Journal articles on the topic 'Movement-party interaction'
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1
Chen, Rilly, and Fei Yan. "Dynamics of Multidimensional Interaction." Contention 7, no. 2 (December 1, 2019): 76–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/cont.2019.070205.
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This article provides a multidimensional approach to understanding the interactional dynamics of political contention. By reexamining the highly influential case of the Beijing student movement in 1989 with newly published memoirs from top party leaders and central student figures of the movement, we show more clearly that the escalating conflict between the government and protesters and their nuanced interplay grew, developed, and took on its own identity as the process evolved. It was the increasingly boisterous divisions within both the Communist Party and the student body itself, coupled with their close interactional relationship and interdependence, that resulted in a violent outcome that neither party had envisaged or intended. This finding suggests that multidimensional interactions may have triggered causal processes that escalated both the scale and the influence of the mobilization.
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George, Stacy M. K. "Interaction Rituals and Religious Culture in the Tea Party." Religion and Society 9, no. 1 (September 1, 2018): 39–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/arrs.2018.090104.
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Scholars have noted the variety of ideological and religious perspectives present in the Tea Party movement. This study addresses why both religious and nonreligious individuals may be involved in the Tea Party despite its cultural connection to ‘traditional’ conservative Christianity. The article explores Tea Party participation and commitment, arguing that group membership is sustained by the party’s ability to create interaction rituals reflective of Christian culture as an acknowledgement of American Christian values. The Tea Party frames its ideology as sacred, thereby establishing group commitment and cohesion. As a result, it is capable of attracting constituents from inside and outside of the Religious Right. By validating the experiences of others and creating a system of interdependency, the Tea Party has the potential to create group solidarity leading to collective action and exceptional political influence.
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Berker, Lars E., and Jan Pollex. "Friend or foe?—comparing party reactions to Fridays for Future in a party system polarised between AfD and Green Party." Zeitschrift für Vergleichende Politikwissenschaft 15, no. 2 (March 11, 2021): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12286-021-00476-7.
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AbstractFridays for Future has risen as a new environmental movement pushing politicians to take action against climate change. However, its interaction with other political actors, most importantly political parties, has hardly been addressed systematically by scientific research. In this article, we take stock of party reactions to the movement on the national and subnational level in Germany. Furthermore, we investigate possible explanations for variances in these reactions in a comparison of subnational party organisations and thereby, focus on dynamics of party competition, especially on the impact of the Green Party as established contender and of the populist radical right AfD and its new role in environmental politics. We show that party reactions to the movement vary widely reflecting a clear divide on the left-right-spectrum. While centre-left parties, particularly the Green Party, support the movement, centre-right parties are utmost cautious and the populist radical right AfD stands out with a blatantly hostile attitude. Though indications for the impact of party competition dynamics were minor, we observed a strong polarisation on the climate issue that may take effect in the near future.
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Proudford, Karen L., and Kenwyn K. Smith. "Group Membership Salience and the Movement of Conflict." Group & Organization Management 28, no. 1 (March 2003): 18–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1059601102250014.
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Conflict in and among groups often erupts in surprising and unexpected ways. Building upon extant theory regarding the movement of conflict, the authors posit that conflict gets enacted in distinct ways when individuals and groups are heterogeneous. The relative impermeability of identity group boundaries fundamentally changes the patterns of interaction required to achieve a state of balance in three-party interactions. The authors present two cases that explore the movement and transformation of conflict among employees in a large financial institution. The intricate dynamics suggest that organization and identity group memberships spawn layers of interaction that generate, escalate, resolve, and/or conceal conflict among organizational participants.
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Savolainen, Sonja, and Tuomas Ylä-Anttila. "The climate change movement and political parties: Mechanisms of social media and interaction during the 2019 electoral period in Finland." Nordic Journal of Media Studies 3, no. 1 (June 1, 2021): 40–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/njms-2021-0003.
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Abstract Building on the framework of electoral contention, we investigate the interaction dynamics between social movements and political parties during elections. We argue that social media today is an important venue for these interactions, and consequently, analysing social media data is useful for understanding the shifts in the conflict and alliance structures between movements and parties. We find that Twitter discussions on the climate change movement during the 2019 electoral period in Finland reveal a process of pre-election approaching and post-election distancing between the movement and parties. The Greens and the Left formed mutually beneficial coalitions with the movement preceding the elections and took distance from one another after these parties entered the government. These findings suggest that research on movement-party interaction should pay more attention to social media and undertake comparative studies to assess whether the approaching-distancing process and its constituent mechanisms characterise movements beyond the climate strikes in Finland.
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Diplomatov, Andrey. "The development of the Communist Party within the left movement of Venezuela (1928—1945)." Latinskaia Amerika, no. 10 (2022): 96. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0044748x0022308-7.
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The article analyzes the relationship of the communist movement with other left-wing opposition parties and movements from the very beginning of the formation of opposition to the dictatorial regime of Juan Vicente Gomez in the 1920s until the military coup in 1945. The commitment to the formation of a political party solely on the basis of the proletarian electorate had a decisive importance in the issue of interaction of communists with the rest of the Venezuelan opposition and led to the loss of the Communist Party's ability to lead the masses in the struggle against the regime in the period after the dissolution, which was reflected in the events that occurred after the dissolution of the Third, Communist, International. The work is based on a structuralist approach to the historical process and, while analyzing the development of the Communist Party within the framework of the left movement through the study of domestic and foreign bibliography, is based on archival documents of the III Comintern Communist International. In the article, the author identifies the features and main trends in the development of the Communist Party of Venezuela, and comes to conclusions about the role of the communist movement in the development of the left movement of Venezuela and its role in the development of the left movement. The development of the Communist Party of the country of Venezuela at the first stages of its development directly depended on the policy of the Comintern of Moscow, which could sometimes lead to erroneous decisions that led to a split in the ranks of the Venezuelan communists and the loss of potential allies.
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Korotkova, Lia G. "The Rise and Fall of the Communist Party of Indonesia." Oriental Courier, no. 1-2 (2021): 84. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s268684310012670-5.
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This article examines a rather extensive period in the history of Indonesia — from the beginning of the rise of the national liberation movement until the coup of September 30, 1965. The primary attention is paid to the formation, development, and crises of the Communist Party of Indonesia (CPI)— one of the leading forces of the national liberation movement in Dutch India. The work highlights the crisis of Dutch colonial rule during the First World War and the gradual radicalization of the protest movement, the formation in 1920 of the Indian Communist Association (CPI since 1924), its opposition to the colonial authorities, as well as interaction and contradictions with other national forces. The reasons for the rapid growth in the popularity of the party in 1925–1927 and the equally rapid decline in the 1930s are explained. The second part of the article is devoted to the activities of the CPI during the Japanese occupation of Indonesia and its place in the political system of independent Indonesia, as well as the position of the party in 1965–1966, the moment of the beginning of repressions against its members and the official ban of the communist organization on March 12, 1966.
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MOUBAYED, SAMER AL, GABRIEL SKANTZE, and JONAS BESKOW. "THE FURHAT BACK-PROJECTED HUMANOID HEAD–LIP READING, GAZE AND MULTI-PARTY INTERACTION." International Journal of Humanoid Robotics 10, no. 01 (March 2013): 1350005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s0219843613500059.
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In this paper, we present Furhat — a back-projected human-like robot head using state-of-the art facial animation. Three experiments are presented where we investigate how the head might facilitate human–robot face-to-face interaction. First, we investigate how the animated lips increase the intelligibility of the spoken output, and compare this to an animated agent presented on a flat screen, as well as to a human face. Second, we investigate the accuracy of the perception of Furhat's gaze in a setting typical for situated interaction, where Furhat and a human are sitting around a table. The accuracy of the perception of Furhat's gaze is measured depending on eye design, head movement and viewing angle. Third, we investigate the turn-taking accuracy of Furhat in a multi-party interactive setting, as compared to an animated agent on a flat screen. We conclude with some observations from a public setting at a museum, where Furhat interacted with thousands of visitors in a multi-party interaction.
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Hanapiah, Pipin. "The Golkar’s Structures and Political Interaction Changes (Study on The Golkar Party in Bandung, Indonesia)." Journal of Social and Development Sciences 7, no. 1 (April 15, 2016): 90–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.22610/jsds.v7i1.1234.
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Each political party will be changed because it is determined by its internal and external factors. The changes are ongoing at their political process and mechanism, towards their objective and gives an impact to environment both to internally and externally. The change occured on Golkar’s structures and political changes in facing national reformation movement. Research affords to describe the changes that have been going on, through external dan internal determinants, process and mechanism, as well as the objective and impact. The research object is Golkar’s structures and political interaction that changed at the Golkar party in Bandung. The research used political sociology studies, qualitative approach, and descriptive methods. Meanwhile, the techniques of collecting data used document, literature, observation, and in-depth interview with using resource triangulation. The result of research showed Golkar faces process and mechanism changes, particularly about political structures and interaction. It determined by external (national reformation movement) and internal (democracy demand) factors. It leads to objective (adapting, modernizing, democratic, and decentralization) and impacts (to the Indonesian armed forces retired members and the civil servant and also the people to make and manage new political parties). To modernize its structure and political interaction, Golkar in Bandung should be continue the commitment, consistency, and adaptation to the nation development and dynamic of the region in Bandung.
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Ataev, A. V. "Conventional model of interaction between government and society in the Republic of South Ossetia." Russia & World: Sc. Dialogue, no. 1 (March 26, 2022): 92–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.53658/rw2022-2-1(3)-92-107.
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The article is devoted to a comprehensive analysis of the conventional model of interaction between government and society in the Republic of South Ossetia. Attention is focused on ideological meanings and processes of transformation of political reality in this Transcaucasian state. It was ideological meanings and the new political reality that radically transformed after the August 2008 war that contributed to the formation of a conventional model of interaction between government and society. The article also analyzes the role of the current President of South Ossetia A.I.Bibilov in the formation and consolidation of the conventional model of interaction.The South Ossetian conventional model of interaction between government and society has a number of features, the key of which is an obvious vision of the future and progressive movement towards it based on public consensus. The image of the future formed by the current President A.I.Bibilov and the United Ossetia party headed by him provides for the entry of South Ossetia into Russia.The model of interaction between the government and society provides for a clear regulation prescribed by the United Ossetia political party, which was outlined by the current President of South Ossetia in the framework of two election campaigns. The program of the current President of the Republic of South Ossetia A.I.Bibilov «Five steps to Russia» is part of the conventional model of interaction between government and society. Thus, the conventional model of interaction in South Ossetia also has the function of a regulator of public relations, providing an explanation of the current political reality, as well as movement towards a new political status, which provides for joining Russia.
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Perdana, Aditya, and Delia Wildianti. "Women Political Movements After 20 Years of Reformasi in Indonesia." Jurnal Perempuan 24, no. 1 (March 7, 2019): 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.34309/jp.v24i1.297.
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<p class="Default"><span lang="EN-US">The main question in this article is how is the achievement of women </span><span>political </span><span lang="EN-US">movements after 20 years of reformation</span><span> in Indonesia</span><span lang="EN-US">? This article elaborates two things which are foundation reasons for examining why women movement in politics have stagnant position and offering strategic agenda that could be discussed for attracting young women in political arena. There are three main reasons to see women movement after Reformation 1998. First aspect is considering civil society characteristics and also party politics in Indonesia which are unique. Second issue is there are established political interaction between both organizations. Third issue are concerning on electoral competition that is important to highlight. That is how to endorse the winning of women candidates in each election could be achieved. We believe that to build connectivity and linkage between young women generation and party politics is strategic step for party politics for resolving the necessity of women candidacy and their winning opportunities in elections. </span></p><p class="Default"> </p>
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Habutdinov, Aydar Yu, and Marina M. Imasheva. "LEADERS OF THE MUSLIM MOVEMENT RUSSIAN EMPIRE ABOUT KEY POLITICAL ISSUES THE BEGINNING OF THE XX CENTURY." History, Archeology and Ethnography of the Caucasus 16, no. 4 (December 18, 2020): 969–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.32653/ch164969-981.
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In the article, based on a wide range of documents, an attempt is made to analyze the interaction of the leaders of the Russian Muslim social movement on the main political issues of two key regions: the Volga-Ural and the Caucasus, at the beginning of the 20th century. We are talking about the cooperation of the leaders of the Muslim movement in considering the issues of the models of statehood and autonomy and land. The interaction of Muslims of the Volga-Ural region and the Caucasus in the framework of the activities of the Ittifak al-Muslimin party, the Muslim faction of the imperial State Duma of four convocations, during the revolutionary events of 1917 and the Civil War is considered.The source base of the study is bills, legislative sources, programs of parties and factions, clerical materials, verbatim records of meetings of the State Duma of all four convocations and Muslim congresses. Methodologically, the article is based on systematization, classification and analysis of these documents. To compare the facts and events related to the activities of the leaders of the Muslim movement of the Russian Empire at the beginning of the twentieth century and to determine their role in the history of interaction between the Muslims of the Volga-Ural region and the Caucasus, the comparative-historical method adopted in domestic science was applied. The conclusions are made that, firstly, the economic and intellectual elite of the Tatar and Azerbaijani peoples stood at the head of the social movement of Muslims of the Russian Empire. Secondly, the main issues facing the Muslim politicians of Russia at the beginning of the twentieth century were questions about the form of government and the autonomy of Muslims and land. Thirdly, the political cooperation between the leaders of the Muslims of the Volga-Ural region and the Caucasus at the beginning of the twentieth century led to the creation of the All-Russian Muslim party "Ittifak al-Muslimin", the Muslim faction of the State Duma, and the convocation of All-Russian Muslim congresses.
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Wright, Teresa. "The China Democracy Party and the Politics of Protest in the 1980s–1990s." China Quarterly 172 (December 2002): 906–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009443902000554.
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Does the appearance of the China Democracy Party signal a new level and type of political activism in China? This article explores the answer, through interviews with party members, primary documents and secondary sources. It finds that despite a number of continuities with protest actions of the 1980s – including an emphasis on legal, non-violent protest methods and a tendency toward intra-movement factionalism – the CDP displays some novel characteristics. The age, education, occupational status and prior protest experience of top CDP leaders suggest increased interaction among previously distinct social groups and decreased intellectual dependence on the state. Further, the communication methods of the CDP demonstrate the impact of newly available technologies such as the internet and e-mail. Will this new party ultimately succeed? Some point to Taiwan's Democratic Progressive Party as a model, yet important differences outweigh the similarities. Nevertheless, although China's ruling elites have succeeded in stifling overt CDP actions and display little interest in greater political reform, in the long run, the new features of political dissent exhibited by the CDP may foreshadow more potent challenges to single-party rule.
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Karpantschof, René. "Højreradikalismen i Danmark - en politik model på historisk-sociologisk grund." Dansk Sociologi 14, no. 3 (March 7, 2006): 25–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/dansoc.v14i3.303.
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Rene Karpantschof: The Radical Right in Denmark: a historical sociological perspective for a model of politics
During the past quarter century, disputes connected to the radical right and the related issue of immigration have occupied a central field of contention in Danish society. Governments have been brought down, the party system has been radically reshuffled, a new and polarized agenda has emerged in media and in parliament, popular attitudes have changed, and the pattern of grassroots participation has shifted. Social scientists have tended to restrict their analyses of this situation to the “view of specialist“, approaching the phenomena in question through the perspectives of civic culture, policy and party system
conditions, public opinion creation, or social movement struggle. The present article suggests another approach, employing a historical-sociological perspective that analyses the political turn as a consequence of processes and causal mechanisms involving and intersecting all these above-mentioned elements. The article also develops a model of politics as regards the manner in which societal
actors act and struggle for symbols and identities in a contingent environment of specific political circumstances
and interaction. This model finds important processes and causal mechanisms related to four main dynamics: (1)
identity formation, (2) interplay between institutionalised politics and protest, (3) movement-countermovement interaction, and (4) national-international relations.
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Friszke, Andrzej. "Strategic interaction: The PRL Government, Solidarity, the Church, and the problem of political prisoners." Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 18, no. 1 (December 2020): 201–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.36874/riesw.2020.1.11.
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This study of the struggle between the government of the Polish People’s Republic and Solidarity in the years 1981-1984 discerns three key actors in Polish politics: the Communist party leadership and security apparatus, the arrested leaders of Solidarity, and the bishops and advisers of the Catholic Church. The PRL government made strategic decisions in this period regarding repression and liberalization. Following initial advanced preparation for the trial of eleven arrested leaders of Solidarity and KSS KOR, the government attempted to coerce the arrestees into leaving Poland, thus weakening the movement’s legitimacy. The article demonstrates how the interaction between the leaders of the two sides – mediated by bishops and advisers – produced a new dynamic and a shift in the existing political mechanism. What was once a mass movement transformed into a more regular, staffed organization with a greater role played by leaders, who symbolized the continuity of the movement and enabled Solidarity to weather the period of repression. The article shows the changes and tensions in the Solidarity movement, along with the changes that were occurring in parallel on the side of the government and the mediating third actor, i.e., the Catholic Church. This case study of the strategic clash that occurred at the beginning of the 1980s illustrates the transformations that took place within the government and Solidarity – transformations that would prove crucial to the transition process in 1988-1989.
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Jeifets, Victor. "The Comintern after the end of the Comintern. Some episodes of search of new forms of unity by Latin American Communists." Latinskaia Amerika, no. 10 (2021): 17. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0044748x0016570-6.
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The article analyzes the evolution of various forms of international cooperation between Latin American Communist Parties and the ways of their interaction with Moscow after the dissolution of the Comintern. The search for an optimal model of interaction was often carried out on the initiative of the Communist Parties themselves and led to the formation of the CP of Guatemala as also to the restoration of the unity of the Venezuelan CP (in the latter case, due to the efforts of the Cuban Popular Socialist Party). The international communist movement and the CPSU, which claimed the role of its leader, initiated a serie of conferences with a purpose to discuss complex problems of relations between Left-Wing parties. At the same time, the CPSU took over the function of training personnel in its own educational institutions (the Institute of Social Sciences and the Higher Party School under the Central Committee of the CPSU). The international journal “World Marxist Review” has also become an important center for coordinating the activities of parties and developing new approaches to strategy and tactics.
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Nikiforov, Yury S. "“Which party did you join?”: social movement growth in Yaroslavl Region against the background of interaction with Moscow (1988–1991)." Vestnik of Kostroma State University 28, no. 2 (May 12, 2022): 70–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.34216/1998-0817-2022-28-2-70-74.
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The article analyses the political palette of social movements in Yaroslavl Region (1988-1991), their ideology, the nature of interaction with Communist Party structures. Much attention is paid to the image of informal movements in the interpretation of the workers of the local Communist Party apparatus. The source base of the study is represented by unpublished documents of the Centre for Documentation of Contemporary History of Yaroslavl Region. An additional role in the formation of the corpus of sources for the study was made up of memoirs and oral history data (interviews). The theoretical basis of the publication is connected with the ideas of social and intellectual history, the institutional approach in historical research. The article suggests that the interaction of the region with Moscow was decisive in the rise of the social movement in Yaroslavl (1988-1991). It is concluded that the proximity of Yaroslavl to the capital contributed to a deeper demarcation of society in the Region at the ideological level. It is noted that the tense social atmosphere in the Region was intensified through the transit of fresh radical ideas from Moscow. It is emphasised that people's deputies of the Supreme Council of the USSR of the Interregional Deputy Group played an active role in the transmission of new values.
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Kuisong, Yang. "Reconsidering the Campaign to Suppress Counterrevolutionaries." China Quarterly 193 (March 2008): 102–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741008000064.
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AbstractPower seized with violence has to be maintained with violence. This truth has been repeatedly proved in the course of the founding of the Chinese Communist Party. The suppression of the counterrevolutionary movement in the 1950–53 period was the first campaign launched by the PRC aimed at cleansing opposition elements. This article re-examines Mao Zedong's policies and practices, and the interaction between China's central and local authorities during the campaign. It assesses whether the campaign met its goals and its implications for the future use of suppression by the regime.
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Sakurai, Sho, Takumi Goto, Takuya Nojima, and Koichi Hirota. "Effect of the Opponent’s Appearance on Interpersonal Cognition that Affects User-to-User Relationship in Virtual Whole-Body Interaction." Journal of Robotics and Mechatronics 33, no. 5 (October 20, 2021): 1029–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.20965/jrm.2021.p1029.
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People infer the internal characteristics (attitude, intent, thoughts, ability, relationship, etc.) of others (interpersonal cognition, IC) from the impressions they form from the personality or attributes of those others (impression formation). Studies premised on interpersonal communication in a seated condition have confirmed that, regardless of whether the communication is in the real world or in a media environment, the appearance of the other person affects IC and the outcome of the communication. People also develop relationships based on impressions or images of the other party. The psychological relationship manifests in physical relationships, that is, the relative positions of the body or the movement. In this study, we evaluate the effects of the appearance of the opponent’s avatar on the players’ IC in whole-body interaction taking place in a virtual reality (VR) space. Moreover, we examine the feasibility of constructing a method of changing the players’ relationship in interpersonal interactions that accompany the control and interference of the entire body, “whole-body interaction,” by manipulating their appearances. In this study, we selected the party game Twister as a case model of whole-body interaction and developed a system that allows users to play Twister in VR space. Using this system environment, we conducted an experiment to evaluate the players’ IC based on the gender and realism of the opponent’s avatar. The results showed that differences in the appearance of the opponent’s avatar affected the IC of male players. We also indicated that changes in IC observed in the experiment can affect the players’ relationship, thus identifying issues that must be resolved in order to realize the method.
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Guseletov, Boris. "ON THE INTERACTION OF EURO PARTIES WITH PARTIES FROM THE EASTERN PARTNERSHIP COUNTRIES. PART 5." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 28, no. 4 (August 31, 2022): 63–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran420226376.
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The article analyzes the cooperation of three pan-European political organizations – the Party of the European Left (PEL), the European Free Alliance (EFA) and the European Christian Political Movement (ECPD) – with their partners in the countries participating in the Eastern Partnership program (Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, the Republic of Moldova and Ukraine). All these European parties, since 2014, have sought to establish cooperation with ideologically close parties from these countries and even accepted them into their ranks as full members. The profiles of these organizations and their leaders, the results of participation in national parliamentary, presidential and local elections, interaction with other political forces of their countries on the formation of electoral and ruling coalitions were studied. The main provisions of their program documents, which reflect the pro-European choice, as well as press releases and statements by the leaders of the PEL, the EFA and the ECPM, concerning the situation in the countries participating in the Eastern Partnership, are given. It is shown that all three European parties supported this program and their partners, regardless of their electoral results. It is noted that in Belarus and Moldova, the local PEL member parties, and in Ukraine, the ECPM member party initially achieved good results in national and local elections, but in recent years most of them have found themselves on the political periphery. The reasons for this phenomenon vary from country to country. Nevertheless, European leftists, Regionalists and Christian Democrats are confident that as the situation stabilizes, issues of social justice, strengthening sovereignty and preserving traditional values will return to the political agenda and become in demand again. It was noted that two more European parties, Identity and Democracy and the European Democratic Party, which have official registration in the EU, currently have no ties with parties from the Eastern Partnership member countries.
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Zhao, Yue, Bo Tian, Yiru Niu, Hao Zhang, Zhongqiang Yi, and Ruiqi Zeng. "A Security Management and Control Solution of Smart Park Based on Sensor Networks." Sensors 21, no. 20 (October 13, 2021): 6815. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/s21206815.
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As a typical application of sensor networks, there exist many information security problems in smart parks, such as confusion of personnel access, lack of security management, disorderly data flow, insufficient collection of audit evidence, and so on. Aiming at the scenario of personnel and equipment moving in different areas of smart parks, the paper proposes a joint authorization and dynamic access control mechanism, which can provide unified identity management services, access control services, and policy management services, and effectively solve the problem of multi-authorization in user identity and authority management. The license negotiation interaction protocol is designed to prevent common network attack threats in the process of identity authentication and authority management. In order to realize the tamper-proof storage of personnel and equipment movement trajectory, the paper also designs a movement trajectory traceability protocol based on a Merkle tree, which solves the problems of internal personnel malicious attack, trusted third-party dependency bottleneck, high overheads of tracking algorithms, and so on. The experimental results show that compared with the current security control mechanisms for sensor networks, the joint authorization, and dynamic access control mechanism can support multi-party authorization and traceability, while the overhead it generates in initialization, encryption, decryption, and key generation steps are basically the same as other mechanisms do.
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Beentjes, Simon. "Political Mission of the ‘Clericalized Laity’ : Religion and Politics in the Catholic Student Movement in the Netherlands, 1918-1940." Trajecta. Religion, Culture and Society in the Low Countries 28, no. 2 (December 1, 2019): 241–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/tra2019.2.004.been.
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Abstract This article addresses the political engagement of Catholic students in the Netherlands during the inter-war period. Recently there has been an increased academic interest both nationally and internationally, in juvenile and radical Catholicism in the inter-war years. In the Netherlands, the magazine De Gemeenschap and the girls’ movement De Graal are important examples of the radical Catholicism of the youth. Though the religious activism of these Catholic youth groups has been studied extensively, we still do not know much about their involvement in politics and more specifically, their interaction with the Catholic party. This article looks at how the activation of the laity affected the political engagement of Dutch Catholic students. Based on ideas about Catholic Action and the importance of a lay apostolate for the rechristianization of society, Catholic students established new groups for religious and political activism. As these groups were neither installed nor controlled by the hierarchy, they formulated alternative political interpretations of Catholicism. Thus, the youth challenged the religious legitimacy of the Catholic party, whose politicians listened to them only reluctantly.
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Chen, Lue-Feng, Zhen-Tao Liu, Fang-Yan Dong, Yoichi Yamazaki, Min Wu, and Kaoru Hirota. "Adapting Multi-Robot Behavior to Communication Atmosphere in Humans-Robots Interaction Using Fuzzy Production Rule Based Friend-Q Learning." Journal of Advanced Computational Intelligence and Intelligent Informatics 17, no. 2 (March 20, 2013): 291–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.20965/jaciii.2013.p0291.
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A behavior adaptation mechanism in humans-robots interaction is proposed to adjust robots’ behavior to communication atmosphere, where fuzzy production rule based friend-Q learning (FPRFQ) is introduced. It aims to shorten the response time of robots and decrease the social distance between humans and robots to realize the smooth communication of robots and humans. Experiments on robots/humans interaction are performed in a virtual communication atmosphere environment. Results show that robots adapt well by saving 44 and 482 learning steps compared to that by friend-Q learning (FQ) and independent learning (IL), respectively; additionally, the distance between human-generated atmosphere and robot-generated atmosphere is 3 times and 10 times shorter than the FQ and the IL, respectively. The proposed behavior adaptation mechanism is also applied to robots’ eye movement in the developing humans-robots interaction system, calledmascot robot system, and basic experimental results are shown in home party scenario with five eye robots and four humans.
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Carlson, Emily, Birgitta Burger, and Petri Toiviainen. "Dance Like Someone is Watching." Music & Science 1 (January 1, 2018): 205920431880784. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2059204318807846.
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Although dancing often takes place in social contexts such as a club or party, previous study of such music-induced movement has focused mainly on individuals. The current study explores music-induced movement in a naturalistic dyadic context, focusing on the influence of personality, using five-factor model (FFM) traits, and trait empathy on participants’ responses to their partners. Fifty-four participants were recorded using motion capture while dancing to music excerpts alone and in dyads with three different partners, using a round-robin approach. Analysis using the Social Relations Model (SRM) suggested that the unique combination of each pair caused more variation in participants’ amount of movement than did individual factors. Comparison with self-reported personality and empathy measures provided some preliminary insights into the role of individual differences in such interaction. Self-reported empathy was linked to greater differences in amount of movement in responses to different partners. When looking at males only, this effect persisted for the whole body, head, and hands. For females, there was a significant relationship between participants’ Agreeableness (an FFM trait) and their partners’ head movements, suggesting that head movement may function socially to indicate affiliation in a dance context. Although consisting of modest effect sizes resulting from multiple comparisons, these results align with current theory and suggest possible ways that social context may affect music-induced movement and provide some direction for future study of the topic.
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Żywiczyński, Przemysław, Sylwester Orzechowski, and Sławomir Wacewicz. "Self-regulators – A hidden dimension of interaction: Movement similarity and temporal proximity increase the perception of interpersonal coordination in third party observers." Language & Communication 54 (May 2017): 82–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.langcom.2016.10.008.
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Reinhardt, Jakob, Lorenz Prasch, and Klaus Bengler. "Back-off." ACM Transactions on Human-Robot Interaction 10, no. 3 (July 2021): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3418303.
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Standstill behavior by a robot is deemed to be ineffective and inefficient to convey a robot’s intention to yield priority to another party in spatial interaction. Instead, robots could convey their intention and thus their next action via motion. We developed a back-off (BO) movement to communicate the intention of yielding priority to pedestrians at bottlenecks. To evaluate human sensory perception and subjective legibility, the BO is compared to three other motion strategies in a video study with 167 interviewees at the university and public spaces, where it excels regarding legibility. Implemented in a real encounter, objective motion behavior of 78 participants as a reaction to a stop-and-wait strategy, and two versions of BO (short and long), shows an improvement of the pedestrians’ efficiency in the second encounter with the robot’s short BO version compared to the stop strategy. Eventually, in the third encounter with all motion strategies, interaction causes only a small time consumption still required by the cognitive process of perceiving an object in the visual field. Hence, the design of kinematic parameters, BO path and time, exhibits the potential to increase the fluency of an interaction with robots at bottlenecks.
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Kuzmenko, Dmitry A. "Soviet Dissidence and Power: on the Evolution of Forms and Methods of Interaction." Humanitarian: actual problems of the humanities and education 19, no. 4 (December 31, 2019): 414–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.15507/2078-9823.048.019.201904.414-426.
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Introduction. The article discusses the causes of anti-Soviet sentiment in the late 1960s, social preconditions of formation and development of dissident movements, influenced the transformation of social thinking in terms of rigidly ideological attitudes of the Central Committee of the CPSU and the evolution of forms and methods of interaction with the government. Methods. The author relied on a relatively historical method, which allowed to reveal some regularities in the development of Soviet dissidence, problem-chronological, contributing in chronological order to consider the process of formation of the dissident movement in close connection with the process of formation of attitude on the part of official authorities; descriptive narrative method facilitates the identification of the nature and essential content of the dissident movement and the specifics of the relationship with the authorities in a particular historical period. Results. Despite a number of steps taken by opposition movements and groups to draw the attention of the highest organs of the party and the Soviet state to the problems of Soviet society in the socio-economic, political and spiritual spheres, the authorities have not been able to find a way to adequately interact with dissidents, which ultimately led to unnecessary confrontation. Discussion and Conclusion. The inability and unwillingness of the Soviet government to conduct a constructive dialogue with the opposition, prosecutions, expulsion abroad, deprivation of citizenship, forced placement in special mental hospitals of prison type, etc., eventually led to the emigration of a solid part of the intellectual elite, which could serve the cause of the country’s renewal, and the complex of reasons for the socio-economic and political order, which the dissidents spoke about, led to the inevitable collapse of the USSR.
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De Abreu e Souza, Rafael. "Necropolitical changes and repressive strategies on an Amazonian capitalistic frontier: Xambioá town, Tocantins, Brazil." Brasiliana: Journal for Brazilian Studies 9, no. 2 (March 4, 2021): 126–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.25160/bjbs.v9i2.121438.
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This paper analyzes material changes undergone by the town of Xambioá, Tocantins State, Northern Brazil in a time of State terrorism. It argues that such changes were the product of the necropolitical approach materialized by a repressive system implemented and guided by the Brazilian Dictatorship along the lines of doctrines of national security. It focuses on the interaction between the town and the actions of repression undertaken against an Amazonian armed movement, the 1970s Araguaia Guerrilla, by which the Communist Party of Brazil aimed to bring down the military through a massive peasant uprising. For this urban archaeology of State terrorism, this work uses remote sensing, spatial syntax, and urban morphology, unveiling the material ruptures and terrorscapes that made up a new ontology established in the Bico do Papagaio region to instil fear, in order to control and silence residents.
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Novoa, José, Rodrigo Mahu, Jorge Wuth, Juan Pablo Escudero, Josué Fredes, and Néstor Becerra Yoma. "Automatic Speech Recognition for Indoor HRI Scenarios." ACM Transactions on Human-Robot Interaction 10, no. 2 (May 2021): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3442629.
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This article presents a stand-alone automatic speech recognition system that accounts for listener movement, time-varying reverberation effects, environmental noise, and user position information for beamforming approaches in an HRI setting. We raise the importance of replacing the classical black-box integration of automatic speech recognition technology in HRI applications with the incorporation of the acoustic environment representation and modeling, and of the target source direction. Test data were recorded on a real robot under various moving conditions. For addressing the time-varying acoustic channel problem and incorporating environmental effect during training, clean speech samples were passed through estimated static channel responses and noise was added. Beamforming is investigated regarding oracle source tracking using, for instance, image processing. The proposed strategy is interesting for the robotics community, because it allows the development of voice-based HRI with limited training data and without relying on third-party technologies or Internet access eliminating the need to upload data to the cloud. In our mobile HRI scenario, the resulting speech recognition engine provided an average word error rate that is at least 19% and 34% lower than publicly available speech recognition APIs with the playback (i.e., loudspeaker) and human testing modalities, respectively.
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Marchetti, Kathleen, and David O'Connell. "Catholic Politicians and the Politics of Abortion Position Taking." Politics and Religion 11, no. 2 (September 11, 2017): 281–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048317000530.
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AbstractFour decades after the Court's landmark decision inRoe v. Wade, the issue of abortion persists as a point of contention for elected officials. The Catholic Church has taken a leading role in the pro-life movement, putting many Catholic representatives in a difficult position as they can be cross-pressured by their party, their constituents, and their own beliefs. Given these pressures, how do Catholic legislators explain their positions on abortion? We address this question via an analysis of public statements about abortion made by Catholic representatives and senators in the 108thCongress. We examine which members comment on abortion and use automated text analysis to measure legislators' certainty and use of moral and religious terms when discussing abortion. Multivariate analysis shows that gender, ethnicity, and an interaction between a member's position on abortion and the number of Catholics in their constituency shape how Catholic legislators discuss abortion.
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Guseva, J. N. "Soviet Intelligence Discourse about Caliphate Question in 1920s: Musa Bigiev, Eastern Department OGPU and Islamic political unity." Minbar. Islamic Studies 12, no. 2 (July 8, 2019): 421–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.31162/2618-9569-2019-12-2-421-437.
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This article deals with the study of the views of the Soviet intelligence on the so-called short-lived “Caliphate movement”, which originates from the then British India. Even after its official abolition in 1924, this institution did not lose its symbolic appeal for Muslims across the world. As an idea it continued offering the Muslims a sense of the umma i.e. the global community of Muslims. The author offers the Soviet intelligence interpretation of the idea of the Caliphate movement in the context of the Soviet “eastern” foreign policy. The article describes this issue through the prism of interaction between the Eastern Department of the OGPU (USSR Secret service) and Musa Bigiyev, a prominent Russian Muslim leader of the 19th–20th cent. Based on hitherto unknown archival materials and the most recent Russian and foreign historical studies, the author offers a comparative analysis of the attitudes of various Soviet and Communist Party institutions to the Caliphate idea and the Caliphate movement in the context of anti-colonial, anti-European struggle. In conclusion article shows the discrepancy between the strategy and tactics of Soviet intelligence services as opposed to the views of European (in particular, British) intelligence services. As a result, these activities contributed to the restriction of independence of the Russian Muslim elite on one handside, strengthening the anti-Caliphate feelings and Islamophobic views among the Soviet management elite on the other.
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Almodt, Rémi. "The Right-Wing Perspective: Populist Frames and Agenda on Facebook in Central and Eastern Europe." Central European Journal of Communication 15, no. 3(32) (February 24, 2023): 434–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.51480/1899-5101.15.3(32).6.
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Political and public debates unfolding online provide various spaces for interaction between political actors, citizens and media outlets. This environment can be employed for diverse agendas, frames and biases, especially within populist narratives. This work examines the discourse of Central and Eastern European right-wing populists from Austria, Germany, Hungary and Poland (2015-2021). To identify discursive patterns within public Facebook posts (n=192,057) by 31 party, movement and partisan news media pages, created by API interrogation, right-wing discourse is analyzed through semi-automated quantitative content analysis based on text mining, in conjunction with qualitative content analysis of messages that generated the highest engagement-rates (n=80). Key findings indicate both national and international narrative patterns with a focus on political, social and ethnic opponents, by incorporating Engesser et al.’s (2017) core elements of right-wing populist discourse within Master Populist Frame building (Heinisch & Mazzoleni, 2017), thus marking the contemporary agenda of European right-wing discourse.
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Osipov, A. V. "Political Communications in Network Electoral Clusters: cyber technologies in the formation of a network party brand." Communicology 9, no. 3 (September 29, 2021): 145–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.21453/2311-3065-2021-9-3-145-154.
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The article represents the results of the analysis of network electoral clusters as a phenomenon of cyber parties and political technologies in the electronic media environment in the context of the problem of consolidating political power. Pointing to the modern specifics of the electoral processes and institutions of modern Russia, the author justifies the movement of protest activity and manipulation by the electorate into the electronic space. Based on the review of the relevant publications, the author concludes that the analysis of network electoral clusters, as well as technologies for political mobilization on the Internet, represents an important source and a problematic field for political scientists working on the problem of consolidating political power. For a democratic solution to the problem, it is necessary to timely identify and take into account protest activity in the electronic media environment, monitor and prevent the spread of potentially dangerous content using the technical and communicative resources of social networks. At the same time, the solution of the problem is not limited to countermeasures in the Internet space, the introduction of censorship, etc. It lies in the plane of improving the interaction of society and power, the electoral legislation, the party system and the personal political competence of citizens, their ability to assess the reliability of information, determine their political preferences, focusing not only on the political image of parties (party brand), but also the real content of their activities and programs.
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Vatlin, A. Yu. "1922 — the best year of the Comintern. Soviet Russia, German communists and the Genoa conference." Moscow University Bulletin of World Politics 14, no. 3 (November 27, 2022): 52–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.48015/2076-7404-2022-14-3-52-87.
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The signing of the Declaration on the formation of the Soviet Union on December 30, 1922 marked a new stage in the history of international relations, and, at the same time, took stock of intense domestic and international political struggle unfolding in the previous years. The developments within the Communist International were of particular importance for both the outcomes of this struggle and the future of international labor movement. The author stresses that for the Comintern the year of 1922 was dominated by a struggle between the two opposing ideological and political trends: the inertia of the ‘storm and onslaught’ enthusiasm of the first post-revolutionary years and the rise of the ideas of peaceful coexistence. In this context, the paper assesses the role that the Bolshevik leaders envisaged for the Comintern during the preparation and conduct of the Genoa Conference and, particularly, for the policy of the united workers front. The author shows that the very idea of cooperation with socialists and social democrats received an extremely ambiguous reaction from representatives of Western communist parties. In this regard, the position of the German Communist Party (KPD) was of particular importance to the Bolshevik leaders. Indeed, the case of KPD was emblematic of those tendencies and contradictions that marked the development of the international communist movement in the period under review. The KPD leaders welcomed the Comintern’s turn towards a united workers front. However, the author notes that this support was based on a highly unstable compromise between multiple contradicting domestic and foreign policy imperatives, including opposition from the left-wing radicals within the party and continuous conflict with the government of the Weimar Republic, exacerbated by ideological and financial dependence on Moscow. As a result, the KPD’s actions were very often ad hoc and inconsistent, reflecting general issues typical to the international labor movement of that period. That became clear during the Fourth Congress of the Comintern, which took place at the end of 1922. It failed to outline a clear strategy for interaction between the Russian Bolsheviks and foreign communists. At the same time, the outcomes of the Fourth Congress were crucial for further evolution of the ideology and practical activities of the Comintern. The policy of the united workers front got a broader definition as the Communist International started to recognize the threat posed by fascism.
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Imbert, Yannick. "Tolkien’s Shire: The Ideal of a Conservative-Anarchist Distributist Governance." Journal of Inklings Studies 3, no. 1 (April 2013): 25–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/ink.2013.3.1.3.
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This article seeks to explores the political significance of Tolkien’s Shire through consideration of both his works and his historical background. Even though the nature of politics in The Lord of the Rings has already been much discussed, there is, given the scarcity of Tolkien’s political references, further investigation is still needed. In a first part, this article will look at the interaction of Tolkien and the “movement” known as Tory anarchism. This article’s thesis is that this particular species of anarchy was an immediate background to Tolkien’s political views represented in his writings, especially in his mythological corpus as well as in his shorter stories—as in Farmer Giles of Ham. In a second part, this article investigate the meaning of Tolkien’s self-described attachment to “unconstitutional monarchy.” Here, comparison with the Shire’s political structure will be instructive, as will be the influences of Chesterton and Belloc’s political philosophy. In this regard, their work The Party System, is of special significance. In conclusion, this article will defend that Tolkien’s Shire is best seen as a Distributist conservative anarchy.
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M.M., Osadchuk. "RECEPTION OF YULIAN BACHYNSKYI’S BOOK “UKRAINE IRREDENTA” IN UKRAINIAN NATIONAL MOVEMENT (1894–1900)." South Archive (Historical Sciences), no. 36 (February 18, 2022): 24–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.32999/ksu2786-5118/2021-36-4.
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The purpose of the article is to study reception of the book by Galician political thinker, activist of Ruthenian-Ukrainian Radical Party Yulian Bachynskyi (1870–1940) “Ukraine Irredenta” in Ukrainian national movement at the turn of XIX–XX centuries. The text, which for the first time in history theoretically substantiates the demand for the formation of an independent conciliar state of Ukrainians on both sides of the Zbruch River, appears in the midst of ideological discussions of the last decade of XIX century. The ideological and political conflict of generations in the ranks of the RURP in the first half of 1890s and victory of the Young Radicals faction, whose theorist was Y. Bachynskyi, made possible the further spread of “Ukraine Irredenta” ideas among Ruthenian-Ukrainian intellectuals. The use of discourse research methods such as the analysis of the intellectual context of the publication, reviews of contemporaries, the main points of criticism and reflection of the book in other documents, shows the influence of “Ukraine Irredenta” on modernizing of the political thinking of sub-Austrian Ukrainians. The results of such an approach are a new look at the relations between the currents in the Ukrainian movement of late XIX century, a clearer understanding of the worldview differences between its generations and showing the dynamics of the transition to independentist political culture, which was marked by the struggle and interaction of several ideologies. Conclusions. After conquering the starting point in Radical Party, the idea of creating an independent Ukrainian state, put forward by Bachynskyi in “Ukraine Irredenta”, spread rapidly in the political, social and intellectual space of Galicia, becoming the subject of widespread discussion. In 1899 two new national parties in Habsburg Empire, Ukrainian Social Democratic Party and Ukrainian National Democratic Party, adopted the central thesis of “Ukraine Irredenta” as their own program requirement. The appearance of Y. Bachynskyi’s work (1895) and its resonance should, therefore, be considered not only as a significant event in the intellectual life of Ukrainians in Eastern Galicia, but also as a key link in the process of modernization of Ukrainian national project as a whole.Key words: Yulian Bachynskyi, Ivan Franko, Mykhailo Drahomanov, Ruthenian-Ukrainian Radical Party, “Ukraine Irredenta”, Ukrainian socialism, idea of independent state, Ukrainian political thought. Мету статті складає дослідження рецепції книги галицького політичного мислителя, активіста Русько-української радикальної партії (РУРП) Юліана Бачинського (1870–1940) «Україна Irredenta» в українському національному русі на зламі XIX–XX ст. Текст, який вперше в історії теоретично обґрунтовує вимогу утворення незалежної соборної держави українців по обидва боки р. Збруч, з’являється в розпалі ідеологічних дискусій останньої декади XIX ст. Світоглядний та політичний конфлікт поколінь в лавах РУРП в першій половині 1890-х рр. і перемога в ньому фракції «молодих радикалів», теоретиком якої виступав Ю. Бачинський, зробили можливим подальше поширення ідей «Україна Irredenta» в колах русько-української інтелігенції. Використання таких методів дослідження дискурсу, як аналіз інтелектуального контексту публікації, відгуків сучасників, основних пунктів критики і відображення ідей книги в інших документах, дозволяє показати вплив «Україна Irredenta» на осучаснення політичного мислення підавстрійських українців. Результатами застосування подібного підходу є новий погляд на стосунки між течіями в українському русі кінця XIX ст., чіткіше розуміння світоглядних відмінностей між різними поколіннями його діячів і увиразнення динаміки переходу до самостійницької політичної культури, що був позначений боротьбою та взаємовпливами відразу декількох ідеологій. Висновки. Після завоювання стартового плацдарму в радикальній партії ідея утворення незалежної української держави, висунута Бачинським в «Україна Irredenta», стрімко поширюється в політичному, громадському та інтелектуальному просторі Галичини, стаючи предметом широкого обговорення. В 1899 році дві нові національні партії в імперії Габсбургів – Українська соціал-демократична партія та Українська національно-демократична партія – приймають центральну тезу «Україна Irredenta» в якості власної програмної вимоги. Поява праці Ю. Бачинського (1895) та резонанс, який вона спричинила в наступні п’ять років, повинні, отже, розглядатися не лише як визначна подія в інтелектуальному житті українства Східної Галичини, але й як ключова ланка в процесі модернізації українського національного проєкту в цілому.Ключові слова: Юліан Бачинський, Іван Франко, Михайло Драгоманов, Русько-українська радикальна партія, «Україна Irredenta», український соціалізм, ідея незалежної держави, українська політична думка.
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Tkachenko, S. N. "«SPECIAL ASSIGNMENT—42». ON THE DEPLOYMENT OF THE CRIMEAN UNDERGROUND IN THE SUMMER OF 1942." Scientific Notes of V.I. Vernadsky Crimean Federal University. Historical science 7 (73), no. 2 (2021): 142–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.37279/2413-1741-2021-7-2-142-150.
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The underground struggle of the Crimeans during the years of the occupation of Crimea (1941–1944), despite a certain range of studies, has been extremely poorly studied. A special place in this is the relationship between the underground and partisan formations, and in particular the role of the latter in the formation of patriotic resistance through underground forms of struggle. This article reveals the meaning and significance of the event, which became the most important example of such interaction – «Special Assignment-42», and its place in the deployment of the activities of the underground in the second half of the summer of 1942. On the whole, the circumstances indicated in the article make it possible to speak of a clear failure of the plan of «Special Assignment–42», which, although it saved the partisan detachments from some of the non-combatant people, did not affect the actual expansion of the underground movement. The underground expanded thanks to the independent activities of groups of Soviet patriots and the work of party representatives sent to the occupied settlements in the spring and early summer of 1942. And the partisan formations still had to be reorganized and partially evacuated to the «mainland».
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Feng, Chongyi. "Preserving Stability and Rights Protection: Conflict or Coherence?" Journal of Current Chinese Affairs 42, no. 2 (June 2013): 21–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810261304200202.
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The creation of a new administrative institution known as the “Stability Preservation Office” at the central level, which is overseen by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) Central Committee and has branches at every local level, from streets and townships to enterprises, and has extraordinary powers to override other regular institutions and branches of government, is a clear indication that the Chinese government's efforts to preserve stability are not limited to the conventional business of crime control or public security. This paper traces the origin of the discourse and practice of preserving stability and the rights defence movement in China, investigating the interplay or interaction between the two. It examines the end and the means of stability preservation, explores whether the measures taken by the government to preserve stability or the rights protection actions taken by citizens are the root cause of social unrest, and whether the suppression of discontent or the improvement of human rights and social justice is the better way to achieve social stability in contemporary China. It contributes to our understanding of emerging state-society relations and the latest social and political trends in China.
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Angouri, Jo, and Ruth Wodak. "‘They became big in the shadow of the crisis’." Discourse & Society 25, no. 4 (July 2014): 540–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0957926514536955.
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Greece has been in ‘crisis’ for six consecutive years now and during this time living standards have dropped considerably for the majority of the population, strict austerity measures have been implemented and unemployment has reached a record figure of 27.8% (with a Eurozone average of 12%). At the same time, a ‘success story’ is prominent in dominant discourses where Greece is portrayed to have achieved a primary budget surplus and according to which the ‘worst has passed’. The dire consequences of austerity, the political polarisation of Greek society and the rise of the far-right party Golden Dawn (GD), however, indicate a much less positive picture. In this context, the article aims to problematise the complex nexus of relationships between the financial crisis and the re-emergence of the extreme right-wing party, GD. The discussion draws on an analysis of 1497 postings from the online website of the British newspaper, The Guardian. We focus on discourse strategies for attributing/resisting blame emerging from the analysis of the postings, but also as negotiated in two popular threads on the online discussion board. The article takes a critical stance and combines the discourse-historical approach with a micro analysis of the interaction. This allows us to pay special attention to the multiple layers of context and to combine the macro and the micro in the constructions of blame and sense making of the crisis. Analysis of the data shows that a range of actors is held responsible for the current situation, while the rise of GD is constructed both as a ‘product of’ and ‘movement against’ the crisis. We close the article with the implications of our study and areas for further research.
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Damier, Vadim. "Anarchists of the Netherlands and the Anti-Colonial Movement in Indonesia." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 4 (2021): 97. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640016179-4.
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The desire to weaken the colonial state prompted anti-colonial movements to seek an alliance with opposition forces in the metropolitan countries, including with left-wing social and political movements. The anarchists of the Netherlands since 1904 have opposed colonial rule in the Netherlands India (modern Indonesia). Without creating their own organizations in the colony, they strove to establish close contacts with representatives of the Indonesian national movement, first of all, with Indonesian students who studied in the metropolis. In 1927, the anarchists managed to establish cooperation with the leaders of the organization “Perhimpoenan Indonesia”, which brought together students from Indonesia in the Netherlands. The interaction took place in the form of solidarity campaigns, the struggle against repression and the sending of troops to the colony, as well as in the process of cooperation within the League against imperialism. However, true to their anti-authoritarian, anti-militaristic and pacifist doctrines, the Dutch anarchists refused to support the idea of creating an independent Indonesian state. This, along with pragmatic considerations (the desire to gain support from more politically influential forces) prompted the Indonesians to focus more on cooperation with the Dutch communists and socialists. After members of the Indonesian Communist Party came to the leadership of “Perhimpoenan Indonesia” in 1931, regular co-operation with the anarchists was gradually phased out. However, Dutch anarchists continued to express solidarity with the struggle against colonial rule and protested against the repression of the Indonesian national movement. After the proclamation of Indonesia's independence in 1945 and the beginning of the Dutch military intervention against the former colony, the anarchists of the Netherlands, together with other radical left-wing organizations and groups, tried to organize protests against the sending of armed forces by the Netherlands state to Indonesia. The Dutch anarchists failed to gain significant influence among Indonesians, although the leaders of the New Republic, despite their political differences, maintained contacts with some of their old anarchist acquaintances.
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Bogacheva, O. S. "Development of competencies according to WorldSkills Russia standards and opening of championship lines." Transport Technician: Education and Practice 2, no. 4 (November 24, 2021): 383–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.46684/2687-1033.2021.4.383-391.
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The appearance of the new federal educational standards for secondary vocational education has given rise to two tools: the WorldSkills competitive movement and the independent assessment of qualifications. Today, the state final certification should be conducted in the form of a defense of the final qualification work, in the form of a thesis (diploma project) and a demonstration exam, which requires specialized sites (equipped with modern technological equipment) that allow you to perform tasks that are provided for in the passport of competencies according to the WorldSkills model. This entails financial costs for educational organizations: either for the participation and use of a specialized site on the basis of a third-party organization, or for the creation of new competencies and the development of the material and technical base of their educational institution.The article describes the experience of the teachers of the Tikhoretsk Technical School of Railway Transport in developing competencies according to WorldSkills standards, as well as the problems and ways of developing championship lines in railway specialties. The creation of new competencies, the development of an expert community, the interaction of educational organizations and the holding of competitions according to WorldSkills standards brings changes to the system of secondary vocational education and sets the pace in the development of championship lines.
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Van Velthoven, Harry. "'Amis ennemis'? Communautaire spanningen in de socialistische partij tot 1914." WT. Tijdschrift over de geschiedenis van de Vlaamse beweging 76, no. 4 (December 12, 2017): 295–346. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/wt.v76i4.12010.
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In de historiografie werd het aandeel van het Vlaamse socialisme in de Vlaamse beweging lang miskend. Rond 1970 toonde onderzoek aan hoe het Vlaamse socialisme, ondanks een beperkt aantal volksvertegenwoordigers (drie in 1900 ten opzichte van 23 Waalse en 5 Brusselse) de taalwetten verdedigden. Na een frontale botsing met Waalse partijgenoten werd de taalkwestie in de unitaire Belgische Werkliedenpartij (°1885) in 1909 een vrije kwestie. Intussen vorderde het onderzoek. Dat maakte een nieuwe synthese mogelijk. Het opzet werd breder. In een eerste deel werd de partij doorgelicht als vertrekpunt naar communautaire tegenstellingen: een socialistisch reformisme en attentisme, het besluitvormingsproces, de interactie tussen centraal bestuur/federaties/ parlementsfractie, de ongelijkmatige economische ontwikkeling en de politieke vertaling ervan, het interne taalgebruik. Zoals elders vereenzelvigde de BWP zich steeds meer met het nationale vaderland. Brusselse, Vlaamse en Waalse socialisten vulden dit echter anders in.In een tweede deel staan de communautaire spanningen zelf centraal. Aanvankelijk leek het er op dat Vlamingen en Walen als Belgen taalkundig naar elkaar konden groeien. Dat veronderstelde gelijkheid en wederkerigheid. Het streefdoel werd dan ofwel een veralgemeende tweetaligheid ofwel een officiële eentaligheid van beide taalgebieden. Dat gebeurde niet. Na 1900 ging het Vlaamse socialisme tot de voorhoede van de Vlaamse beweging behoren, terwijl het Waalse socialisme de leiding van de Waalse beweging overnam. Dat was een complex proces. Voor de analyse ervan werd vertrokken van de argumenten die de Gentse leider Anseele in 1911 gebruikte om zijn afwachtend standpunt te verduidelijken: de Vlaamse kwestie als hoofd- of bijzaak, de toegenomen sterkte van de Vlaamse beweging, het beginselprogramma van de partij, het gevaar voor de eenheid van het Vlaamse socialisme én voor de eenheid van het Belgische socialisme.Wat alle partijgenoten bond, was een emotionele en rationele identificatie, gericht op de strijd voor politieke gelijkheid via het afdwingen van algemeen enkelvoudig stemrecht. Maar secundair botsten toenemende regionalismen. Het Vlaamse socialisme verscherpte de taalstrijd als aspect van de klassenstrijd tegen de francofone dominantie, die de emancipatie van de arbeiders bemoeilijkte. De eis tot ‘culturele autonomie’ (Otto Bauer!) vond ingang: zelfbeschikking over een Nederlandstalig onderwijs van laag tot hoog. Het Waalse socialisme duldde steeds minder de negatie van het programma door voortdurend aan de macht blijvende katholieke regeringen sinds 1884. Die steunden op Vlaanderen, terwijl in Wallonië een antiklerikale meerderheid van liberalen en socialisten bestond. De superioriteit van het Frans in België in vraag stellen of de kennis van het Nederlands aan Walen opleggen, werd geïnterpreteerd als een bijkomende discriminatie. Desnoods werd met bestuurlijke scheiding gedreigd. Toch werden in de partij mogelijkheden tot een vergelijk gezocht. België bestond uit twee volken met eigen culturele rechten. Breekpunt bleef hoe men wilde omgaan met ‘taalminderheden’ in beide landsgedeelten en hoe men die wilde definiëren.________‘Frenemies’? Communitarian tensions in the Socialist Party until 1914The contribution of Flemish socialism to the Flemish Movement has long been misunderstood in the historiography. Around 1970, research demonstrated how Flemish socialism, despite a limited number of representatives in parliament (three in 1900, in contrast to 23 from Wallonia and 5 from Brussels) defended the language laws. After a major clash with Walloon fellow party members, the language question became a free question within the Belgian Workers’ Party (*1885). In the meantime, the research kept advancing. This made a new synthesis possible. The framework became broader. In the first wave, the party was studied as a point of departure toward communitarian oppositions: a socialist reformism and ‘wait-andsee’ attitude, the decision-making process, the interaction between the central committee, federations, and the parliamentary group, uneven economic development and the political consequences thereof, internal language use. As elsewhere, the BWP identified more and more with the national fath-erland. Brussels, Flemish and Walloon socialists each understood this very differently.In the second wave, the communitarian tensions themselves take center stage. Originally, it seemed that Flemings and Walloons could grow toward one another linguistically as Belgians. This presupposed equality and reciprocity. The goal of struggle became either a general bilingualism or an official monolingualism for both language regions. That did not happen. After 1900, Flemish socialism belonged to the vanguard of the Flemish Movement, while Walloon socialism took over the leadership of the Walloon Movement. This was a complex process. The analysis of it took as a starting point the arguments that the Ghent leader Anseele used in 1911 in order to clarify his ‘wait-and-see’ point of view: the Flemish question as main or side question, the increasing strength of the Flemish Movement, the party manifesto, the concern for the unity of Flemish social-ism and for the unity of Belgian socialism.What bound all party members together was an emotional and rational identification with each other, built on the struggle for political equality through the demand for single universal suffrage. But growing regionalisms clashed under the surface. Flemish socialism increasingly emphasized the language struggle as an aspect of the class struggle against French-speaking domination, which hindered the emancipation of the workers. The demand for ‘cultural autonomy’ (Otto Bauer!) found purchase: self-determination of a Dutch-language education, from top to bottom. Walloon socialism grew more and more impatient of not being able to realise its program, due to the unbroken chain of Catholic governments in power since 1884. These governments found their support in Flanders, while an anticlerical majority of liberals and social-ists existed in Wallonia. Questioning the superiority of French in Belgium, or imposing the knowledge of Dutch on Walloons, was interpreted as another form of discrimination. If necessary there was the threat of administrative separation. Nevertheless, the party still looked for possibilities for compromise. Belgium consisted of two peoples, each with their own cultural rights. The sensitive point remained how one wanted to handle ‘linguistic minorities’ in both parts of the country, and how one wanted to define them.
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Khamedova, Olha. "Feminism and communism: specifics of interaction in the western Ukrainian media discourse of the 1920s – 1930s." Synopsis: Text Context Media 26, no. 3 (2020): 98–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.28925/2311-259x.2020.3.4.
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The Subject of the Study is the models of interaction and intersection of ideologies in media discourse. In contrast to the homogeneous ideological discourse of the Soviet press, the Western Ukrainian of the interwar period was ideologically diverse, in particular, “leftist” ideas were propagated in magazines. There is a noticeable trend in modern media studies: researchers to some extent ignore the “communist segment” of the Western Ukrainian press of the interwar period, this is due to the relevance of our study. Realizing that the communist movement was not widespread in Western Ukraine during the interwar period, let us consider the press of communist organizations both for the sake of objectivity and the need to explore models of the intersection of communist ideology and feminism and this is the novelty of the research. The aim of the article is to investigate the specifics of the interaction of feminism and communism in the Western Ukrainian media discourse of the 1920s and 1930s on the material of communist magazines. The weekly Nasha Zemlya and Sel-Rob, which represented the communist ideological discourse of Western Ukraine, were selected for analysis. The research methodology is a combination of critical discourse analysis with feminist critique. The Results of the Study. Communist magazines were concerned about how to attract Ukrainian women to the party ranks. The key issues covered in Western Ukrainian communist magazines were: women’s unemployment, low-skilled workers, difficult conditions, and low wages. At the same time, only women journalists paid attention to the gender aspect of such problems, for example, the gender disparity in the remuneration of men and women. The political and ideological orientation of Western Ukrainian communist newspapers toward the Soviet Union and Moscow Bolshevism was obvious. Propaganda materials about the Soviet Union’s success in resolving the “women’s issue” regularly appeared in the newspapers of Western Ukrainian communists. Publications on women’s issues were feminist in terms of authorial Intentions, ideological accents, and interpretation of facts. However, discrimination against women was primarily due to an unjust socio-economic system. Despite feminist intentions in the materials of communist magazines, activists of the Ukrainian Women’s Union were criticized as the main ideological competitors in the struggle for the Ukrainian woman.
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Ying, Fuk-Tsang. "The Christian Discourses of “Chao Zhengzhi” (Supra-Politics) in the Early PRC: A Religio-Political Reappraisal." Religions 13, no. 7 (July 13, 2022): 642. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel13070642.
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In the context of the Chinese churches, religio-political relations or interaction is an unavoidable but widely controversial issue. On the one hand, the political control of religion can be regarded as the dominant model of the relationship between state and church in Chinese society. On the other hand, different religions and even diverse traditions within religious bodies have developed divided attitudes and stances on how to deal with their relationships with state and politics. The year 1949 was an important watershed in the contemporary history of China. The new regime carried out a comprehensive remolding and reformation of all sectors of Chinese society, and the religious sphere was not spared. “Supra-politics” (“chao zhengzhi”) was one of the charges that often appeared in the communists’ criticism and reform movement against Christianity after the founding of the People’s Republic of China (PRC). This article aims to address the following questions: (1) What does “supra-politics” mean? What is the political context of the emergence of this discourse? (2) Why and how did the Communist Party of China (CPC) use the discourse of “supra-politics” to criticize Christian churches? (3) What are the different understandings and interpretations of the “supra-politics” discourse among churches in China? This article offers a review of the controversy and discourse of the “supra-political” position of Christianity, which may contribute to the critical investigation of the religio-political relations of the early PRC.
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Wang, Kan. "Labour resistance and worker attitudes towards trade union reform in China." Employee Relations 38, no. 5 (August 1, 2016): 724–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/er-03-2016-0065.
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Purpose – Drawing its arguments and conclusion from a ten-year survey on workers’ experiences of labour disputes, along with anticipation of trade union reform, the purpose of this paper is to discuss the interaction between labour resistance and its potential for institutional change in the field of labour relations in China. Design/methodology/approach – This paper uses a longitudinal cohort study carried out between 2006 and 2015. The survey was conducted every two years, specifically in 2006, 2008, 2011, 2013 and 2015, in Guangdong Province, China. Questionnaire and interview methods were used; 2,166 valid sample questionnaires were collected, and 215 interviews were carried out over the research period. Findings – An increase in collectivized disputes in China has given rise to an escalation of labour action, characterized by wildcat strikes. Joint action has strengthened the bonds among work colleagues, and it has become more important for workers to pay attention to their rights and interests. In terms of organization, two viewpoints towards union reform were revealed: the pragmatist and the idealist perspectives. Workers with greater experience of resistance were more modest in terms of demands for union reform, while workers with some experience called for their union’s independence from the party-state. Research limitations/implications – The data contained industry bias, as too many respondents were from electronics-manufacturing and textile and apparel plants. Originality/value – This paper is original, and increases awareness of the development of the labour movement in China.
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McCORD, EDWARD A. "Ethnic Revolt, State-Building and Patriotism in Republican China: The 1937 West Hunan Miao Abolish-Military-Land Resist-Japan Uprising." Modern Asian Studies 45, no. 6 (February 17, 2011): 1499–533. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x11000096.
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AbstractThis paper examines how an ethnic Miao uprising in West Hunan in 1937 became the site for the interaction of a broad range of competing local, provincial, and national interests. The target of the uprising was a tuntian system formed from confiscated Miao lands in the early nineteenth century to support a military system defending against Miao disturbances. Surviving anachronistically into the twentieth century, the military land rents of this system formed a base for warlord power on Hunan's western frontier. The uprising arose opportunistically in the context of a struggle over the resources of this system between the warlord of West Hunan and a provincial governor whose provincial state-building project sought to end the region's long political autonomy. The uprising consequently drew the attention of Nationalist Party factions who saw it as an opportunity to use the uprising to undermine the provincial governor in the interest of their own centralizing state-building project. Finally, the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese War allowed uprising leaders to recast the uprising as a patriotic movement, seeking equality for the Miao of West Hunan by the abolition of the tuntian system and offering the mobilization of uprising forces for service at the front once this goal was achieved. In the end, the uprising functioned as a palimpsest upon which the multiple motivations and desires of its participants, in their broad social, political and personal contexts, were written and overwritten.
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Morton, Adam David. "The Limits of Sociological Marxism?" Historical Materialism 21, no. 1 (2013): 129–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12341284.
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Abstract Within the agenda of historical-materialist theory and practice Sociological Marxism has delivered a compelling perspective on how to explore and link the analysis of civil society, the state, and the economy within an explicit focus on class exploitation, emancipation, and rich ethnography. This article situates a major analysis of state formation, the rise of the Justice and Development Party (AKP), and the growth of a broader Islamist movement in Turkey within the main current of Sociological Marxism. It does so in order to critically examine the rather bold revision of the theory of hegemony at the heart of Cihan Tuğal’s Passive Revolution: Absorbing the Islamic Challenge to Capitalism, which posits the separate interaction of political society, civil society and the state in theorising hegemonic politics in Turkey. My contention is that the revision of hegemony that this analysis offers and its state-theoretical commitments are deeply problematic due to the reliance on what I term ‘ontological exteriority’, meaning the treatment of state, civil society and the economy as always-already separate spheres. The focus of the critique then moves toward highlighting a frustrating lack of direct engagement with Antonio Gramsci’s writings in this disquisition on hegemony and passive revolution, which has important political consequences. While praise for certain aspects of ethnographic and spatial analysis is raised, it is argued that any account of the reordering of hegemony and the restructuring of spatial-temporal contexts of capital accumulation through conditions of passive revolution also needs to draw from a more sophisticated state theory, a direct reading of Gramsci, and broader scalar analysis of spatial relations and uneven development under capitalism.
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Davidson, Thomas, and Mabel Berezin. "BRITAIN FIRST AND THE UK INDEPENDENCE PARTY: SOCIAL MEDIA AND MOVEMENT-PARTY DYNAMICS*." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 23, no. 4 (December 1, 2018): 485–510. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-23-4-485.
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Social movement scholars have recently turned their attention to the interactions between political parties and social movements, but little is known about how social media have impacted these relationships, despite widespread adoption of these technologies. We present a case study of the relationship between Britain First, a far-right anti-Muslim social movement, and the U.K. Independence Party, the Eurosceptic political party that spearheaded the Brexit campaign. The movement appeared marginal in the press but it dominated social media, using this presence to support to the party. We examine the dynamics of the relationship between these groups from 2013 until 2017, drawing upon data from social media, newspapers, and other online sources, and focusing on interactions between elites and rank-and-file supporters. Our findings illustrate how far-right groups have used new technologies to generate an unprecedented amount of popular support and to attempt to influence the political mainstream.
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Protasova, O., and I. Pirozhkova. "‘Labor People’ as an Object of Ideological Influence of Neo-popular Parties of the Beginning of the XX Century." Bulletin of Science and Practice 5, no. 12 (December 15, 2019): 473–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.33619/2414-2948/49/59.
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The relevance of the study is due to the insufficient coverage in modern historical literature of a number of those aspects of the activities of the parties of democratic socialism, which relate to the nature of the interaction of these parties with the subject of their political interest and social concern — the working masses of the city and, in particular, the countryside. Perhaps this issue is not so large as to claim the title of ‘fundamental’ — it is not directly related to the ideological struggle in the party elites, but it does illustrate the work processes that were going on within the Narodnik parties at all levels — from theoretical leaders to activists of grassroots organizations. The Narodnik movement at the beginning of the twentieth century was represented by the parties of the Socialist Revolutionaries (an association — 1901–1902, organizational design — the end of 1905) and people’s socialists (idea of creation — 1905, organizational design — 1906). It considers the mechanism by which the Narodnik parties at the beginning of the twentieth century determine their ‘target audience’ —the working population, which includes workers, the labor peasantry, and the labor intelligentsia. The motivation of such a choice is revealed, its justice is evaluated. The basic communication methods of working with the working population used by neonarodniks in their socio–political practice are analyzed, and the attitude to this type of activity of the Bolsheviks, Socialist–Revolutionaries and people’s socialists is compared. The political–pragmatic and human attitude of neo-Narodniks to the ‘working people’ as an object of ideological influence is shown, the measures carried out by the Narodnik parties for the purpose of civic education, the development of legal consciousness and human dignity of the poorest working people of Russia are analyzed.
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Blings, Steffen. "Niche Parties and Social Movements: Mechanisms of Programmatic Alignment and Party Success." Government and Opposition 55, no. 2 (August 20, 2018): 220–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2018.18.
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AbstractNiche parties often originate in social movements, yet the latter’s role in shaping these parties has received scant attention. I argue that movement roots can help niche parties achieve both vote- and policy-seeking goals by keeping core issues salient, bolstering issue ownership and securing allies in civil society. Employing interviews with movement, as well as Green and Pirate party leaders in Sweden and Germany, I identify three mechanisms (electoral pressure, grassroots linkage, elite orientation) that lead to programmatic alignment. This article extends an emerging research agenda that highlights how social movements shape party politics and offers evidence that niche party–movement interactions open new avenues for political representation counterbalancing mainstream parties’ increasing detachment from civil society.