Unit of the African National. "ANC policy guidelines for a democratic South Africa : draft for discussion." African National Congress, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/66055.
Full textAbstract:
The basic objectives of ANC policy are threefold: * To overcome the legacy of inequality and injustice created by colonialism and apartheid, in a swift, progressive and principled way; * To develop an economy and state infrastructure that will progressively improve the quality of life of all South Africans; and, * To encourage the flourishing of the feeling that South Africa belongs to all who live in it, to promote a common loyalty to and pride in the country and to create a universal sense of freedom and security within its borders. These are not mutually exclusive goals. On the contrary, the future of our country depends on the harmonious and simultaneous realisation of all three. The advancement of the majority of people will, in the medium-and-long-term, release hitherto untapped and suppressed talents and energies that will both boost and diversify the economy. Developing the economy will, in turn, provide the basis for overcoming the divisions of the past without creating new ones. Finally, the achievement of a genuine sense of national unity depends on all of us working together to overcome the inequalities created by apartheid. The beacons guiding these advances are equal rights, nonracialism, non-sexism, democracy and mutual respect. A broad, inclusive approach, free of arrogance or complexes of superiority or inferiority, is fundamental. We have to develop a truly South African vision of our country, one undistorted by the prejudices and sectarianism that has guided viewpoints on race and gender, in the past. We have to rely on the wisdom, life experiences, talents and know-how of all South Africans, men and women. There can be no apartheid in finding solutions to the problems created by apartheid. This document does not present a rigid ANC blue-print for the future of South Africa, to which our supporters will be expected to rally and our opponents required to submit. Rather, the document represents a set of basic guidelines to policies we intend to pursue. These ideas will be developed through discussion within the ANC, and through consultation with the broadest spectrum of South African public opinion. The policies will be adapted according to these processes and on the basis of experience. Our problems run deep It is necessary to dwell on the problems which will be faced by the first government which is elected under a new democratic constitution. It will help create an understanding of the magnitude of the tasks involved in transforming our country into one where everyone can enjoy a reasonable standard of living combined with peace and security. It will underline the fact that there are choices to be made and priorities to be established. The nationalist government has pursued active political and social policies which, amongst others things, have led to: extreme levels of poverty and disease in the rural areas; the creation of urban ghettos where people have been denied access to even the most basic means of survival as a result of severely limited access to decent homes, electricity, water-borne sewerage, tarred roads, and recreational facilities; an education system preparing the majority of South Africans for lives of subordination and low income wage jobs; a social security system geared almost entirely to fulfilling the needs of the white minority; a health system that has seriously neglected the wellbeing of most South Africans; the social and political marginalisation of the majority of people, the African community in particular, their exclusion from public life and decision [ making as well as the denial of their culture. Gender discrimination has either excluded or subordinated the nature of women's participation in all socio-economic and political institutions. Combined with apartheid, this has resulted in African women being the most exploited and poverty stricken section of the South African population. Both the political system of apartheid and the pattern of economic development in our country, have been responsible for these developments. The white minority have used their exclusive access to political and economic power to promote their own sectional interests at the expense of black people and the country's natural resources. Black people have been systematically excluded and disadvantaged economically with the result that South Africa has one of the most unequal patterns of income and wealth distribution in the world. Since the mid-1970s, the South African economy has stagnated. An average growth rate of 6% in the 1960s declined to 3% in the 1970s and is now below 1%. Unemployment is estimated at over 40% of the economically active population. For over forty years, economic strategy was based on expanding industry through the substitution of hitherto imported manufactured goods for the wealthy minority. There has also been an emphasis on strategic industries such as arms and petrochemicals. This led to the emergence of a significant manufacturing sector in our country, but one which is generally uncompetitive in terms of international costs and prices. The alienation of land from the indigenous people and the denial of the African majority's rights to land and political power in our country are intimately connected. The agricultural sector in South Africa is currently experiencing a deep crisis. Debt levels of white farmers have reached R14 billion. These problems have led to rapidly increasing unemployment and a serious decline in living standards. Our people remain divided. We do not know each other. We are prevented from developing a national vision, in terms of which, we would see our country through the eyes of all its citizens, and not just one group or another. We live apart, physically separated, spiritually alienated, frightened of getting too close, knowing that we have different life-chances and different views of what change means. We are ruled by a multiplicity of fragmented departments, boards, councils and ministries. Apartheid has left us apart. Policies for transformation In this context it is vital that the ANC develops a clear response. This response must be aimed both at establishing a new and democratic political dispensation that replaces the racist and undemocratic apartheid constitution and addresses the legacy of apartheid in the broader socio-economic sphere. This document is a direct response to the above challenges. It sets out for discussion a comprehensive set of guidelines highlighting the ANC's broad policy response to all the major areas of political, social and economic life. The document is structured so as to highlight the strong relationship between the creation of political democracy and social and economic transformation. It is critical, however, that we honestly face up to the extent of the problems confronting our country. They are not going to be solved overnight and there are no easy or quick solutions. The problems run deep and resources are limited. Accordingly, the policies proposed here represent our broad vision. These policies highlight, our ultimate goals, which will need to be transformed into effective and realisable programmes in the short-term. In other words, we will need to establish priorities both within each of the different policy areas and between these broad areas. These priorities must be arrived at through democratic discussions and decision making processes and we must establish just and efficient mechanisms for implementing these decisions. Progress will also depend on involving as many sections of our society as possible in finding solutions.
23
Dormehl, Andries Christian. "The role of the international community in the South African transition: a critical review." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002982.
Full textAbstract:
There is a dearth of position papers on international participation in the South African transition. Political parties and organisations in South Africa instead spend most of their time describing various forms of desirous IC intervention after the transition. This might explain why most articles and academic papers on 'the role of the international community' are suffixed - in the 'new South Africa' or 'post-apartheid South Africa' - few focus on the actual transition and then mostly from a systemic perspective, broadly outlining the constraints imposed by the 'new world order'. Perhaps the first serious attempt to address this gap in the debate over South Africa's future was D. Kempton and L. Mosia's 'The International Community in South Africa's Transition to non-racial Democracy' (1992). Before multiparty negotiations collapsed in June 1992, Kempton and Mosia examined the attitudes toward international intervention of most of the CODESA participants, as well as the major actors that had remained outside CODESA. This paper takes up the issue where Kempton and Mosia left off. It tries to explain transitional politics since the IC introduced an on-the-ground presence after the UN Security Council debates on South Africa in July 1992. It asks why, eight months after multiparty talks were suspended, the IC has been unable to revive multiparty negotiations, has apparently had little or no impact on the violence, and despite events like Boipatong and Bisho, still plays a minor peacekeeping role, confined to observer status. The research describes internal and external components of international intervention, examines the rationale behind the agreed forms of international participation, and assesses the viability of the internationally-supported conflict-resolution and transition-management structures that were formed to facilitate the transition. The evidence uncovered by the research leads the author to the conclusion that more of an international role is necessary, and sooner rather than later, but he concedes that this is not feasible, or likely, under the status quo.
24
Rammutle, Radithebe. "Foreign aid and NGO-state relations in South Africa : post-1994 developments." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53429.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2003.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study investigates the impact of foreign aid on the relations between Non-
Governmental Organisations (NGOs) and the state in South Africa since 1994. There
are three different ways in which NGOs can interact with the state and public policy:
viz. they can support and help to implement policies, attempt to reform policies, or
oppose them. During apartheid, the nature of NGO-state relations was characterised
by political confrontation and distrust. NGOs primarily served as organisations of
opposition to the state's exclusivist and dehumanising policies. Many NGOs,
however, also provided developmental and social services to communities who were
neglected by the apartheid state.
After the first democratic election in 1994, the role of NGOs underwent a significant
process of change. Various factors contributed to this change. This study, however,
primarily focuses on the role of foreign aid and its effect on NGO activities in South
Africa, post-1994. This study relied on secondary data sources (both qualitative and
quantitative) available in the area of NGO state relations. The study also focused on
two major donor agencies in South Africa: European Union (EU) and United States
Agency for International Development (USAID).
Analysis of data reveals that, since 1994 much of the funding that was previously
directly channeled to civil society now goes to the state, which distributes it to
targetted NGOs. As a result many NOOs have collapsed because of a shortage of
financial resources to sustain their work.
Secondly, since 1994 the rationale and purpose behind international donor policies
has been to advance the New Policy Agenda (NPA), which is aimed at promoting free
market-orientated reforms and the consolidation of liberal democracy. As a result,
foreign aid donors have endorsed the liberal economic policies, which are set out in
the government's macroeconomic strategy, viz. Growth, Employment, and
Redistribution (GEAR). Thus, both government and donors have prioritised NGOs
who are involved in service delivery rather than those that are likely to challenge and
oppose liberal market policies. They have also shown preference to NGOs that are
more concerned with the norms and practices of procedural democracy as opposed to those that are concerned with issues of participatory and social democracy. This has
resulted in constraining the overtly political and advocacy role, which characterised
NGOs during the apartheid era.
International donors, via government disbursement institutions such as the National
Development Agency (NDA), have also constrained the work of NGOs by insisting
on numerous managerial related requirements that have been made conditional for the
receiving of financial support. Many small, informal, rural community based
organisation that lack the required administrative capacity have, as a result, been
facing serious financial crises.
Subsequently, NGO-state relations, since 1994, have become less adversarial and
confrontational. Most NGOs, complement and support the state's social services
delivery programmes and also serve as organisations which help shape the norms and
practices of procedural democracy. The study concludes, that the persistent
inequality, poverty and unemployment which is associated with the GEAR
macroeconomic policy and endorsed by international donor agencies, will lead to the
resurgence of advocacy NGOs. Furthermore, in order to resuscitate their role and to
ensure their vitality as organisations, which promote participatory democracy, it is
essential to focus on strategies, which can effectively challenge the current funding
environment to NGOs. These include, building the administrative capacity of both the
NDA and NGOs, ensuring NDA independence, and ensuring recognition by funding
institutions of the importance of advocacy NGOs in the consolidation of economic
democracy.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie ondersoek die impak van buitelandse hulp op die verhoudinge tussen
Nie-Regeringsorganisasies (NRO'S) en die staat sedert 1994. Daar is drie verskillende
wyses waarop NRO's interaksie kan bewerkstellig met die staat en met openbare
beleid, naamlik, hulle kan help om beleid te implementeer, hulle kan help om beleid te
verander, of hulle kan beleid teenstaan. Tydens apartheid, is die aard van NRO - staat
verhoudings gekenmerk deur konfrontasie en wantroue. Die NRO's het primêr gedien
as organisasies van opposrsie teen die staat se eksklusiwistiese en
onmenslikingsbeleid. Talle NRO's het egter ook ontwikkelings- en sosiale dienste
voorsien aan gemeenskappe wat afgeskeep is deur die apartheidstaat.
Na die eerste demokratiese verkiesing in 1994, het die rol van NRO's 'n beduidende
proses van verandering ondergaan. 'n Verskeidenheid faktore het bygedra tot hierdie
verandering. Hierdie studie fokus egter primêr op die rol van buitelandse hulp en die
uitwerking daarvan op NRO's se aktiwiteite in Suid-Afrika na 1994. Hierdie studie het
staatgemaak op sekondêre bronne (kwalitatief sowel as kwantitatief) in die gebied van
NRO's - staat verhoudinge. Die studie fokus ook op twee belangrike donateur
agentskappe in Suid-Afrika: die Europese Unie (EU) en die Verenigde State
Agentskap vir Internasionale Ontwikkeling (VSAlO).
'n Analise van die data toon aan dat, sedert 1994, heelwat van die befondsing wat
voorheen direk gekanaliseer is aan die openbare gemeenskap, nou na die staat gaan,
wat dit versprei na geteikende NRO's. Gevolglik het talle NRO's ineengestort vanweë
'n tekort aan finansiële bronne om hulle werk vol te hou.
Tweedens, sedert 1994 was dit die rasionaal en doelstelling van internasionale
donateurskapsbeleid om die Nuwe Beleid Agenda (NBA) te bevorder, wat as
doelstelling het die bevordering van vrye mark-georiënteerde hervormings en die
konsolidasie van 'n liberale demokrasie. Gevolglik het buitelandse hulp donateurs
liberale ekonomiese beleidvorming onderskryfwat uiteengesit word in die regering se
makro-ekonomiese strategie, nl. Groei, Werkverskaffing en Herverdeling (GEAR). Dus het sowel die regering as donateurs prioriteit gegee aan NRO's wat betrokke is in
dienslewering, eerder as dié wat geneig is om liberale markbeleid teen te staan. Hulle
het ook voorkeur gegee aan NRO's wat meer besorg is oor die norme en praktyke van
'n prosedurele demokrasie in teenstelling met dié wat besorgd is oor die vraagstukke
van 'n deelnemende en sosiale demokrasie. Dit het die resultaat gehad dat die openlike
politiese en kampvegtersrol wat kenmerkend van die NRO's was gedurende die
apartheidsera, beperk is.
Internasionale donateurs het, Vla regerings-instellings soos die Nasionale
Ontwikkelingsagentskap (NOA), ook die werk van NRO's beperk deur die aandrang
op talle bestuursverwante vereistes wat as voorwaarde gestel is vir die ontvangs van
finansiële ondersteuning. Talle klein, informele landelike gemeenskaps-gebaseerde
organisasies wat die vereiste administratiewe kapasiteit kort, het gevolglik ernstige
finansiële krisisse begin ondervind.
Daaropvolgend, het NRO-staat verhoudinge sedert 1994 minder konfronterend begin
raak. Die meeste NRO's ondersteun die staat se diensleweringsprogramme en dien
ook as organisasies wat help om die norme en praktyke van 'n prosedurale demokrasie
te vorm. Die studie kom tot die gevolgtrekking dat die voortdurende ongelykheid,
armoede en werkloosheid wat geassosieer word met die makro-ekonomiese beleid van
die regering se program vir Groei, Werkskepping en Herverdeling (GEAR) sal lei tot
In nuwe opkoms van kampvegter NRO's. Voorts, ten einde hulle rol te stimuleer en
hulle lewenskragtigheid as organisasies te verseker, kan ons die huidige
befondsingsomgewing van NRO's doeltreffend uitdaag. Dit sluit in die bou van die
administratiewe kapasiteit van beide die NOA en NRO's, die versekering van NOA
onafhanklikheid, en die versekering van die erkenning deur befondsingsinstellings
van die belangrikheid van kampvegter NRO's in die konsolidasie van 'n ekonomiese
demokrasie.
25
Francisco, Ferrada Mila. "Non-democratic peace in South America : comparing the Beagle Channel Crisis (1977-1978) and the Cenepa Crisis (1994-1995)." Thesis, McGill University, 2007. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=112337.
Full textAbstract:
The following study develops a structured focused comparison of two South American territorial crises: the Beagle Channel Crisis between Argentina and Chile (1977--1978) and the Cenepa Crisis between Ecuador and Peru (1994--1995). From a conventional perspective, the Beagle Channel Crisis should have escalated to war because it was a fully militarized inter-state crisis carried out by a military dyad. In contrast, the Cenepa Crisis should not have ended in war because it was a democratic dyad and the dissatisfied state was the weaker power. Yet the opposite happened in both cases: in the Beagle Channel Crisis the escalation process was contained, whereas in the Cenepa Crisis the situation escalated into an intensive war.<br>Based on a comparison of these two dyads, this study argues that deterrence strategy alone is not sufficient to prevent war. Only an interaction of deterrence strategy and third party involvement can contain an escalatory process, constituting a tool for strengthening deterrence.
26
Makwembere, Sandra. "Public sector industrial relations in the context of alliance politics : the case of Makana Local Municipality, South Africa (1994-2006) /." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2007. http://eprints.ru.ac.za/1175/.
Full text
27
Symes, Caylynne Elizabeth. "Problematizing unemployment : the competing representations of unemployment and the implications thereof." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/79921.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2013.<br>Bibliography<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Unemployment has been recognized as one of the most important social problems
worldwide as most countries suffer from some unemployment. South Africa’s high
unemployment rate has led to an abundance of research on the topic. A vast majority of
the research available on unemployment in South Africa is positivist in nature. This study
instead uses an interpretivist approach to analyse the problem of unemployment in South
Africa. The study uses Carol Bacchi’s approach to provide a different way of analysing
the problem of unemployment in South Africa.
Bacchi’s approach allows the analyst to focus on problem representations and how these
representations shape what is discussed and what is not discussed about the topic. This
study demonstrates the application of Bacchi’s approach and focuses on the problem
representations of the significant actors involved with unemployment, namely the South
African government, business, COSATU and the SACP. The study focuses on the effects
of the problem representations of unemployment, in particular the discursive and political
effects. This study argues that Bacchi’s approach is a useful tool for the analysis of
unemployment. It is also argued in this study that the approach provides insights into the
problem of unemployment by highlighting what is not discussed in the problem
representations of the significant actors. By sensitizing individuals to what is excluded in
the problem representations, it is argued that solutions which negate the negative effects
of such representations can be found.
Bacchi’s approach highlighted a number of problem representations of unemployment.
The study found that some problem representations were shared by one or more actors
and that divergence exist between the representations of other actors. The shared and
divergent representations focused on the tripartite alliance due to the significance of the
alliance in South African politics. The shared and divergence representations were
demonstrated to either help to towards improving the relationships between actors or, in
the case of divergence, increase the tensions in the actor’s relationship with one another.
The study also found that the non-government actors’ problem representations of unemployment direct attention to government’s responsibility for dealing with
unemployment while minimising their role and contribution to unemployment. The study
also demonstrated that the interests of different actors can be identified in the dominant
problem representations.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Werkloosheid is ‘n belangrike probleem wat meeste lande raak. Baie navorsing is al in
Suid-Afrika gedoen weens sy besonderse hoë werkloosheidyfer. Die meerderheid hiervan
is positivisties in benadering. Hierdie navorsing gebruik egter ‘n interpretiewe
benadering. Carrol Bacchi se benadering word gebruik as ‘n alternatiewe raamwerk om
Suid-Afrika se werkloosheidsprobleem te analiseer.
Bacchi se benadering laat die navorser toe om te fokus op hoe die probleem beskou word
en hoe hierdie beskouing die keuse van wat ingesluit is en wat nie is nie, beïnvloed.
Hierdie navorsing fokus op die sleutelfigure in die werkloosheidsprobleem, naamlik die
Suid-Afrikaanse regering, die SACP en COSATU. Die studie benadruk die diskursiewe
en politiese effek van die probleembeskouing van werkloosheid. Die studie argumenteer
dat Bacchi se benadering waardevolle insigte kan lewer, spesifiek deur onbespreekte
kwessies rakende die sleutelfigure uit te lig. Dit word aangevoer dat deur waardering te
kweek vir hierdie kwessies, oplossings vir hierdie probleembeskouings gevind kan word.
Bacchi se benadering het ‘n paar probleembeskouings uitgelig. Die studie het gevind dat
daar ooreenstemming is by sommige figure, terwyl ander s’n uiteenlopend is. Hierdie
sienings het gelei tot samegorigheid in die eersgenoemde geval, maar tot verhoogde
vlakke van wantroue en spanning in die laasgenoemde geval. Die fokus van hierdie
sienings is die drieparty-alliansie, weens sy belangrikheid in SA-politiek. Die studie vind
ook dat nieregeringsorganisasies se probleembeskouings die rol van die regering
benadruk en hul eie verantwoordelikheid onderspeel.
28
Scheepers, Esca. "The psychological experience of being in hiding against the background of political repression in South Africa during the 1986 general State of Emergency: a phenomenological explication." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1004586.
Full textAbstract:
This is a study in Critical Psychology which examines the psychological costs of one of the direct outcomes of political repression - the experience of being in hiding. The aims of the study can be depicted on two levels: it is first and foremost an attempt to provide a true account of the phenomenon of being in hiding. On a second level of equal importance it is an implicit and overt critique of the social order in which this phenomenon takes place. The psychological experience of being in hiding is examined and discussed in its proper socio-political context. Therefore, the theoretical part of the mini-thesis has a strong political bearing, focusing on the State, and extra-parliamentary opposition in South Africa. repression The empirical part of the mini-thesis explicates the psychological experience of being in hiding with the aid of the phenomenological method of investigation. Due to the lack of research on this or similar topics, it is discussed within the framework of the experience of a stressful life event. For the five subjects being in hiding was an extreme intervention which was imposed upon their existences and which brought about a qualitative transformation in the individual subjects mode of being-in-the-world - not only in terms of practicalities, but also on a deep experiential level. It was a phenomenon which touched on fundamental parts of their experience of themselves and their individual worlds and the way in which they actualized themselves. For them it essentially entailed a loss of relationships and roles which resulted in an experience of a measure of encapsulation or separation from the world of others . It was a profound, multi - dimensional disruption of the structure of the subject ' s existence which infused a rich emotional experience .
29
Reynolds, John. "Challenging hegemony? : a provincial perspective on the limits of policy challenge in the South African state." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1013031.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis provides a provincial perspective on the limits of policy challenge within the post-apartheid South African state. This perspective is located in the Eastern Cape Province of South Africa, which is one of the poorest of the nine provinces into which the national territory was divided during the constitutional negotiations prior to the landmark democratic elections of 1994. The empirical foundation for this perspective is an analysis of the process of developing the Eastern Cape Provincial Growth and Development Plan 2004-2014 (PGDP), which took place in 2002-2004. Starting with a broader theoretical discussion, followed by a brief contextual analysis of the South African economy, the structure of the post-apartheid South African state, and key growth and development policies, the more detailed engagement with the PGDP process is undertaken. Drawing on Jessop’s (2008) strategic-relational approach, this thesis argues that the PGDP process arose within a particular spatio-temporal context where new opportunities for policy challenge were possible, but that such challenge had to be negotiated on a strategically selective terrain on which that challenge was neutralised. The PGDP process unfolded as a complex dialectic of agency and a range of path-dependent institutional processes with varying temporal and spatial horizons (cf. Pierson, 2004, 2005) in which no particular outcomes were guaranteed, but in terms of which some outcomes were more likely than others. Although the organisation of state power was expressed in the content of the PGDP, that power had to be understood as fractured across a range of state and non-state institutions, but with the state as the primary site of the contingent organisation of power. The provincial sphere of government faces particular constraints with the South African state, which has implications for its policy scope and the possibilities of policy challenge, even where wider social support is achieved.
30
Mukhara, Clive Sello. "Democratic consolidation : a comparative study of Botswana and South Africa : which is the most consolidated and why?" Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/49904.
Full textAbstract:
On cover: Degree of Master of Philosophy in Political Management.<br>Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2004.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Before a country can have democracy a consolidated democracy, democracy
is a prerequisite. The term democracy can be traced back to ancient Greece
and the studies of the consolidation of democracy dates since the transition of
the seventies. The notion of democratic consolidation has been defined by
authors as a process of making new democracies secure, deepening
institutions and liberties and making them immune against the threat of
authoritarian regression. But authors have also found that there are socioeconomic
conditions favourable to consolidation such as sufficient affluence.
This study compares Botswana and South Africa's democracy, the reason
being to find out which is the most consolidated and why? To compare these
two countries' democracies, the study focuses on the following; affluence,
institutions suitable for democracy, free and fair elections and electoral
systems.
There are similarities and differences between these countries. They share
British parliamentary traditions. Both practice multiparty elections but neither
experienced turnovers, for example; Botswana started practicing from 1965
until now, while South Africa started in 1994. The major institutional
difference is the electoral system. Their ratings in the human development
indexes are declining, but South Africa scores better. The other major
difference is in their Freedom House ratings, where South Africa's rating is
better than Botswana's. The issue of HIV/AIDS infections remains a big
problem for these countries. To what extent this would impact on democracy
is uncertain as little research of this kind has been done.
In concluding this study, it is explicitly stated that these countries are free
electoral democracies but not consolidated yet, because they have not passed
Huntington's "two turnover test", and their socio-economic conditions are also problematic. At this stage, however South Africa is slightly better off for
the reasons cited above.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Demokrasie is "n voorvereiste vir "n gekonsolideerde demokrasie. Hoewel
die term demokrasie sy oorsprong het by die antieke Grieke dateer studies
oor die konsolidasie van demokrasieë slegs terug na die sewentigerjare van
die 20ste eeu. Demokratiese konsolidasie verwys na die proses waarvolgens
nuwe demokrasieë na hul aanvanklike vestiging teen die gevaar van
outoritêre verval beveilig word deur die daarstelling van demokratiese
instellings en vryhede. Navorsing het bevind dat sekere sosio-ekonomiese
faktore of omstandighede soos byvoorbeeld voldoende ekonomiese
voorspoed die konsolidasie van jong demokrasieë bevorder.
Die studie behels "n vergelyking van die demokrasieë van Suid-Afrika en
Botswana ten opsigte van hulle graad van demokratiese konsolidasie en die
redes daarvoor. Die studie fokus in die verband op aspekte soos: ekonomiese
voorspoed, die demokratiese aard van hulle instellings, vrye en regverdige
verkiesings en hulle kiesstelsels.
Daar is beide ooreenkomste en verskille tussen die twee state. Beide is gesetel
in die Britse parlementêre stelsel. Beide gebruik sedert hulle vestiging as
demokrasieë veelparty vekiesings - Botswana sedert 1965 en Suid-Afrika
sedert 1994. Die belangrikste institusionele verskil is in hulle kiesstelsels
geleë. Hoewel die lande se klassifikasies beide in die indekse sowel as die
verslae oor menslike ontwikkeling daal, vaar Suid-Afrika steeds beter as
Botswana. Die duidelikste verskil is ten opsigte van hulle Freedom House
klassifikasie. Die kwessie van MIVjVIGS-infeksies bly steeds "n belangrike
probleem vir beide state. Vanweë die gebrek aan navorsing in die verband is
dit onseker in watter mate die VIGS-kwessie demokrasie in die lande in die
toekoms gaan beinvloed. Die gevolgtrekking van die tesis is dat hoewel beide state vrye demokrasieë is
hulle nog nie as gekonsolideerde demokrasieë geklassifiseer kan word nie.
Die gevolgtrekking is hoofsaaklik gebaseer op hulle problematiese sosioekonomiese
omstandighede en die feit dat hulle nog nie Huntington se /I two
turnover test" geslaag het nie. Suid-Afrika is egter op grond van die redes
wat hierbo aangevoer is, tans beter as Botswana daaraan toe.
31
Du, Preez Roni. "The impact of the end of the Cold War on transition in South Africa." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002983.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis argues that F.W. de Klerk's historic February 1990 speech was the end product of a set of circumstances in recent South African and global history which made possible the new phase of transitional politics which South Africa is currently experiencing. It seeks to establish that of all the factors that contributed to change, it was the late 1980s thaw in the Cold War, and its resultant repercussions internationally and regionally which was the catalytic factor which made the new era possible. In all the literature on transition there has been no comprehensive analysis of the plausible link between the two superpowers agreeing in the mid-1980s to abandon confrontational practices and to change their approaches to regional conflicts and the South African government agreeing to negotiate for a new political dispensation. This thesis will seek to establish and analyse such a link. By 1986 there was in certain governmental circles a non-public view that the policy of apartheid had failed both as a solution to the problem of black political aspirations and as a legitimating ideology. Constraining any serious move towards political change was a widely held fear at the top level of government that an accelerated reform process would make South Africa vulnerable to external aggression and internal revolutionary forces. This thesis suggests that the collapse of communist rule in Eastern Europe and the 'new political thinking' in Soviet foreign policy resulted in the notion of a communist-inspired total onslaught against South Africa losing currency - as did the position of those within the ruling elite who remained dogmatically attached to it. The end of the Cold War is the common thread which links South Africa's international , regional and domestic environments. Two important events occurred in the international and regional arenas, which against the backdrop of the end of the Cold War, strengthened the credibility of the alternative view in government: (i) the October 1986 Reykjavik Summit and (ii) the South African Defence Force setback at Cuito Cuanavale. P.W. Botha's resignation as leader of the National Party and soon after as State President created the political space through which the view of the reformers could emerge as dominant. Recognising that neither the international nor regional environments sustained the beliefs and fears held by the military hawks, F.W. de Klerk was able to capitalise on the ambience of negotiations and apply it to the South African situation. De Klerk's February 1990 speech was therefore the culmination of a process which had its origins in the mid-1980's.
32
Mason, Kirsten Zara. "Land reform in Southern Africa : a comparative study between South Africa and Zimbabwe." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/50005.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2004.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Land has been a revolutionary metaphor for wealth and power in the world. Ideally,
land reform in Africa should contribute to social and economic progress and
ultimately result in social equity, as well as increased agricultural productivity.
This study is devoted to the history of the land ownership in Southern Africa, as well
as the meaning and explanation of land reform programmes after the transition to
democracy. Moreover, it is dedicated to familiarising the reader with the various
meanings and issues concerning land reform, particularly in South Africa and
Zimbabwe. The outcome of the study is to promote further discussion on the need
and about the revival of land reform programmes in the region of Southern Africa. In
this study, South Africa and Zimbabwe are discussed comparatively with regards to
three main areas of land reform: restitution, redistribution and tenure reform. The
goal of this study is to gauge the possibility of South Africa following in the footsteps
of Zimbabwe in terms of land invasions supported by the government.
Zimbabwe faces the painful reality that its political revolutions have only brought
them halfway to true independence. The objective for Zimbabwe is to establish a
functional socialist economy where decision-making would be under political control
so as to bring about the drastic redistribution of wealth from whites to blacks. The
fulfilment of the rule of law must become the first priority of the Zimbabwean
government. If the government continues to belittle the rule of law, corrupt decisions
benefiting only those in support of the government, will continually be made. The
importance of land in Zimbabwe did not so much arise from the social and economic
inequalities, but rather the inability to access land, accompanied by a growing
overpopulation, landlessness, land deterioration and escalating poverty in the black
areas. This was further paralleled with severe under-utilisation of land in the white
farming areas.
South Africa, on the other hand, did make space at an earlier stage of transition in
their constitution, for organised and methodical land reform to occur. Unfortunately,
this process has taken much slower than first predicted, which has led to unrest among
the landless, and those who have made claims for the land. South Africa very recently made some decisions to speed up the land reform process through
expropriation if negotiations fail. With the Zimbabwean situation, the issue may not
so much be about land in itself, but may reflect the need for employment, especially
regarding infrastructure and investment in industrialisation within the rural areas.
This study concludes that South Africa, although showing many similar signs of a
downward spiral, will not follow the route which Zimbabwe has taken. It would
appear that the government of South Africa would not allow land invasions by the
landless, organised under the banner the 'Landless Peoples Movement (LPM), as was
seen in Zimbabwe with the war veterans. The reason for this is that the South African
government has made continuous statements that land invasions will not be tolerated
in South Africa, and that they will abide by the legislation set out, when it comes to
land reform and restitution. The government has the power to enforce the rule of law
if land invasions do start to occur. Although the LPM have a similar manifesto and
goal as to the war veterans in Zimbabwe, they seem a lot less militant and ready to
work with the government and the people to ensure the best for South Africa's land
reform process.
This study thus looks at land reform issues that face South Africa and Zimbabwe, and
fleshes out ideas as to creating a regional procedure for the best method of land
reform for implementation by the South African Development Community.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Gesien in die lig dat grond die revolusionêre metafoor van rykdom en mag in die
wêreld is, sal dit ideaal wees as grondhervorming tot sosiale en ekonomiese
bevordering in Afrika kan bydra en uiteindelik kan lei tot sosiale gelykheid en
toename in produktiwiteit in die Landbou-sektor.
Hierdie studie is toegewy aan die geskiedenis van grond-eienaarskap in Suider-
Afrika, sowel as die betekenis en verduideliking van grondhervormingsprogramme na
afloop van die transisie na 'n demokrasie stelsel. Die studie fokus ook daarop om die
leser meer in te lig oor die verskeie menings en uitgangspunte rakende
grondhervorming in die algemeen, maar meer speisfiek in Suid Afrika en Zimbabwe.
Die doel van die studie is om verdere besprekings oor die behoefte en die heroplewing
van grondhervormingsprogramme in Suider-Afrika. Suid-Afrika en Zimbabwe word
in die studie op drie gronde met mekaar vergelyk: Die teruggawe van grondeiendom,
die herverdeling van grondeiendom en die hervorming van besitreg. Die doel van die
studie is om te bepaal of Suid-Afrika in die voetspore van Zimbabwe gaan volg.
Zimbabwe staar die pynlike realiteit in die oë dat hul politieke revolusies hulle slegs
halfpad tot ware onafhanklikheid gebring het. Die doel vir Zimbabwe was om 'n
funksionele sosialistiese ekonomiese stelsel daar te stel waar besluitneming onder
politieke beheer sou wees om sodanig drastiese herverdeling van rykdom vanaf
blankes na swartes, asook onafhanklikheid van kapitaliste, te bewerkstellig. Die
belangrikheid van grondbesit het nie werklik in die sosiale en ekonomiese
ongelykhede gelê nie, maar in die onvermoë om grond te bekom tesame met 'n
toenemende oorbevolkingsyfer, grondloosheid, grondverarming en toenemende
armoede in swart gebiede. 'n Bydraende faktor was die groot mate van
onderbenutting van grond in blanke boerdery gebiede.
Aan die ander kant, het Suid Afrika baie vroeg in die oorgangsfase voorsiening vir 'n
georganiseerde en stelselmatige grondhervormingsproses, in die grondwet gemaak.
Ongelukkig het die proses baie langer gesloer as wat aanvanklik beplan is. Dit het tot
onrustigheid onder die mense wat geen grondeiendom besit het nie en dié wat
grondeise ingedien het, gelei. Suid Afrika het onlangs besluite geneem om die proses te bespoedig deur 'n paar belangrike besluite te neem, om die
grondhervormings proses, vinniger te maak Dit word gedoen deur ekspropriasie as
onderhandelinge onsuksesvol is. Soos in Zimbabwe, mag die werklike probleem nie
slegs oor geondbesit gaan nie. Dit reflekteer die behoefte aan werkverskaffing,
veral in die infrastruktuur van arm gebiede en die investering industrialisasie.
Alhoewel dit lyk asof Suid-Afrika nie suksesvol in die herverdeling van grond is nie,
kom die studie tot die slotsom dat die land nie in die spore van Zimbabwe sal volg
nie. Dit kom voor asof die Suid-Afrikaanse owerheid nie sal toelaat dat mense sonder
grondbesit, grond onregmatig inneem soos in Zimbabwe nie, omdat hulle 'n punt
in die media daarvan gemaak het. Die owerheid het die mag om die wet toe te pas in
situasies waar grond onregmatig ingeneem word. Alhowel die LPM ("Landless
Peoples Movement") 'n soortgelyke manifes en doelstellings as die oorlogveterane
van Zimbabwe het, blyk dit nie asof hulle so militaristies is nie en dat hulle gereed is
om saam met die owerheid en mense te werk sodat die hervormingsproses in die beste
belange van Suid-Afrika plaasvind.
Hierdie studie kyk dus na die grondhervormingsproses in Zimbabwe en Suid Afrika
en vorm idees rondom die skepping van 'n uniforme proses wat die beste
hervormingsmetode is vir die gebruik van die Suid-Afrikaanse Ontwikkelingsgemeenskap.
33
Mpunzima, Kayalethu Wycliff. "Unfinished business: current and past trade union leaders' perceptions of the political transition after the first decade of democracy (1994-2004) in South Africa." Thesis, University of Port Elizabeth, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1284.
Full textAbstract:
The study reviews the political transition after the first decade of democracy from the trade union leaders’ perspectives. It seeks to understand whether trade union leaders see workers as having reaped benefits from their struggles. Interviews were conducted with ten current and past trade union leaders on their perceptions about the political transition. The trade union leaders that were interviewed have rich experience of combining their organisational and mobilising strength with strategies of engagement. Their involvement with trade unions can be traced back during the dark years of Apartheid. Some of them are still active members of trade unions who are deeply involved in policy formulation at national level. Others occupy influential positions in the private and public sectors. The study investigates and analyses the labour movement’s objectives, strategies and struggles from the apartheid, transition, and democratic eras and into the future. It looks at how these objectives were achieved and how the strategies were implemented. The study revealed that progress was made in the political sphere, e.g. a parliamentary office was established to ensure that workers have a voice in parliament. The study found clear evidence of influence by the labour movement in economic and labour legislation through structures like NEDLAC. In the economic arena, the study found that workers’ economic expectations were partially fulfilled. Trade union leaders attributed this to the failure of the government’s GEAR policy to create jobs. They insisted that RDP should be implemented. The study revealed evidence of serious tensions within the ANC/COSATU/SACP Alliance. The study found that the influence of the labour ally, COSATU, in the Tripartite Alliance had been curtailed. The study also found that the strength of the labour movement eroded during the first decade of democracy. The research found that the labour movement took new initiatives such as union investment companies. The research also found support for the theory that COSATU’s obsession with alliance politics was a barrier to labour unity. COSATU was not involved in the merger talks between FEDUSA and NACTU. The respondents generally felt positively about the future prospects. Respondents were mostly optimistic about the political transformation. If there was slow delivery or no delivery by the government or business, the unions vowed to take to the streets.
34
Weld, David. "Reconceptualising South Africa's international identity : post-apartheid foreign policy in a post-cold war world." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/14274.
Full textAbstract:
Bibliography: leaves 74-78.<br>With the ending of the apartheid regime and the transition to power of a government of national unity, South Africa is now a legitimate member of the international community. It has joined the Organisation of African Unity, the British Commonwealth, and the Southern African Development Community, and it is busily fostering trade links with Europe, North America, the Far East, and Latin America. Its diplomats have worked to mediate conflicts in Angola and Mozambique, and its president is widely seen as an international statesman and a moral leader of almost unprecedented repute. Yet the new· government continues to operate within South Africa's traditional international paradigm and has not yet developed a unique global role that reflects the country's internal "negotiated revolution". As a result, substantial challenges face efforts to forge a new south African approach to the world. From outside the country, forces unleashed by the fall of communism and the rise of a truly global marketplace mark a volatile and uncertain transition in world history. From the inside, political transition has sparked a redefinition of what it means to be South African, but this has not been reflected in new policies. The Foreign Ministry is widely recognised as a bastion of old-guard stalwarts; the ANC and NP have done little to reconcile their past international experiences; and. the information flow on international political and economic trends has barely improved since April 1994, leaving interest groups and private citizens in the new democracy generally uninformed and therefore unable to help pressure policy. The result is a foreign policy over the past year that has had little vision and few cohesive threads, and has left a score of unresolved issues. The 'new' South Africa's relations with Cuba and China, its policies on illegal immigration, and regional development plans are all issues that require visionary, decisive leadership but for which none has yet been provided. What energy or vision, for example, has South Africa brought to the Southern African Development Community (SADC) since it joined last August? In the global peacekeeping debate, and again with Cuba and China, South Africa has made little effort to recognise more pro-active roles for which it is well equipped. Why is it not asserting itself? Who actually is in charge of its foreign policy? Few thus would deny that a paralysis has settled in on South African foreign policy. A recent analysis in the Weekly Mail lamented, "We are not consistent. We have not formulated clear principles. The formulators of our foreign policy do not consult with the people. The new appointments to our foreign ministry complain of being sidelined. There is no clear break with the past". At the core of this inaction is the fact that policy makers have failed to reconceptualise the way international issues are seen and policy is made. The world has changed and South Africa has changed, both dramatically; yet Cold War debates still divide the policy framework, old style security thinking still dominates higher ranks, and most importantly, the growing inter linkages between domestic and foreign policies in a post-Cold War world have gone largely unheeded. It is thus appropriate to sound a note of urgency: change and uncertainty in the world and dramatic transformation at home combine to make this an inopportune, even dangerous, time to have a directionless foreign policy. The broad purpose· of this paper is to identify the salient external and internal factors that will drive a new South African approach to the world. The first chapter presents a synthesis of dominant global trends, and sets them against the backdrop of major structural changes in international relations. The second chapter discusses change in South Africa in relation to world changes, new state objectives and shifting interest groups, and considers these implications for three major foreign policy areas. The third chapter looks at the policy framework and the ability of policy makers to conceptualise these dual changes and to formulate effective policies. The final chapter offers a 'road map' of policy options towards a true postapartheid, post-Cold War foreign policy.
35
Nodoba, Todani. "The political role of black women journalists in post-apartheid South Africa : Sowetan (1994-1999)." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/18112.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2011.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Black journalists in South Africa have played a crucial role in exposing the political
oppression of black South Africans during the Apartheid era. In this regard the Sowetan
newspaper made a great contribution. However, the political role that black women
journalists played at the Sowetan has been ignored, before and after 1994. After 1994,
political black women journalists at the Sowetan continued to make strides despite the
hostile environment that these women journalists worked in. The limitation of beats and
assignments, lack of promotions and many other challenges that black women journalists
faced during this period made their work environment unfriendly and hostile towards
their performance.
This study examines the political role made by black women journalists at the Sowetan
newspaper from 1994 to 1999. The study shows how the black women journalists
brought different perspectives in news at the Sowetan through their manner of reporting
and also how they viewed matters within the context of a new democracy in South
Africa.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Swart joernaliste in Suid-Afrika het ’n onontbeerlike rol gespeel in die onthulling van die politieke onderdrukking van swart Suid-Afrikaners tydens die apartheidsjare. In hierdie verband het die Sowetan-koerant ’n groot bydrae gelewer. Die politieke rol van swart
vrouejoernaliste by die Sowetan is egter geïgnoreer, voor en ná 1994. Ná 1994 het
politieke swart vrouejoernaliste by die Sowetan steeds opgang gemaak, ten spyte van die
vyandige omgewing waarin hierdie vroue gewerk het. Beperkte opdragte en spesialisonderwerpe om te dek, ’n gebrek aan bevordering en die talle ander uitdagings
wat swart vrouejoernaliste in hierdie tydperk moes trotseer, het hul werksomgewing
onvriendelik en vyandig gemaak met betrekking tot hul werksverrigting.
Hierdie studie ondersoek die politieke rol wat vanaf 1994 tot 1999 deur swart
vrouejoernaliste by die Sowetan gespeel is. Die studie toon aan hoe die swart
vrouejoernaliste ander nuusperspektiewe na die Sowetan gebring het, met die wyse
waarop hulle verslag gedoen het en ook waarop hulle aangeleenthede in die breë verband
van ’n nuwe demokratiese bestel in Suid-Afrika beskou het.
36
Dayimani, Bongikhaya. "Elite attitudes and the ANC's shift from nationalization to privatization : 1990-2000." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/52820.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (MPhil)--University of Stellenbosch, 2002.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The period prior to the 1990's marked the ANC as a liberation movement, perceived by
many as being in favour of nationalization and a state controlled economy. The advent of
democracy and the ANC's assumption of political power have, however, seen a change in
the ANC elites' policy rhetoric, practice and approach to policy formulation. This essay
examines the extent to which elite views and attitudes have shifted from nationalization to
privatization. It notes that while the ANC government has been persuing and implementing
Gear and its privatization component, its elite seems to be less supportive and to some
extent ambivalent on the question. In addition, continued implementation of Gear and its
privatization elements, in spite of reservations by the majority of the elites supporting the
ANC, reveals a technocratie nature in approach to policy-making on the part of the ANC-led
government.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Voor 1990 was die ANC oor die algemeen beskou as 'n bevrydingsorganisasie, ten gunste
van nasionalisering en 'n staatsbeheerde ekonomie. Met die totstandkoming van
demokrasie en die ANC se aanname van politieke mag, het daar 'n verandering
plaasgevind onder ANC elite ten opsigte van beleidsretoriek, praktyk en hulle benadering
betreffende beleidsformulering. Hierdie studie ondersoek tot hoe 'n mate die elite se
sieninge en houdings verskuif het vanaf nasionalisering na privatisering. Terwyl die ANC
regering GEAR implementeer met sy privatiseringkomponent, is die ANC elite al minder
ondersteunend t.o.v die privatiseringskwessie; om die waarheid te sê, hul standpunt hieroor
is tot 'n mate dubbelsinnig. Verder toon die implementering van GEAR, en sy
privatiseringselement, ten spyte van bedenkinge onder die meerderheid van die elite wat
die ANC ondersteun, 'n toenemende tegnokratiese benadering tot beleidsmaking aan die
kant van die ANC regering.
37
Tali, Lolonga Lincoln. "The South African Communist Party and its prospects for achieving socialism in a democratic South Africa." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1020569.
Full textAbstract:
“It should not be forgotten that this ideological contribution impacted itself in a very real way on the whole national and democratic movement. It helped transform the ANC from its early beginnings of petition politics into a revolutionary nationalist movement.” Joe Slovo (in a speech delivered at the University of the Western Cape to mark the 70th anniversary of the SACP, 19 July 1991) At the time that the late Joe Slovo, former secretary of the South African Communist Party and former Minister of Housing in the first Government of national unity, made the speech the former party had about a year of legal existence inside the country after President FW de Klerk had unbanned all previously banned political parties in February 1990. Indeed the unbanning of political parties in South Africa was preceded by cataclysmic events in both Soviet Russia and Eastern Europe. General Secretary Mikhail Gorbachev who was leader of the Soviet Communist Party was at the helm in Moscow. He introduced a number of policies whose main objective was to democratize Soviet society and do away with some of the undemocratic practices that were always associated with the policy of communism. Consequently, there was much talk about glasnost (openness) and perestroika during the period of President Gorbachev’s rule of Soviet Russia. The two policies were the main feature of his quest to modernize Soviet Russia and gradually move away from communism. The collapse of the Berlin Wall in 1989 and the fall of Nicolai Ceausescu in Romania and the disintegration of other East European countries like Yugoslavia signalled a death knell for East European socialism. The foregoing events also implied that the era of the Cold War between the West (led by USA, Britain, and West Germany et al) and East (led by the USSR, Poland, and East Germany et al) was over. The Cold War was a period of tremendous tension as Soviet Russia sought to spread its system of communism to Third World countries in Africa and South America. The West for its part tried to counteract by supporting forces which were opposed to communism in these countries. One can cite the example of Angola where Soviet Russia supported the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) led by Augustinho Neto which had adopted the system at the independence of the country in 1975. Jonas Savimbi led the Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA) which was opposed to communism and was supported by South Africa and other Western countries which were also opposed to the system of communism. In essence the Cold War was a contest between the West and the East in gaining converts to their respective belief systems. The collapse of communism was viewed by the West as triumph of its own belief system and the confirmation of the failure of communism. It is against the backdrop of these foregoing events that the South African Communist Party was unbanned together with other erstwhile banned on the 2nd of February 1990.The SACP which had much influence in the ANC in the late 1950s and early 1960s and much of the time the parties were in exile was unbanned against the backdrop of the foregoing events. Of interest to observers was whether the party after it was unbanned would be able to exert the same influence it did on the ANC during the time in exile. Would the SACP take over from the ANC after the democratic transition and impose a socialist state in South Africa even if globally the trend was to move away from communism/socialism? Would the ANC itself follow a system which had been shown to lack the ability to confront the challenges of the 20th century? Some political commentators viewed the relationship between the ANC and the SACP as that of a metaphorical rider (the latter) and donkey (the former). In essence they argued that the SACP was the one determining the general trajectory of the liberation movement and its economic policies in particular. This dissertation will show that the influence of the SACP within the Tripartite Alliance in general and the ANC government in particular swings like a pendulum. It depends on who is in charge as president of the ANC. Before and during the exile years as the ANC was led by the late Oliver Tambo, the party enjoyed relatively better influence within the former organizations. The two organizations co-operated well in many ventures like the Defiance campaign, drafting of the Freedom Charter and the establishment of Umkhonto Wesizwe in 1961. During the presidency of Nelson Mandela most SACP members were in the first democratic cabinet though they did not exert as much influence as would be desirable. The main economic policy that the ruling ANC advocated was under the umbrella of what was termed the Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP) and was not even the brainchild of the SACP but of the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU). In 1996 Thabo Mbeki, then deputy president to Nelson Mandela, came with the neo-liberal policy of Growth, Employment and Redistribution to try and salvage the South African economy which at the time was not performing at its best. Not only was GEAR unashamedly neo-liberal, it was also done without consultation of the SACP by its alliance partner the ANC. This engendered palpable tension within the alliance and led to name-calling from the party which derogatively referred to all the advocates of GEAR as the ‘Class of 1996’. The tension between the SACP and the ANC continued until former President Thabo Mbeki and his ‘Class of 1996’ were ousted from office in the 2007 ANC Polokwane elective conference. After the Polokwane conference, Jacob Zuma who had been Thabo Mbeki’s deputy president in both government and the ANC, assumed power. Zuma did not deviate much from the policies that were adopted by his predecessor though the SACP had played a significant role in bringing him to power. Just like Mbeki and Mandela before him, he had a number of SACP members in his cabinet and, in his case, some of them in key cabinet posts like Ebrahim Patel (a member of the SACP) who serves as Minister of Economic Development. Though he has these staunch members of the party in his cabinet, the Zuma administration has been able to adopt a neo-liberal economic policy which it has termed: National Development Plan which has been criticized by communists as no better than GEAR. This dissertation will show how the party sometimes struggle and sometimes wins that struggle to influence government policy.
38
O'Dowd, Catherine Frances. "An examination of the factors underlying decision-making about selection and presentation of photographs of political conflict in South African newspapers." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002933.
Full textAbstract:
What newspaper readers see of an event is detennined by what photographs are seley ted and how they are presented. This thesis attempts to deconstruct the decision-making process around selection and presentation of photographs, with the aim of detennining what factors are taken into account in that process. It is based on the hypothesis that there must be a number of factors involved in decisions about news photographs, although these factors may not necessarily be consciously acknowledged in the decision-making process. The study involves a comparison of how five case studies of incidents of political violence, which occurred between 1990 and 1994 in South Africa, were used'in lrinewspapers. The focus on images of political violence is based on the assumption that politically and visually controversial images will give rise to situations in which gatekeepers will be caned upon to question their decisions. The research is based on qualitative research interviews with the decision-makers involved in the case studies. The analysis of the decision-making procedures is based on the theory of gatekeeping. The interviews are analysed in terms of Lewin's theory offqrces, which suggests that, depending on the context, some factors will manifest themselves as positive forces working in favour of the photograph being selected or well presented, while others will take the form of negative forces. The analysis sets out to determine what factors were taken into account in the decision::making process, what detennined their relative degrees of importance and how those relative degrees of importance determined the final outcome. Following an introduction to the practical case study research, dealing with general issues such as picture policy in newspapers and decision-making procedures, each case study is dealt with in turn. After an outline of the context in which the event occurred, the kinds of pictures that were available to the newspapers are described. Then the decisions taken about which to choose and how to use them are analysed in terms of dominant themes. These are themes such as newsworthiness, gruesomeness of content and concern abo!Jt what other media were using. The analysis examines the way the news context and the decision-making context determine the relative importance of the various factors present. Finally the study looks at the conclusions that can be drawn from the five case studies. The conclusion supports the initial hypothesis in finding that these decisions can be shown to have their basis in a fairly limited set of factors. The different results, from study to study and from newspaper to newspaper within a study, are determined by the changing news context and the decisi~n-making context.
39
Wright, Laurence. "English in South Africa : effective communication and the policy debate : inaugural lecture delivered at Rhodes University." Rhodes University, Grahamstown, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1020752.
Full text
40
Ryklief, Cheryl Cecelia. "The manufacture of chaos and compromise: an analysis of the path to reform in South Africa." Thesis, Faculty of Humanities, School of Politics and Communication Studies, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/76218.
Full textAbstract:
This dissertation examines the factors leading to the opening of negotiations to majority rule in South Africa. It argues that changes to the socio-economic environment led to the growth of the strategic relevance of the black working class, and also created certain points of collision between the black working class and the policies of the state. These sectoral collisions engendered both the partial reforms of the Botha era as well as the rejection of these reforms by the black majority. The developments that emerged from the ensuing process of reform, resistance and repression in the 1980s weakened both the state and the black opposition sufficiently to allow for the emergence of a consensual solution to the political stalemate.<br>Dissertation submitted in accordance with the requirements of the University of Liverpool for the degree of Master of Arts
41
Kruger, Botha W. (Botha Willem). "Prenegotiation in South Africa (1985-1993) : a phaseological analysis of the transitional negotiations." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/55956.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (MA) -- Stellenbosch University, 1998.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The perception exists that the South African transitional negotiations were initiated by
events during 1990. This study challenges such a perception and argues that prior to
formal contact there existed a crucial period of informal bargaining. This period, known
as prenegotiation, saw members of the National Party government and the African
National Congress (ANC) attempt to communicate in order to gauge the possibility of a
negotiated settlement. By utilising a phaseological approach to bargaining/negotiation,
this study analyses the transition in order to ascertain the structure and functions of
South African prenegotiation. The following three negotiation phases are identified:
bargaining about bargaining, preliminary bargaining and substantive bargaining. Both
of the first two phases are regarded as part of prenegotiation.
This study argues that the first phase started as early as 1985 under conditions of
immense secrecy and stayed that way until its conclusion in 1990. Three different
avenues of communication were established during this time. The first avenue existed
between government officials and the imprisoned Nelson Mandela. Regular meetings
were held in an attempt to create an understanding of what was needed to normalise
South African politics. The second avenue operated mostly on international soil,
through intermediaries, and became an indirect channel of communication between
exiled ANC officials and officials in the government's National Intelligence Service.
The third avenue consisted of independent efforts by extra-governmental role-players to
establish communication with the exiled ANC leadership. All three avenues impacted
differently on the negotiation process, yet all are regarded as part of the bargaining
about bargaining phase.
The second phase was initiated by F.W. de Klerk's opening of parliament speech in
1990. In this phase new negotiators came to the fore and it signified an ongoing attempt
by the government and the ANC to establish a contract zone for substantive bargaining.
Prominent agreements included the Groote Schuur Minute, the Pretoria Minute, the D.F.
Malan Accord and the National Peace Accord. The establishment of a multi-party
negotiating forum, Codesa, ended preliminary bargaining, but only temporarily. After
deadlock occurred in May 1992 it became necessary to revert back to prenegotiation
issues before further progress could be made. The bilateral discussions that ensued
between the government and the ANC saw the most prominent bargaining relationships
of the transition develop, notably between Roelf Meyer and Cyril Ramaphosa, and
between Nelson Mandela and F.W. de Klerk. With the signing of the Record of
Understanding and the establishment of the Multi-P~ Negotiating Process ·m1993,
~ ,--· .. . ~ ~-- prenegotiation came to an end.
In focussing primarily on prenegotiation, this study attempts both to refine existing
prenegotiation theory and to identify possible recommendations for other deeply
divided societies. For the success of a negotiation process it is an imperative that lasting
good faith and a workable contract zone are established prior to any form of substantive
bargaining.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die opvatting bestaan dat die Suid-Afrikaanse oorgangsonderhandelinge geinisieer is
deur gebeurtenisse tydens 1990. Hierdie stuC.:ie betwis so 'n opvatting en argumenteer
dat 'n noodsaaklike tydperk van informele onderhandeling voor formele kontak bestaan
het. Gedurende die voorafgaande tydperk, wat bekend staan as vooronderhandeling, het
lede van die Nasionale Party regering en die African National Congress (ANC) gepoog
om kommunikasiekanale daar te stel en sodoende die moontlikheid van 'n
onderhandelde skikking te ondersoek. Deur van 'n fase-benadering tot onderhandeling
gebruik te maak, analiseer hierdie studie die oorgangstydperk met die doel om die
struktuur en funksies van Suid-Afrikaanse vooronderhandelinge te bepaal. Die volgende
drie onderhandelingsfases word onderskei: onderhande/ing oor onderhandeling,
voorlopige onderhande/ing, en substantiewe onderhandeling. Beide fases een en twee
word beskou as deel van vooronderhandeling.
Volgens hierdie studie het die eerste fuse so vroeg as 1985 onder uiters geheime
omstandighede begin, en het dit so voortgeduur tot met die finalisering daarvan in 1990.
Drie verskillende kommunikasiewee het ontstaan gedurende hierdie tydperk. Die eerste
weg was tussen regeringsamptenare en die gevange Nelson Mandela. Gereelde
ontmoetings is gehou in 'n poging om 'n verstandhouding te kweek oor wat nodig sou
wees om Suid-Afrikaanse politiek te normaliseer. Die tweede weg het meestal op
internasionale grondgebied afgespeel deur middel van tussengangers, en het 'n indirekte
kommunikasiekanaal tussen uitgeweke ANC lede en amptenare van die regering se
Nasionale Intelligensie Diens bewerkstellig. Die derde weg het bestaan uit ona:thanklike
pogings deur rolspelers buite die regering om kominunikasie te bewerkstellig met die
uitgeweke ANC-leierskap. Alhoewel die wee op verskillende vlakke die
onderhandelingsproses beiinvloed het, word al drie as deel van die eerste fase beskou.
Die tweede fase is ingelei deur F. W. de Klerk se parlementere openingstoespraak in
1990. In hierdie fase het nuwe onderhandelaars na vore getree en dit is gekenmerk deur
'n deurlopende poging van die regering en die ANC om 'n kontraksone vir substantiewe
onderhandeling te skep. Prominente skikkings het ingesluit die Groote Schuur Minuut,
die Pretoria Minuut, die D.F. Malan Verdrag, en die Nasionale Vredesverdrag. Die
totstandkoming van 'n veelparty-onderhandelingsforum, Codesa, het die einde van
voorlopige onderhandeling aangedu~ alhoewel slegs tydelik. Na 'n dooiepunt bereik is
in Mei 1992 het dit noodsaaklik geword om terug te keer na voorlopige onderhandeling.
Die daaropvolgende bilaterale ontmoetings tussen die regering en die ANC is
gekenmerk deur die ontwikkeling van prominente onderhandelingsverhoudings, veral
tussen RoelfMeyer en Cyril Ramaphosa, en tussen Nelson Mandela en F.W. de Klerk.
Met die ondertekening van die Rekord van Verstandhouding en die totstandkoming van
die Veelparty-onderhandelingsproses in 1993, het vooronderhandeling tot 'n einde
gekom.
Deur hoofsaaklik op vooronderhandeling te fokus, probeer hierdie studie om beide
bestaande vooronderhandelingsteorie te verfyn, asook moontlike riglyne vir ander
diepverdeelde samelewings te identifiseer. Vir 'n onderhandelingsproses om suksesvol
te wees is dit noodsaaklik dat blywende goedertrou en 'n werkbare kontraksone tot
stand gebring word voor die aanvang van enige vorm van substantiewe onderhandeling.<br>Centre for Science Development (HSRC, South Africa)
42
Othieno, Timothy. "Contending issues in South Africa's foreign policy : universalism versus economic national interest : the case of South Africa's arms sales to 'pariah states' 1994-1999." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007712.
Full textAbstract:
This study examines post-apartheid South African foreign policy under former President Nelson Mandela, and the apparent ambiguities that were its recurrent feature in the period from 1994 to 1999. Its focus is on the inherent irreconcilability of the economic national interests and the foreign policy principles which included the promotion of and respect for universalist principles and interests such as human rights, democracy, international peace and security. In examining South African foreign policy during this period, it would appear that the country was trapped between two competing priorities: the need to promote "universalist" principles and the need to satisfy its national economic interests. The main aim of the study is to explain how this "irreconcilability" between universalist principles and national economic interests would later create ambiguities and contradictions in South Africa's foreign policy, weaken respect for its foreign policy principles, and ultimately lead to ideological failure among politicians who employed 'short-term gain' policy decision-making in dealing with 'pariah states'. The study further demonstrates that "realist" national interests are frequently short-term, realizable and vital for a country, while universalist interests are long-term, idealistic and usually not easily realizable. It will be argued, therefore, that a country faced with making decisions about its vital national interests, will not make efforts to pursue long-term universalist interests if that choice would in any way endanger its fundamental national interests. In order to better assess this ambiguity, this thesis will provide a case study of Pretoria's arms sales to 'pariah states' during the period. The purpose of this study is not to attempt to explain all of the issues around post-apartheid foreign policymaking, or even to argue whether the sale of arms to 'pariah states' was 'politically incorrect', but to provide a 'piece of the puzzle' which might explain how the social and economic situation may have compelled Pretoria to sell arms when these actions disregarded universalist principles of foreign policy. The conclusion seems to confirm the realist view that universal values and principles can be regarded only when they are in harmony with a state's perceived self-interests.
43
Wildschut, Angelique Colleen. "Investigating women's participation in protest politics between 1991 and 2001." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53473.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2003.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The involvement of women in both conventional and unconventional forms of political
participation in South Africa has over the past 10 years, and often at present, been
experienced as problematic and limited. Exacerbating the problem of limited access and
information, the study of, and literature about, women's participation in unconventional
forms of politics have also been limited. It is the aim of this study to contribute to our
knowledge in this area.
This study investigates women's participation in unconventional politics between 1991
and 2001. This period is specifically important, as it makes possible the examination of
trends in women's political participation before and after the democratic transition in
1994. This makes it possible for us to speculate about the influence of transition on
women's political participation.
I propose and evaluate two mam hypotheses in which I; firstly, expect women's
participation in protest politics to decrease between 1991 and 2001, and secondly, expect
to find women's levels of participation in protest to be consistently lower than that of
their male counterparts. The complex set of variables influencing women's participation
is evaluated according to the socialization and structural approaches, which offer
different assumptions about the reasons for the trends in women's participation.
In conclusion, I offer the main findings of my research, as well as suggesting possible
areas still to be investigated within the field, as deduced from the questions arising out of
my analysis in this project.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die betrokkenheid van vroue in beide konvensionele en onkonvensionele vorme van
politieke deelname in Suid Afrika, was oor die laaste 10 jaar, en is steeds ervaar as
problematies en beperk. Wat die probleem vererger, is die beperkte toegang tot
informasie, die studie van, en literatuur oor, vroue se deelname in onkonvensionele
vorme van politiek. Dit is in die strewe na die oorkoming van hierdie leemtes, dat hierdie
werk aangepak word.
Hierdie werk ondersoek vroue se deelname in onkonvensionele politiek tussen 1991 en
2001. Hierdie periode is spesifiek belangrik, omdat dit die demokratiese transisie na 1994
insluit, en om neigings in vroulike deelname voor en na 1994 te bestudeer. Dit maak dit
moontlik om oor die invloed van die transisie op vroue se politieke deelname te
spekuleer.
Ek stel, en evalueer twee hoof hipoteses waarin ek; eerstens, verwag dat vroue se
deelname in protes politiek sal verminder tussen 1991 en 2001, en tweedens, verwag ek
om te vind dat vroue se vlakke van deelname in protes, deurentyd laer sal wees as die van
mans. Die komplekse stel veranderlikes wat vroue se deelname beinvloed, word geevalueer
in terme van die sosialisering- en strukturele benaderings, wat verskillende
voorstelle oor die motivering van die geobserveerde neigings in vroue se deelname
oplewer.
Ten slotte, bied ek die hoof bevindinge van my navorsing aan, so wel as voorstelle ten
opsigte van moontlike areas vir verder ondersoek binne die veld.
44
Kayuni, Happy Mickson. "The role of party politics in local participation and representation: challenges and prospects in Malawi's local assemblies." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/2772.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (MPA (School of Public Management and Planning))--University of Stellenbosch, 2005.<br>Soon after independence in 1964 the Malawi government made an attempt to decentralise some of its activities through the creation of district development committees. However, in practice local-level institutions were not fully operational as the one-party system of government (led by the Malawi Congress Party) tended to manipulate the autonomy and operations of these institutions. Accordingly, there was no manifestation of local participation and representation.
The period of one-party rule in Malawi came to an end in 1994 with the introduction of multi-party democracy. The new government revitalised the idea of decentralised governance by passing the Local Government Act of 1998, which saw the establishment of local assemblies. Thus officially Malawi has a very supportive system in relation to citizen participation and representation through decentralised local institutions. However, in practice, there is no clear evidence that this is actually being realised. Consequently, this study was undertaken to examine the role of party politics on local participation and representation.
The study was conducted in three district local assemblies of Malawi ...
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Gcoyi, Thembinkosi. "Explaining South Africa's quiet diplomacy towards Zimbabwe since 2000: the dilemma of a pluralist middle power." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002987.
Full textAbstract:
This study is a contribution to the literature on South Africa's foreign policy since 2000-2004. It provides a theoretical framework within which South Africa's foreign policy should be understood. It attempts to explain the contradictions that have been apparent in South Africa's foreign policy by looking at the constraints inherent in South Africa's position as an emerging middle power. It argues that South Africa's pluralist inclinations are constrained by Africa's evolving multilateral forums and that South Africa's preference for such undermines the realization and achievement of her foreign policy principles and goals. It also argues that as a realist middle power, South Africa is constrained the ambivalence shown by the region towards her exercising leadership in the region. This is due to South Africa's history of destruction in Southern Africa in the 1980's. South Africa's quiet diplomacy towards Zimbabwe provides the focal point for the study. The study argues that it is not the case that South Africa is not concerned with human rights abuses in Zimbabwe. Instead, this concern has been expressed in ways that do not tarnish South Africa's own image in Africa. This has been done by engaging Zimbabweans through multilateral forums. This study concludes that this strategy failed to bring about resolution to the Zimbabwean crisis.
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Mechnig, Christopher Markus. "A Comparative Study of the Namibian and South African Transitions to Democracy and the Effects on Reconciliation." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/4105.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (MPhil (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The Namibian transition to independence and the South African transition to a
majority democracy have many similarities as well as differences. The key similarities are
composed of the shared history and mutual influences on society, the economy and
national politics. Key differences constitute the manner in which the transitions were
executed: internationally imposed in the Namibian case, and internally negotiated in the
South African case. Almost every facet of Namibian and South African societies have
in some way or another been imprinted by the respective transitions, which also
contributed to the shape of the national consciousness. However, decades of stateenforced
racial discrimination in the form of Apartheid legislation left its mark on both
the Namibian and South African society. As a result, public and private consciousness is
marred with racial and ethnic identities created and legislated during Apartheid, which is
hampering democratic consolidation.
This study provides a comparison between the South African and Namibian
transitions, within the broader context of democratic consolidation. This study contends
that reconciliation is a necessary condition for democratic consolidation in South
Africa and Namibia, and aims to assess whether there is any significant difference between
the impact of the internationally orchestrated Namibian transition as opposed to the
internally negotiated South African transition on levels of reconciliation in the two
countries. This is done by applying Gibson’s (2004) four criteria of reconciliation
(interracial reconciliation, political tolerance, support for the principles of democracy and
legitimacy) to the South African and Namibian cases. The hypothesis is that there should
be less support for democratic ideals in Namibia than in South Africa, on the basis that
democracy was, to a certain degree, forced unto Namibian society, while it was freely
chosen by South African society.
The main finding of this study, however, suggests that the differences in the transition style -
the one being internationally orchestrated and the other being internally negotiated- seems not
to have had any significant affect on national reconciliation. It seems as though
hostility between different groups based mainly on the superficial racial and ethnic
differences that were created during Apartheid has made way for hostility centred more on
socio-economic differences. While socio-economic issues have become the overriding
concern for both South Africans and Namibians, socio-economic differences between
individuals and groups are still largely tied to ethnicity and race.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die onafhanklikheidswording en die oorgang na ‘n meerderheidsdemokrasie van
onderskeidelik Namibië en Suid-Afrika word gekenmerk deur ‘n aantal ooreenkomste asook
verskille. Die sleutel ooreenkomste behels die gedeelde geskiedkundige agtergrond, die
invloede van die ekonomie en nasionalie politiek klimaat en die gevolglike uitwerking van
hierdie faktore op die samelewing. In kontras behels die verskille die wyse waarop die
oorgang uitgevoer is. In die Suid-Afrikaanse konteks is die proses deur interne
onderhandelinge bewerkstellig terwyl die Namibiese oorgang sterk beinvloed is deur eksterne
invloede.
Ongeag hierdie verskille het die verwikkelinge ‘n hewige impak gehad op beide die Suid-
Afrikaanse, asook die Namibiese publiek en hul kollektiewe bewussyn. Die invloed van jare
se rasdiskriminasie in die vorm van apartheidswetgewing het egter sy tol op die publiek
geëis. Die gevolg is die merkbare invloed van ras en etniese identiteite op albei lande se
bevolkings wat oor die langtermyn demokratiese konsolidasie kan teenwerk.
Hierdie studie tref ‘n vergelyking tussen Suid-Afrika an Namibië binne die breër konteks van
demokratiese konsolidasie. Die studie veronderstel dat versoening ‘n noodsaaklike vereiste is
vir demokratiese konsolidasie in Suid-Afrika en Namibië, en poog ook om die invloed van
die intern-gedrewe Suid-Afrikaanse transisie teenoor die ekstern-georkestreerde Namibiese
transisie te assesseer. Dit word gedoen deur die toepassing van Gibson (2004) se vier-voudige
konsep van versoening (inter-ras versoening, politieke verdraagsaamheid, ondersteuning vir
die beginsels van demokrasie en legitimiteit) op beide lande. Die hipotese word as volg
geformuleer: Die Namibiese bevolking toon ‘n negatiewe ingesteldheid teenoor demokratiese
beginsels aangesien demokrasie as regeerstelsel op die bevolking afgedwing is, in kontras
met Suid-Afrika waar demokrasie as regeerstelsel deur ‘n meerderheidstemming verkies is.
Die hoofbevinding van hierdie werkstuk is egter dat die verskille in die aard van die oorgang
na demokrasie in beide lande nie ‘n noemenswardige invloed gehad het op nasionale
versoening nie. Dit blyk egter dat konflik tussen sekere bevolkingsgroepe wat hoofsaaklik
spruit uit die etniese en ras identiteite, soos geformuleer deur die apartheidswetgewing,
huidiglik gesentreer is rondom sosio-ekonomiese verskille. Gevolglik word dit gemeld dat
hierdie sosio-ekonomiese verskille direk verband hou met ras en etnisiteit.
i
47
Haasbroek, Mart-Marie. "Suid-Afrika, Maleisie en post skikkingsgeweld : konstitusionele wysigings as oplossing vir geweld?" Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/3031.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (MPhil (Political Science))--Stellenbosch University, 2008.<br>This study undertakes to look at the relationship between peace agreements and the
violence that follows these agreements. Throughout modern history, there are
examples of peace agreements between two warring internal factions that ended in
post-conflict violence and in extreme cases, to the end of the peace agreement. It
does not necessarily lead to full out war, but can manifest in riots, like Malaysia and
criminal violence in South Africa. This study attempts to compare both South Africa
and Malaysia by looking specifically at the reasons for post conflict violence. South
Africa has faced a growing problem with violent crime after the negotiations of the
early 1990’s and its result, the new constitution of 1993, that functioned as the peace
agreement. Malaysia moved through several constitutions to arrive at their
constitution of 1957 that which viewed as their constitutional agreement. This
constitutional agreement went to great lengths to protect the sons of the soil, the
bumiputra. The uneasy peace only lasted until 1969, when race riots followed the
general elections and left hundreds dead or injured.
By studying South Africa and Malaysia and looking at the underlying factors of
violence, with special focus on ethnic factors and especially poverty, can we move
closer to the underlying causes of post conflict violence. Malaysia tried to address
these problems by making constitutional amendments, following the 1969 riots.
These amendments were implemented in 1972. Since then the problem of post
conflict violence has been addressed to some extent. There are however, still factors
of violence that have not been completely eradicated, that might lead to a flaring of
violence again one day. The question that this thesis tries to address in the end is, if
we need to consider and implement constitutional amendments, like Malaysia, to
address our growing problem of post conflict violence. I attempt here to answer this
question, comparing the histories of South Africa and Malaysia and the underlying
factors of violence to see exactly how similar these states are and if the same
solution can work for both.
48
Ferendinos, Michael Gerry. "Strategies for South Africa's ascent in the modern world-system." Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/19971.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Strategies for South Africa’s development are often analysed from a predominantly
economic perspective, overlooking the key role that political and sociocultural
elements play in the developmental process. This study will assess possible
development strategies by making use of the modern world-systems (MWS)
theoretical perspective, due to the theory’s holistic approach to development. The
question is posed whether South Africa – in accordance with the MWS perspective –
will be able to ascend from its current semi-peripheral position in the hierarchy of the
modern world-system to the core group of states by 2025. The components for
national development are all-encompassing and require an increase in state strength,
long-term economic development, and domestic and international sociocultural
influence.
Prospects for South Africa’s ascent to the core have been explored within a 15-20
year time period because the capitalist world-economy is currently still in a phase of
contraction, or B-phase of growth (1973-2025). The modern world-systems
theoretical approach asserts that country mobility is more likely during this phase and
that ascent in the hierarchy will be increasingly difficult when the world-economy
begins its expansionary phase around 2025.
The study concludes that South Africa faces numerous external and internal
constraints to its development, despite the noteworthy economic, political and
sociocultural incentives that it could potentially capitalise on over the next fifteen
years. It is anticipated that these constraints will place the country in a position
whereby it will be unable to reap the benefits of the most optimal developmental
strategies put forward by the modern world-systems approach; hence it will be
severely challenged to attain core status by 2025.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Strategieë vir die ontwikkeling van Suid-Afrika word meerendeels geanaliseer vanuit
‘n hoofsaaklike ekonomiese invalshoek en dit het tot gevolg dat die rol wat politieke
en sosio-kulturele aspekte in die ontwikkelingsproses speel nie op ag geslaan word
nie. Die studie evalueer moontlike ontwikkelings-strategieë vir Suid-Afrika deur
gebruik te maak van die moderne wêreld-sisteem teoretiese benadering (MWS) wat ‘n
meer holistiese perspektief op ontwikkeling bied. Die vraag word gevra of Suid-
Afrika – in ooreenstemming met die uitganspunte van MWS - teen 2025 sal kan
vorder tot die kategorie van “kern-staat”, vanaf sy huidige status as “semi-periferale
staat”. Die allesomvattende komponente vir ontwikkeling wat MWS identifiseer
vereis die groei van staatskapasiteit, langtermyn ekonomiese ontwikkeling, en die
uitbreiding van regionale en internasionale sosio-kulturele invloed.
Die vooruitsigte vir Suid-Afrika se opgang is nagevors oor die verloop van ‘n 15-20
jaar tydperk, aangesien die kapitalistiese wêreld-ekonomie tans in ‘n fase van
kontraksie verkeer (B-fase van groei) tussen 1973-2025. Die MWS benadering
argumenteer dat opwaartse mobiliteit van state meer waarskynlik is tydens ‘n B-fase
van groei en dat opgang moeiliker sal word wanneer die wêreld-ekonomie weer ‘n
ekspansionistiese fase van groei betree in 2025.
Die studie kom tot die gevolgtrekking dat Suid-Afrika se ontwikkelings-uitdagings
deur beide eksterne en interne faktore bemoeilik word, nieteenstaande moontlike
sterkpunte op ekonomiese, politieke en sosio-kulturele gebied waarop dit sou kon
kapitaliseer oor die volgende 15 jaar. Hierdie faktore, word geargumenteer, sal
veroorsaak dat die optimale ontwikkelingstrategieë wat deur ander state gevolg is, nie
deur Suid-Afrika nagevolg sal kan word nie, en dat gevolglik, sonder innoverende
strategieë, die kanse dat die land kern-status teen 2025 sal bereik, gering is.
49
White, Colin Stewart. "The rule of Brigadier Oupa Gqozo in Ciskei: 4 March 1990 to 22 March 1994." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1013360.
Full textAbstract:
Although the history of the Eastern Cape has been recorded from the eighteenth century, virtually nothing has been written about the political entity known as the independent Republic of Ciskei (1981 – 1994). This hiatus in our history, coupled with the fact that many of the official records of that period have been destroyed, make it imperative that the role-players of the period be contacted and their evidence be recorded before it is lost to prosperity. This need has motivated the writing of the thesis. The thesis commences with a brief description of the early history and constitutional development of Ciskei. It then has a substantial chapter on Lennox Sebe, the ruler of Ciskei from 1973 to 1990, who is described as the catalyst of Gqozo’s coup d’état. This is followed by a short personal biography of Oupa Gqozo, and his rise to the position of Brigadier in the Ciskei army. On 4 March 1990 Gqozo led the coup by the Ciskei Defence Force that dethroned Sebe. At the outset he ruled in an exemplary manner, but after being misled by South African agents he turned against the African National Congress and his own people. When he established his own party, the African Democratic Movement, and re-instated the hated headman system, civil war followed in Ciskei. Separate chapters in the thesis relate the various traumatic events that occurred during Gqozo’s reign: the killing of Anton Guzana and Charles Sebe; the dismissal of the senior officers of the CDF; the strife during 1991/2; the Bhisho Massacre; its aftermath; the mutiny by the security forces and Gqozo’s resignation on 22 March 1994. The thesis concludes that although Brigadier Gqozo respected the rule of law, and was free of corruption, he was devoid of the necessary academic qualifications, experience and ability, including the necessary insight and foresight, to rule a country. He became paranoid about his own safety and the possible overthrow of his government, and he was too easily swayed by others. In short, Gqozo was inept, rather than evil.
50
Delvaux, Denise. "The politics of humanitarian organizations : neutrality and solidarity : the case of the ICRC and MSF during the 1994 Rwandan genocide /." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2005. http://eprints.ru.ac.za/146/.
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