Relevant bibliographies by topics / Mozambique Politics and government 1994-

Academic literature on the topic 'Mozambique Politics and government 1994-'

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Published: 10 December 2022
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Journal articles on the topic "Mozambique Politics and government 1994-"

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Brown, MacAlister. "Election Observers in Cambodia, 1998: What Can We Learn?" Government and Opposition 35, no. 1 (January 2000): 77–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1477-7053.00013.

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COUNTRIES RIVEN BY INTERNAL CONFLICT HAVE INCREASINGLY SOUGHT to resolve their conf licts and establish stable government by conducting elections, which outside observers can verify as ‘free and fair’. The first highly successful such venture, in Nicaragua 1990, was followed by election operations by the UN in Ethiopia 1992, Angola 1992, El Salvador 1994, Mozambique 1994, South Africa 1994, Haiti 1995, Liberia 1997 and Cambodia 1993 and 1998. The degree of stability and reconciliation achieved by these operations has varied, but the recent election observer effort, in Cambodia (26 July 1998), had a disputed outcome, which raised fundamental questions concerning the efficacy of post-conf lict election monitoring.
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Alden, Chris. "The UN and the Resolution of Conflict in Mozambique." Journal of Modern African Studies 33, no. 1 (March 1995): 103–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00020875.

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The signing of the General Peace Agreement in Rome in October 1992 marked the formal cessation of 17 years of intermittent warfare in the former Portuguese colony of Mozambique.1 The bitter struggle by the guerrilla movement known as the Resistência Nacional Moçambicana (Renamo) to topple the avowedly Marxist–Leninist régime established by the leaders of the Frente de Libertção de Moçambique (Frelimo) was in many respects a regional expression of the cold war politics which dominated the international environment. The transformations in the Soviet Union and South Africa, blunting the ideological and logistical support which had fuelled the conflict, provoked a crisis for the protagonists. With over a million casualties, a greater number of refugees in neighbouring countries, and an economy devastated by war and mismanagement, the Government and Renamo at last sued for peace.2
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Machava, Benedito, and Euclides Gonçalves. "The dead archive: governance and institutional memory in independent Mozambique." Africa 91, no. 4 (August 2021): 553–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972021000425.

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AbstractTranslated from the Portuguese expression arquivo morto, the dead archive is a site where files that have lost their procedural validity are stored for a determined number of years before they are destroyed or are sent to permanent archives. In Mozambique, where awareness and institutional capacity for proper archival procedures are still being developed, a common feature of the dead archive is the way in which files are untidily piled up with old typewriters, furniture, spare parts and other material debris of bureaucratic work and administration. In these archives, more than forty years of institutional and public memory lie ignored in leaky, damp basements across the country and in serious danger of irreparable damage. Drawing from various stints of historical and anthropological field research conducted between 2009 and 2016 in Maputo, Niassa and Inhambane provinces, this article examines the dead archive in order to explore the relationship between institutional memory and governance during the long period of austerity in Mozambique. Based on our investigation of the multiple layers of the dead archive, we argue that the Mozambican post-socialist government has sought to control institutional memory as a way to keep the ruling party in power in the context of multiparty politics. While the public sector has experienced conditions of austerity since independence, we show how, during the socialist period (1975–90) of single-party rule, the state's relationship with institutional memory was more progressive, with transparent and communicative archival practices. In contrast, despite the combination of public sector reforms and progressive legislation regarding the right to information, the multiparty democratic period (1990 to the present) has seen an exacerbation of administrative secrecy leading to less transparent and communicative archival practices.
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Ngwane, Trevor, and Patrick Bond. "South Africa’s Shrinking Sovereignty: Economic Crises, Ecological Damage, Sub-Imperialism and Social Resistances." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 20, no. 1 (December 15, 2020): 67–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2020-20-1-67-83.

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The development of contemporary South Africa political economy occurred within the context of a global capitalist order characterized by increasingly unequal political and economic relations between and within countries. Before liberation in 1994, many people across the world actively supported the struggle against apartheid, with South Africa’s neighbouring states paying the highest price. The ‘sovereignty’ of the apartheid state was challenged by three processes: first, economic, cultural and sporting sanctions called for by Nelson Mandela’s African National Congress and other liberation movements, which from the 1960s-80s were increasingly effective in forcing change; second, solidaristic foreign governments including Sweden’s and the USSR’s provided material support to overthrowing the Pretoria Regime; and third, military defeat in Angola and the liberation of neighbouring Mozambique (1975), Zimbabwe (1980) and Namibia (1990) signalled the inevitability of change. But that state nevertheless maintained sufficient strength - e.g. defaulting on foreign debt and imposing exchange controls in 1985 - to ensure a transition to democracy that was largely determined by local forces. Since 1994, the shrinkage of sovereignty means the foreign influences of global capitalism amplify local socio-economic contradictions in a manner destructive to the vast majority of citizens. This is evident when considering economic, ecological, geopolitical and societal considerations.
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Ottaway, Marina. "Mozambique: From Symbolic Socialism to Symbolic Reform." Journal of Modern African Studies 26, no. 2 (June 1988): 211–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00010442.

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In the four years since the signing of the Nkomati accord in March 1984, Mozambique has undergone a quiet but far-reaching process of policy reform. Faced with a major crisis caused by the Renamo insurgency and by economic mismanagement, the Government has apparently abandoned its ambitious programme of socialist transformation through the creation of state farms and the launching of large projects, adopting instead a package of market-oriented economic reforms. Having joined the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund in late 1984, Mozambique has been devaluing its currency, increasing the prices of agricultural produce, allowing peasants to sell commodities to private traders, and channelling some aid to the private sector, in keeping with the policies favoured by those organisations, The U.S. Agency for International Development, which has also become a donor since 1984, has likewise exerted pressure for policy reform, in particular for aid to the private commercial farms. While the socialist economic sector has not been dismantled, the Government is now stressing the importance of peasant and private agriculture, and the necessity of providing more support for both.1
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Sommaruga, Cornelio. "Recognition of the Mozambique Red Cross Society." International Review of the Red Cross 28, no. 267 (December 1988): 556–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020860400072053.

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We have the honour of informing you that the Mozambique Red Cross Society has been officially recognized by the International Committee of the Red Cross. This recognition, which took effect on 29 September 1988, brings to 147 the number of National Societies that are members of the International Red Cross and Red Crescent Movement.Founded on 10 July 1981, the Society officially applied for recognition by the International Committee of the Red Cross on 23 September 1988. In support of its application, it forwarded various documents, including a report on its activities, the text of its Statutes and a copy of Government Decree No. 7/88 of 17 May 1988 attesting that the Mozambique Red Cross Society is recognized by the Government as a voluntary aid society auxiliary to the public authorities in accordance with the provisions of the First Geneva Convention of 1949.
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Grieves, Forest L., and Carl-Christoph Schweitzer. "Politics and Government in Germany, 1944-1994: Basic Documents." German Studies Review 20, no. 1 (February 1997): 186. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1432372.

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Neudorfer, Natascha S. "Development, democracy and corruption: how poverty and lack of political rights encourage corruption." Journal of Public Policy 35, no. 3 (January 6, 2015): 421–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x14000282.

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AbstractOn average, higher per capita income comes with lower corruption levels. Yet, countries like Mexico, Libya and Saudi Arabia are relatively wealthy but experience comparatively high corruption levels. Simultaneously, countries like Madagascar or Mozambique (in the 1990s) combine poor economic development with a low level of corruption. I propose that the two most common variables in corruption research – wealth and democracy – are mutually conditional: economic development brings about a larger (and stronger) middle class that demands public goods from the government. However, citizens’ ability to influence governmental decision-making varies by political regime type. In democracies, citizens are, on average, more successful in demanding goods from the government than in autocracies. Using a large-N approach (up to 139 countries, 1984–2006), the analysis finds robust empirical support for the proposed conditional effect.
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Grest, Jeremy. "Urban management, local government reform and the democratisation process in Mozambique: Maputo city 1975–1990." Journal of Southern African Studies 21, no. 1 (March 1995): 147–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03057079508708438.

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Marsh, Holly. "Changing Pressure-group Politics: The Case of the TUC 1994–2000." Politics 22, no. 3 (September 2002): 143–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9256.00169.

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Since, the election of a Labour government in 1997 there has been a renewed interest in the changing relationship between the TUC and the government. This article uses the TUC General Council Reports to establish the number of contacts that took place, who initiated the contact, at what level of government the contact occurred and what kind of contact took place for the years 1994 to 2000. The data indicates that the number of contacts between the TUC and government has increased significantly since Labour came to power. As such, it provides the first detailed quantitative evidence about the nature of the relationship between the TUC and the Labour Party in power. However, I also argue that, although the data I present is useful for addressing the question of the extent and type of contacts between the government and the TUC since 1997, its limitations also need to be acknowledged. In contrast to earlier claims by Neil Mitchell, my view is that such data can tell us little, if anything, about the changing power of the unions.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Mozambique Politics and government 1994-"

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Morgan, Glenda Nadine. "Reform and democracy in Mozambique, 1983-1991." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003019.

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Africa is currently experiencing a movement toward more democratic systems of government. The causes of such changes are numerous, but the literature on African democratization, like that on similar changes elsewhere in the world, places emphasis on the role of internal or domestic factors. The role of international pressures toward democratization is almost completely ignored. The case of Mozambique illustrates the dangers of such an omission. During the past decade Mozambique has undergone considerable political change. The single-party, Marxist-Leninist oriented state has been replaced by a multi-party system, devoid of explicit references to any guiding ideology. The government has also expanded its contacts with the West, particularly by means of its assuming membership of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. These changes in Mozambique's political orientation have been accompanied by economic reforms, designed to arrest the precipitous decline in the Mozambican economy. In this dissertation I argue that the causes of both the economic and political reforms lie in this decline and in the government's need to secure capital and debt relief internationally. In order to do this, the Mozambican government had to change the aspects of its political system which were seen as being unacceptable by the West, in particular the lack of multi-party competition and its overtly Marxist orientation and close ties to socialist countries. Because the reforms had their primary genesis in Mozambique's need for international acceptance and not in the growth of popularly based democratic organisations, the reforms are fragile and their meaningfulness questionable.
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Namburete, Eliana Munguambe. "A Content Analysis of Mozambican Newspapers' Coverage of the 2004 Presidential Election." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2005. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4851/.

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This study focuses on the amount of coverage given by four major tabloid newspapers-Demos, Zambeze, Savana and Domingo-to the candidates of the major political parties Renamo and Frelimo, during the 2004 presidential race. The number of stories of both parties in those newspapers were counted and calculated by chi-square to determine how much one party was covered than the other identifying signs of balance or bias. The research showed that there was a significant result of 42 percent of likelihood that stories in the four newspapers would either be about Frelimo or Renamo. However, the study also revealed that Frelimo was the party covered most often by Demos, Zambeze and Savana while Renamo was covered most often by Domingo.
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Thusi, Thokozani. "Mission impossible? Linking humanitarian assistance and development aid in political emergencies in Southern Africa: The case of Mozambique between 1975-1995." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2001. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&amp.

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The aim of this research is to highlight both the conceptual and practical factors that constrain attempts to link humanitarian assistance and development aid in political emergencies in Southern Africa by using the case study of Mozambique in the period between 1975-1995. Extensive use and reference to Norwegian relief and development aid during the above-mentioned period is made. Although cross-reference is made to other donor countries such as the Like-minded Group (comprising of Canada, Sweden, Denmark, Finland, the Netherlands, Norway and Switzerland) and UN agencies that supported Mozambique's transition from war to peace, the major focus is on Norway as she has traditionally been the sixth largest bilateral donor by the early 1990's and incorporated long-term development priorities in her programs.
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Kisin, Tatyana Tuba Kelman. "Electoral Rules, Political Parties, and Peace Duration in Post-conflict States." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2014. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc699884/.

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This dissertation examines the following research question: Which types of electoral rules chosen in post-conflict states best promote peace? And are those effects conditional upon other factors? I argue that the effects are conditional upon the types of political parties that exist in the post-conflict environment. Although this explanation is contrary to scholars that speak of political parties as products of the electoral system, political parties often predate the choice of electoral system. Especially in post-conflict states, political parties play an important role in the negotiation process and hence in the design of the electoral rules. I argue that the effects of electoral rules on peace duration are mitigated by the degree to which a party system is broad (nonexclusive) or narrow (exclusive). I develop a theoretical model that led to three hypotheses focusing on the independent role that political parties play in mitigating the effects of electoral rules on peace duration. To test these hypotheses, I use the Cox proportional hazard model on 57 post-conflict states from 1990 to 2009 and had competitive elections. The empirical results show support for the main argument of this study. First, the findings show that electoral rules alone do not increase or decrease the risk of civil war outbreak, yet when interacting with the degree to which political parties are broad or narrow, there is a significant effect on the outbreak of civil war. Second, the results show that post-conflict states with party centered electoral systems (closed list PR system) are less likely to have an outbreak of civil war when more seats in the parliament are controlled by broad-based parties. In addition, I conduct a comparative case study analysis of two post-conflict states, Angola (1975-1992) and Mozambique (1975-1994), using the most similar systems (MSS) research design.
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Senaratne, Jagath P. "Tamil secessionist insurrection and counterinsurgency in Sri Lanka, 1977-1994 : an analysis of government policies." Thesis, University of Northampton, 2014. http://nectar.northampton.ac.uk/8828/.

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Snicker, Jonathan. "Cymru am byth? : mobilising Welsh identity 1979- c.1994." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1996. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:3b0e9171-e3cd-4507-b65f-b189dd7677ac.

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This thesis is an attempt to document and explain the manifest changes that have been taking place in Welsh identity since 1979, and the political consequences thereof. It is presupposed that before any autonomist outbursts and other, related political changes take place in a sub-national region such as Wales, some sort of identive change has to occur. This 'identive change' is posited to take place in two stages - identity transformation followed by identity mobilisation. Central chapters deal with this process in two, non-exclusive, dimensions - institutions and individual agents. Alongside institution-building, certain policy areas are deemed to be of crucial importance in relation to the maintenance and dissemination of Welsh identity, namely education and broadcasting. In addition, the relationship between endogenous and exogenous forces affecting Welsh identity is considered in the context of civil society, political praxis, the economy and the European Union. These events are charted and analysed by means of primarily qualitative techniques which emphasise the importance of the positional and strategic confluence of individual 'gatekeepers', who are able to influence policy and, perhaps more importantly, affect the perception and reception of new ideologies and institutional exigencies.
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He, Songbai. "Politics of the state and foreign capital : the case of China, 1979-1993 /." Thesis, This resource online, 1994. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-02132009-172620/.

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Hayman, Rachel. "The complexity of aid : government strategies, donor agendas and the coordination of development assistance in Rwanda, 1994-2004." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/1766.

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This thesis contributes to current debates on aid politics, policy and practice by exploring the dynamics of the new aid agenda which emerged in the 1990s and early 2000s, focused on poverty reduction and the Millennium Development Goals. Concerns with aid effectiveness have led to renewed interest in programme aid (particularly budget support), coordination of aid and harmonisation around developing country strategies, and ownership. Through an exploration of aid in Rwanda since 1994, I demonstrate the complexity of translating into practice a global consensus about the need for coherent, coordinated and effective aid. Different understandings and interests exist among donor agencies, within donor agencies, between donors and the developing country government, and within that government. On the one hand these reflect the specific Rwandan context, the recent history of the country, the nature of the Government and its development strategies, individual donor interests, donor domestic social and political issues, and personal agency. On the other hand, these differences relate to more general donor positions, including how donor policies tie in with international shifts in thinking on aid. I further analyze problems around the ownership of development policy and practice in aid-dependent environments. The thesis discusses the Government of Rwanda’s development strategy, its political and developmental priorities, and how these have been affected by its reliance on external assistance. It considers the relationship between the Government and donors and amongst donors by examining coordination and harmonisation mechanisms on the ground. It concentrates particularly on bilateral donors, and takes a deeper look at Belgium, a ‘traditional’ donor to Rwanda, and the UK, a ‘new’ donor, in order to compare and contrast donor positions. I conducted primary research over 18 months in Rwanda, the UK and Belgium, using semi-structured interviews with government officials, politicians and civil society representatives, observation of interactions between the Government and donors, as well as in-depth analysis of policy documents. Diversity among the positions of actors in the aid system is not a new phenomenon. However, given the increasing convergence at the international level around universal goals, my research indicates that a much deeper understanding, and acceptance, of the political and practical complexity of aid at the country level is essential if aid effectiveness debates are to be enhanced.
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Gunde, Anthony Mavuto. "The political role of the media in the democratisation of Malawi: The case of the Weekend Nation from 2002 to 2012." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/97883.

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Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2015
ENGLISH ABSTRACT : This study investigated the political role of the Weekend Nation newspaper in the democratisation of Malawi between 2002 and 2012 within the context of its foundational and ownership structures by a politician. Bearing in mind that the newspaper was founded by a politician belonging to the first democratically elected ruling party, the United Democratic Front (UDF), this research sought to examine the impact of media ownership on the political role of the Weekend Nation’s journalistic practices in Malawi’s democratisation. Between 2002 and 2012, Malawi was governed by three presidents – Bakili Muluzi of the UDF from 1994 to 2004, Bingu wa Mutharika of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) from 2004 to 2012, and Joyce Banda of the People’s Party (PP) from 2012 to 2014 – all of whom were hostile to the Weekend Nation. Taking into cognisance the ownership of the Weekend Nation by a politician, the critical political economy theory of the media was deemed to be the most appropriate theoretical framework for this study. In media research, the critical political economy theory asserts that owners are able to regulate the output of the media institution either by intervening in the day-to-day operations, or by establishing general goals and understandings and appointing managerial and editorial staff to implement them within the constraints set by the overall allocation of resources. The study employed a qualitative research methodology, in particular in-depth interviews and qualitative content analysis. Research findings indicate that overall, the political ownership of the newspaper had no direct bearing on the journalists’ political role in the enhancement of democracy and good governance in Malawi. It established that despite the ownership of the Weekend Nation belonging to a prominent and influential politician, the editorial independence was not compromised. Contrary to general expectations, this study established that the Weekend Nation in Malawi, was critical to the political elite in an indiscriminate manner. Although it was not the focus of this study, the research also showed that market forces, in line with the stance taken by the critical political economy theory, had some impact on the Weekend Nation’s editorial independence. The quest for more advertising revenue, to an extent, undermined the struggle for complete editorial independence.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING : Hierdie studie het die politieke rol van die koerant die Weekend Nation in die demokratisering van Malawi tussen 2002 en 2012 vanuit die konteks van sy fundamentele rol en eienaarskap deur die politieke elite ondersoek. Met as vertrekpunt dat die koerant gestig is deur ’n politikus wat lid was van die eerste demokraties-verkose regerende party, die United Democratic Front (UDF), het hierdie navorsing die impak van media-eienaarskap op die politieke rol van die joernalistieke praktyke van die koerant in Malawi se demokratisering ondersoek. Tussen 2002 en 2012 is Malawi deur drie president regeer – Bakili Muluzi van die UDF van 1994 tot 2004, Bingu wa Mutharika van die Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) van 2004 tot 2012, en Joyce Banda van die People’s Party (PP) van 2012 tot 2014 – al drie was vyandiggesind teenoor die Weekend Nation. In ag genome dat die Weekend Nation aan ’n politikus behoort, is die kritiese politieke ekonomie van die media-teorie die mees toepaslike teoretiese vertrekpunt vir hierdie studie. In medianavorsing dui dié teorie daarop dat die eienaar die inhoud van die media-instelling bepaal deur hetsy inmenging in die dag tot dag uitvoering van pligte, of deur algemene doelwitte en veronderstellings wat gestel word, en deur bestuurders en joernaliste aan te stel wat dit sal uitvoer binne die bepalings van die toegewysde hulpbronne. Die studie het kwalitatiewe navorsingsmetodologie toegepas, spesifiek indiepte- onderhoude en kwalitatiewe inhoudsanalsie. Die bevindings dui daarop dat die eienaarskap van die koerant geen direkte invloed op die joernaliste se politieke rol in die versterking van demokrasie en goeie bestuur in Malawi gehad het nie. Dit het vasgestel dat, ondanks die eienaarskap van die Weekend Nation aan ’n prominente en invloedryke politikus, die redaksionele onafhanklikheid nie gekompromitteer is nie. In teenstelling met algemene verwagtings het die studie bevind dat die Weekend Nation in Malawi krities ingestel was teenoor die politieke elite sonder om enige onderskeid te tref. Hoewel dit nie ’n fokus van die studie was nie, het dit ook aangedui dat markkragte, in ooreenstemming met die kritiese politieke ekonomie-teorie, tog ’n impak op die Weekend Nation se redaksionele onafhanklikheid gehad het. Die stewe na groter advertensie-inkomste het tot ’n mate die stryd vir algehele redaksionele onafhanklikheid ondermyn.
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Pretorius, Leon G. "The political economy of South African foreign direct investment in Mozambique: a case study of Mozal and its implications for development in Mozambique and Southern Africa." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/222.

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Philosophiae Doctor - PhD
The MOZAL aluminium smelter in Maputo is the largest-ever foreign direct investment in Mozambique. South Africa's state-owned Industrial Development Corporation (IDC) owns 24% shares in MOZAL and the Development Bank of South Africa (DBSA) and Eskom provided road and power supply infrastructure to ensure the success of the smelter. BHP Billiton is the majority shareholder, the other being Mitsubishi. MOZAL is the flagship of South Africa's foreign policy for regional integration in southern Africa and economic reconstruction in Mozambique: a practical manifestation of the African Renaissance. This thesis is a case study of MOZAL as an example of cross-border industrial development and its implications for development in Mozambique. Using an eclectic multidisciplinary Critical Global Political Economy (critical GPE) theoretical framework, a survey of relevant literature and a series of selected open interviews, it examines how development based on the assumptions of industrialisation and neo-modernisation espoused by the governments and private sector champions of MOZAL impact on class, gender, environmental and social justice in Mozambique. The research identifies the socio-economic development dimensions of MOZAL for Mozambique and how the cost and benefits are distributed among the various social groups and actors directly and/or indirectly involved with the MOZAL aluminium smelter. The main findings are that MOZAL as a private sector FDI project is a qualified success. On the positive side, it contributes to economic growth. However, the benefits to Mozambique are exaggerated and are not broadly distributed. On the negative side, it contributes to increasing the economic dependence of Mozambique on the South African economy. Instead of narrowing the development gap, the smelter has contributed to increased differentiation between companies in South Africa and Mozambique and, within Mozambique, between the Northern and Southern regions, as well as among MOZAL employees and the majority of the population in Maputo. The implications are that the development benefits from foreign direct investment cross-border industrial development projects may, at least in the short-term, lead to uneven regional integration and development enjoyed by a few.
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Books on the topic "Mozambique Politics and government 1994-"

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Margaret, Hall. Confronting Leviathan: Mozambique since independence. Athens: Ohio University Press, 1997.

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Jacobson, Ruth. Gender and the 1994 Mozambican elections. Leeds: Centre for Democratization Studies, University of Leeds, 1995.

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M, Denny L., and Ray Donald Iain 1949-, eds. Mozambique. London: Pinter Publishers, 1989.

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The politics of peace in Mozambique: Post-conflict democratization, 1992-2000. Westport, Conn: Praeger, 2002.

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Vines, Alex. Renamo: Terrorism in Mozambique. London: Centre for Southern African Studies, University of York in association with James Currey, 1991.

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Berman, Eric. Managing arms in peace processes: Mozambique. New York: United Nations, 1996.

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Moisés, Venâncio, ed. War and peace in Mozambique. New York, N.Y: St. Martin's Press, 1998.

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Magode, José. Pouvoir et réseaux sociaux au Mozambique: Appartenances, interactivité du social et du politique (1933-1994). Paris: Connaissances et savoirs, 2006.

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Magode, José. Pouvoir et réseaux sociaux au Mozambique: Appartenances, interactivité du social et du politique (1933-1994). Paris: Éditions Connaissances et Savoirs, 2005.

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Hoile, David. Mozambique, resistance, and freedom: A case for reassessment. London: Mozambique Institute, 1994.

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Book chapters on the topic "Mozambique Politics and government 1994-"

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Aminaka, Akiyo. "Politics of Land Resource Management in Mozambique." In African Land Reform Under Economic Liberalisation, 111–35. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-4725-3_6.

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AbstractMozambique's 1997 Land Law was praised by international donors and the country’s own civil society for its democratic and open drafting process. The process included public hearings throughout the country and the recognition of customary law. However, once it became operational, there were many instances of so-called land grabbing. This chapter argues that the reason for this lies in the political operation of the law rather than in the technicalities of its application. This chapter aims to explore the political dynamics in Mozambique that distort the implementation of the Land Law of 1997. The land law in Mozambique was developed with the technical support of international donors, and the government of Mozambique followed these external trends in the expectation of receiving financial support and private investment while it also reflected the axis of conflictin Mozambique's domestic politics. The case studies show that the operation of land law has resulted in the emergence of party-political oppositional axes in rural areas. These facts suggest that the specific political environment strongly influences the process of law-making and implementation. Mozambique's political environment is an obstacle to achieving the law's original objectives of establishing rights to land resources and social stability.
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Henriksen, Thomas H. "Lusophone Africa: Angola, Mozambique, and Guinea-Bissau." In Politics and Government in African States, 377–407. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003312130-10.

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3

Kwok, Ka-ho. "Deregulation and Grand Coalition of Players Under the KMT Government (1994–2000)." In When Education Meets Politics in Taiwan, 47–85. Rotterdam: SensePublishers, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-6351-152-0_4.

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4

Gökçe, Ali Fuat, and Armando Carlos Chirindza. "One Country, Two Organizations." In Handbook of Research on Global Challenges for Improving Public Services and Government Operations, 330–47. IGI Global, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-4978-0.ch017.

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Abstract:
The Republic of Mozambique lived under Portuguese colony until 1975 as a country in the south of the African continent. The struggle for independence, which began in 1962 with the founding of the Mozambique Liberation Front (FRELIMO), ended in 1975. From that date on until 1992, there was a violent civil war between the Mozambique Liberation Front and the Mozambique National Resistance Movement (RENAMO) in 1976, which took power and became a legal, political party. During the civil war in 1992, more than a million people lost their lives. In this study, the relationship and conflict between the Mozambique Liberation Front, and the Mozambique National Resistance Movement which was established as a resistance organization against Portuguese colonial rulers will be evaluated in terms of the success and failures of their endeavours. In this direction, the literature will be explored using descriptive and historical research methods. After giving brief theoretical information about terror and terrorism, the conflict between (FRELIMO) and (RENAMO) will be examined.
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5

"The League in government, 1994." In Nationalism in Italian Politics, 82–91. Routledge, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203164556-12.

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Ofcansky, Thomas P. "Government and Politics, 1962-1994." In Uganda, 39–169. Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429502781-4.

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7

Timmermans, Arco I. "The Kok I Government (1994–98)." In High Politics in the Low Countries, 111–31. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315199399-9.

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Kim, Alexandra A. "27. Lexicon as a Source for Understanding Sel’kup Knowledge of Religion." In Politics and Government in Germany, 1944-1994, 460–74. Berghahn Books, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781782388593-030.

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Batianova, Elena P. "7. Ritual Violence among the Peoples of Northeastern Siberia." In Politics and Government in Germany, 1944-1994, 150–63. Berghahn Books, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781782388593-010.

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Irimoto, Takashi. "11. Political Movement, Legal Reformation, and Transformation of Ainu Identity." In Politics and Government in Germany, 1944-1994, 206–22. Berghahn Books, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781782388593-014.

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