Journal articles on the topic 'Mortuary Texts'

AbstractRecurrences of ancient ship carvings and drawings in Jewish burial caves are curious phenomena, which rarely capture the attention of scholars. Few narrative Jewish texts, which might otherwise illuminate this pattern, explicitly describe any link between ships and death. The ubiquity of nautical images in graffiti and monumental art throughout the ancient Mediterranean, moreover, obscures their particular significance in any mortuary context, whether associated with Jews or their neighbors. This article suggests that consistent appearances of ship imagery in Jewish burial contexts throughout time and across distant regions, attest to the varied iconographic and ideational significances of ships to Jews within mortuary settings. Cross-cultural similarities between acts of drawing, carving, and commissioning ship images inside and around commemorative spaces, this article argues further, document corresponding continuities between the mortuary activities and beliefs of Jews and their Egyptian, Greco-Roman, and Christian neighbors throughout the ancient Mediterranean.

The emergence of ancient Egyptian mortuary literature in the third millennium bce is the history of the adaptation of recitational materials to the materiality of different media. Upon a gradual development, the transformation of the oral discourse into writing began with the use of papyri for transcribing the guidelines of ritual performances as aide-mémoire, and culminated with the concealment of sacerdotal voices and deeds into the sealed-off crypt of king Wenis (ca. 2345 bce). The process of committing ritual and magical recitations into scriptio continua in the Pyramid Texts was subject to several stages of adaptation, detachability, and recentering. Investigating how the corpus emerged through the combination of recitations from different settings elucidates the transformation of oral written discourse into literary style, the traces of poetic and speech elements in the corpus, and its flexibility to disseminate and adapt to different mortuary practices, beliefs and contexts in the second millennia bce and beyond.

Summary Papyrus Schmitt, dated in early Ptolemaic times, offers a clue to the earliest date of the writing of the mortuary liturgies of the Old and Middle Kingdom, which were transformed into Osiris liturgies. Mortuary liturgies were always recited from papyrus scrolls, as attested for example by the ritual Papyrus BM EA 10819 from the New Kingdom. Examples of Osiris liturgies on papyrus as part of the grave goods of private individuals are generally attested from the early Ptolemaic period onwards. At the same time, there can be no doubt that parts of the mortuary liturgies from the Old and Middle Kingdom were already performed in temples as part of the Osiris cult before their later canonisation on papyrus. In the following, ways of transmission will be presented that can explain the introduction of Osirian recitation texts into the temple cult before the beginning of the Ptolemaic period and thus before the point of time universally accepted for the canonisation of Osiris liturgies.

The mortuary provisions of private tomb owners in the Old Kingdom constitute fundamental evidence for the understanding of the operation of the private mortuary cult. The clauses present in these texts provide information about a variety of topics concerning the development of the cult and the use of the properties allotted to sustaining it. However, there are some aspects about which not much information is given. One of these facets is the way in which the goods allocated for the mortuary cult were distributed among the cultic performers. In this paper I intend to contribute to clarifying this aspect by analysing three case studies that are particularly revealing about this matter. Las disposiciones funerarias de los propietarios de tumbas del Reino Antiguo constituyen una evidencia fundamental para la comprensión de los sistemas de funcionamiento del culto funerario de los particulares. Las cláusulas presentes en esos textos nos proporcionan información sobre el desarrollo del culto y el uso de las propiedades destinadas a su mantenimiento. Pese a ello, hay algunos aspectos sobre los que no se da demasiada información. Una de dichas facetas es el modo en el que los bienes destinados al culto funerario son distribuidos entre los oficiantes. En este artículo pretendemos contribuir a clarificar este aspecto analizando tres casos de estudio que son particularmente relevantes.

Abstract Drawing on a range of apocalyptic and magical texts from Roman and Byzantine Egypt, this paper argues that the Coptic Christian depiction of vicious underworld demons, so often cited as evidence of “Egyptian survivals,” in fact owes more to Jewish apocalyptic literature than ancient Egyptian mortuary texts - that scribes only recalled Egyptian traditions in the course of reutilization and interpretation of para-biblical apocalyptic traditions. Secondly, the paper attributes the development of this Coptic underworld demonology to the creative agency of scribes in late antique Egyptian Christianity, in whose own subcultures and practices any model of demonological syncretism must be situated.

The aim of this paper is to contribute to the discussion of the relationship between manuscript and epigraphic traditions in premodern cultures by addressing aspects of the monumentality of writing in the context of Ancient Egyptian tombs near the end of the third millennium BC (the late Old Kingdom). Ritual texts inscribed on the walls of subterranean chambers of kings' and queens' pyramids at Saqqara are known as 'The Pyramid Texts', the earliest known mortuary corpus of any civilization. The texts, which are inscribed in hieroglyphs, are carved, decorated, and painted in green. They are laid out in columns and cover surfaces up to three metres high in the main chambers and in the passages leading to the entrances of the pyramids. While the texts were performed during rituals and recorded in writing in contexts that are now lost, the carved hieroglyphic forms in the pyramids make it possible to glimpse the extent of manuscript culture and scribal practices of this period. The process of inscription involved not only reconfiguration from manuscript to wall, but also reinterpretation of the texts in terms of the spatial, architectural, and symbolical context of the tomb. This paper investigates the idea of monumentality in relation to the way these texts were reconfigured in the pyramids.

The royal sarcophagus Boston MFA 04.278 is of critical importance to the art historical, political and mortuary history of the early Eighteenth Dynasty, yet has been inadequately documented. This study provides new photographs and computer-generated line drawings of all decorated surfaces, new insights into alterations and recarvings, and translations of all texts. The sarcophagus, including its archaeological history and inscriptional evidence, is set in its historical context; it provides no evidence in favour of KV 20 being originally the sepulchre of Thutmose I. Descriptions of the decoration, prototype Book of the Dead texts and facial representational styles follow. Concluding remarks focus on the development of early New Kingdom sarcophagi. An appendix presents scientific analysis of the red paint and filling material used in the recarved inscriptions.

Traditionally, reconstructions of social complexity in past societies have relied on a plethora of indicators including, but not limited to, ancient texts, monumental architectural and archaeological evidence for hierarchical leadership, surplus storage, craft specialisation and the density of populations. With the exception of mortuary patterns, particularly the quantity and quality of grave goods, bioarchaeological data have featured less prominently in archaeological interpretation. Over the past 40 years, however, the study of human skeletal remains has been more firmly integrated into theoretical explorations of the past, and the broader development of biocultural models has contributed more fully to archaeological research. The first of the two volumes reviewed here is exemplary of current bioarchaeological approaches that draw on human biology, cultural development and physical environments to understand the human experience.

A fragmentary Egyptian Middle Kingdom statuette was found in the north-west area of Central Court at Knossos in 1900. The three hieroglyphic texts show that the statue was mortuary in character, and that it was linked to a gold-caster called User of the Wadjet nome in Egypt. The User statuette is part of a wider distribution of Middle Kingdom statues from Nubia, Anatolia, and the Levant which have been found in funerary and nonfunerary contexts. Theories for this distribution are reviewed including diplomatic gifts and exchanges, dedications in sanctuaries, the movement of specialised Egyptian workers, portable funerary statues and looting. Looting of tombs in the Wadjet nome followed by redistribution of finds looks like the most likely explanation for the appearance of User's statuette on Crete.

In JEA 78, it was argued that the ‘opening of the mouth’ ritual of the Egyptian mortuary cult re-enacted the transitions of birth and childhood in order to render the reborn dead person mature enough to eat an adult meal. Here its central act, the opening of the mouth itself, is shown to mimic the clearing of a newborn's mouth with the little fingers. Originally, the gesture resembled that of anointing; later the fingers were replaced by the finger-shaped ntrwj-blades, and in the Sixth Dynasty the adze was imported from the statue ritual. As frequently happened in Egyptian religion, however, ritual texts and iconography continued to invoke the older implements along with the newer tools, in order to render the ritual more effective. The relationship between birth and statues is intriguingly paralleled in a Mesopotamian statue ritual.

Abstract During the peak of the Covid-19 pandemic, 46 Portuguese authors collaborated on a serialized hypertext novel: Bode Inspiratório, translated into English as Escape Goat. It draws attention to escapism in literature and calls to the mind a 21st-century retelling of the Decameron, which belongs to the rich sets of texts emanating from The Thousand and One Nights we define in literature as ars moriendi. By transferring the act of collective storytelling to a digital platform, Escape Goat transgresses the monologism of authorial isolation by bringing together the heteroglossic structure of the novel with the polyphony of collaborative authorship. This study holds up Escape Goat as a proto example of collaborative Covid-novels and aims to demonstrate how this “novel” form of collaborative authorship extends the boundaries of world literature through a transformation of the escapist, mortuary and agonistic aspect of literature as ars moriendi, into the collaborative, ludic and solidarist aspect of literature as ars vivendi.

Ethnohistoric sources suggest that at the time of European contact, the coastlines and interior river valleys of most of the major islands of the Philippines were dotted with politically complex, socially stratified societies, organized on the level of what cultural evolutionists refer to as “chiefdoms”. Recent regional-scale archaeological research in the Philippines indicates that these coastal chiefdoms have considerable time depth. Settlement hierarchies, complex mortuary patterns, and other archaeological indicators of socio-political complexity extend well into the first millennium a.d. Spanish and Chinese texts refer to Philippine chiefs as the central figures in complex regional-scale economies and international-scale trade. Hereditary chiefs controlled the agricultural productivity of “commoners” through restrictive land tenure, they mobilized surplus for elite use through formalized tribute systems, and they amassed “wealth” through sponsorship of luxury good craftsmen and through participation in foreign prestige-good trade. The accumulated “material fund of power” was used competitively by-hiefs to enhance their social ranking, to strengthen political alliances, and to expand their regional political authority.

Recent studies of the early development of the Book of the Dead have tended to focus on the content of this group of spells, the objects on which the spells are written, the sequences in which they occur, and their early prototypes, which appear on Middle Kingdom coffins. The physical presentation of the first texts that can be described as fully in the Book of the Dead tradition, however, illustrates how scribes addressed the challenges of transmission of this mortuary corpus hand in hand with the evolution of novel burial practices in the Theban region beginning in the late Second Intermediate period, including the introduction of anthropomorphic coffins, linen shrouds, and papyrus rolls. Both hieratic and cursive hieroglyphic scripts were employed on these media, along with compositional formats suitable to them, as well as the appearance of scribal sketches that evolved into the vignettes for which the quintessential New Kingdom Books of the Dead are justly renowned. An “Ahmoside” sequencing tradition prior to the co-rule of Hatshepsut/Thutmose III is further defined, and the codicil to BD 72 is examined for its relation to the use of linen versus papyrus in Theban burials of the period.

While there is massive evidence of the mortuary cult of Ahmose I’s family at Abydos, in the form of pyramids, cult buildings and texts, the Theban necropolis is virtually devoid of archaeological testimony on the building activities of the founder of the Eighteenth Dynasty. However, the king’s mummy was discovered in Thebes, in the royal cache (TT 320), together with other members of his entourage. This apparent paradox is puzzling and has indeed inspired various hypotheses to explain this split in the documentation between Thebes and Abydos. The discovery in 2019 of nine mudbricks stamped with the name of a king, called simply HqA tA.wy, in the French excavations in al-Asasif, provided new data to resolve this question. This paper aims to support the identification of King Ahmose as the author of these bricks and to shed light on the ideological value of this eponymous title, based on the analysis of a key passage in the Ahmose Stele from Karnak (Cairo Museum, CGC 34001). It will also discuss the issue of the displacement of materials and royal bodies organised by the public authorities and search for a possible initial burial context of Ahmose’s mummy in light of new evidence of his building activities in the necropolis of the Theban Residence.

This paper provides an analysis of the relief block with the Crucifixion scene preserved in the St. Martin’s parish church in Jawor, an important town in the Duchy Jawor-Świdnica in the 14th century. According to the 17th century’s written sources the relief was originally located on the wall of the church’s cemetery mortuary, however the primary written source pertaining to the artwork in question is the inscription running along its three sides. The slab commemorates Johann Sapiens and his family. It is the earliest preserved pictorial epitaph in Silesia and in this part of Europe. Its votive purpose is stated. Moreover, a passage referring to biblical texts as well as formulations, which entered into the consecration rites of churches and altars, provide a premise to interpret this family memorial and epitaph, at the same time, also as an ossuary foundation memorial. These circumstances allow searching for possible models and references in places where the pictorial epitaph found favourable conditions for development already at the dawn of its existence as a type of sepulchral monument. At first sight, Thuringia with Erfurt seem the place geographically closest to Silesia, where stylistically and typologically related artworks have been preserved. However, the crucifix depicted in the relief from Jawor turned out to be rather typical for the contemporary Silesian sculpture too, in contrast to the assisting figures of Virgin Mary and St. John. In consequence, the references and sources of inspiration applied in the process of creation of the assisting figures in relief from Jawor should be searched in western territories of Silesia or having regard to the possibility of drawing inspiration from much older portable microplastic objects as, for example, Byzantine or Romanesque ivory.

Introduction. The article deals with the mythologized characters of the Bashkir mythology ― sikhyrsy (сихырсы, sorcerers). Its aim is to identify and to interpret the characters and their names, as well as other related vocabulary. Data and methods. The research materials include folklore texts and entries of dictionaries of the Bashkir and of other Turkic languages. The main methods employed for the analysis are descriptive and comparative. Results. The main, most common names of Bashkir sorcerers have been established. These are the terms сихырсы and боҙомсо, which come from lexemes sykhyr (сихыр: magic, witchcraft, sorcery) and bozom (боҙом: damage, witchcraft, harm effected with the help of mythologized objects and means). In addition, the article discusses the terms osokso (осоҡсо), arbausy (арбаусы), iamialliauise (әмәлләүсе), etc., characterizing the methods of Bashkir sorcerers’ malicious actions. There are parallels from other Turkic and non-Turkic languages to the terms associated with sorcerers and witchcraft, which indicate the origin of Bashkir terms. Hence, it has been established that some lexical items, as well as the characters they refer to have pan-Altai roots, some are Turkic, some are inter-Turkic, still others are of Bashkir origin; and a number of words are loans. In particular, the term sikhyrsy (сихырсы) itself goes back to Arabic, while the items bozomso (боҙомсо), arbausy (арбаусы), osokso (осоҡсо), and yelpeui (йелпеү) have parallels in many Turkic languages. Interestingly, йелпеү has phonetic variants not only in the Turkic, but also in the Mongolian languages; and боҙомсо and арбаусы have parallels in the Finno-Ugric languages. Also, the article discusses in some detail methods of Bashkir sorcerers’ malicious actions, illustrating them with examples. According to the author, the most common of these are the use of grave earth, “mortuary water”, needles to sew a shroud, raw eggs, dolls, blood of innocence, menstrual blood, as well as witchcraft based on the use of sweat, knots, and special incantations, which, according to the Bashkir ancestors, enhanced the harmfulness of techniques used. Finally, the article deals with cases of witchcraft of medicine men, positive characters of Bashkir mythology, who performed them to punish evil, namely, thieves of cattle and of goods, and rapists. Conclusions. The mythologized characters of sykhyrsy belong to negative characters and the Bashkir language has numerous items for their designation. The sykhyrsy had at their disposal a variety of means and methods to do harm, as well as antidotes to their harmful action. There is terminology for every magical action, the items often having Turkic or Altaic roots, and sometimes borrowed from other languages.

Two revolutions in using human genetics to investigate the past are beginning to have a profound effect on how the public regard heritage and their connection to it. Direct-to-consumer genetic ancestry tests (GATs) are becoming a popular way for the public to explore their familial history and ancestry. Major advances in ancient DNA methods mean that the field is beginning to live up to its early promise. Both of these analyses can be considered forms of public mortuary archaeology in how they are perceived to provide an individual an interface with their recent and more ancient ancestors, their own personal Hades, referring to the Ancient Greek home of the dead. GATs are useful for resolving genealogy and determining the origins of an individual’s recent ancestors, but have been criticized for reifying differences between populations, failing to give clear guidance on how they should be interpreted and making exaggerated links to historic groups of people that are at the heart of genetically determinist nationalistic origin myths. Recent palaeogenomic studies of prehistoric Europeans have found evidence for population discontinuity that will have repercussions for the public’s perception of archaeological mortuary sites and the communities who built them. Public archaeologists are going to have to engage increasingly with these types of data to combat the misappropriation of genetic results in defining rights and affinities to archaeological heritage.

The Gulf Coastal Plain of Texas was populated by hunter-gatherers from the Early Archaic (ca. 7000 B.P.) through to the Late Prehistoric period (ca. A.D. 700-1400). In order to characterize past dietary adaptations along the coast and further inland, stable isotopes of carbon and nitrogen were analyzed in preserved bone from 198 individuals from mortuary sites. In addition, 140 samples of faunal bone were analyzed to elucidate the stable isotope ecology for each region. The results indicate long-term stability in dietary adaptations with regional variation among coastal, riverine, and inland groups, including an early and, substantial, use of freshwater and marine resources. There is also evidence for constrained mobility and increasing use of plant resources within regions as populations increased in size and density.

AbstractPrevious archaeological studies suggest that terminal Middle Horizon Tumilaca populations (cal A.D. 950–1150) of the middle Moquegua Valley represent direct descendants of earlier Chen Chen-style Tiwankau colonists of the region. This study tests this idea by comparing dentally derived biodistance analyses of Tumilaca, Chen Chen-style, Tiwanaku, and other regional samples. The results indicate that the Tumilaca and Chen Chen-style mortuary samples are similar to one another suggesting that these populations might share an ancestral-descendant relationship. The phenetic relations of the Tumilaca and Chen Chen to other regional samples are also discussed.

Background: COVID-19 was declared a pandemic by the World Health Organization (WHO). COVID-19 is highly contagious, making it a threat to healthcare workers, including those working in mortuaries. Therefore, it is important to determine if the cause of death (COD) could be identified using limited autopsy, diagnostic tests and post-mortem imaging modalities instead of full autopsy. This study aims to examine the effectiveness of post-mortem imaging, specifically post-mortem computed tomography (PMCT) at determining the COD during a pandemic. Methods: This cross-sectional study included 172 subjects with suspected or unknown COVID-19 status brought in dead to the institute’s mortuary during the pandemic in Malaysia. PMCT images reported by forensic radiologists and their agreement with conventional autopsy findings by forensic pathologists regarding COD were analysed to look at the effectiveness of PMCT in determining COD during a pandemic. Results: Analysis showed that 78.7% (133) of cases reported by forensic radiologists concurred with the COD certified by forensic pathologists. Of these cases, 85 (63.9%) had undergone only external examination and real-time reverse transcriptase polymerase chain reaction (rRT-PCR) COVID-19 testing, meaning that imaging was the sole method used to determine the COD besides history from available medical records and the investigating police officer. Conclusion: PMCT can be used as a complement to medicolegal autopsies in pandemic contexts, as it provides significant information on the possible COD without jeopardising the safety of mortuary health care workers.

DNA identification is very important in cases of high decomposition of dead bodies, in which the bodies cannot be identified by physical means. To compare the results of DNA typing, it is necessary to have related subjects with which to perform comparative analyses. Such tests are normally performed by comparing DNA profiles from people known to be immediate family members of the presumptive victim, such as parents or children because they share half of their genetic material with the unidentified. We report on how DNA analysis was used to solve a case of mixed-up bodies at a local mortuary in Ghana, West Africa. Two families and three buried human remains were in contention in this case. The first body (E9) was buried three months before exhumation. The second body (E11) was buried two and a half months before exhumation whiles the third body (E10) was buried a month before exhumation. Exhibit E5 was taken from an alleged child of the deceased, E11. Toenails of the exhumed bodies were sampled by a pathologist and used for DNA extractions using the QIAamp DNA Investigator Kit. Profiles from relatives were generated for comparison purposes. All samples gave a quality amount of genomic DNA after quantification. DNA was amplified with a GlobalFiler PCR amplification kit. Profiles from relatives were generated for comparison purposes. The human remains (exhibit E11) cannot be excluded as the biological father of the child (exhibit E5) because they share common alleles at all 23 genetic loci. The applicable combined paternity index was 17218125604.492 assuming a prior probability of 0.5. The probability of paternity is 99.99999999%. Based on this relationship testing, one of the bodies was successfully identified and handed over to the family for re-burial.

Background Accurate data on HIV-related mortality are necessary to evaluate the impact of HIV interventions. In low- and middle-income countries (LMIC), mortality data obtained through civil registration are often of poor quality. Though not commonly conducted, mortuary surveillance is a potential complementary source of data on HIV-associated mortality. Methods During April-July 2019, we assessed HIV prevalence, the attributable fraction among the exposed, and the population attributable fraction among decedents received by two high-volume mortuaries in Kisumu County, Kenya, where HIV prevalence in the adult population was estimated at 18% in 2019 with high ART coverage (76%). Stillbirths were excluded. The two mortuaries receive 70% of deaths notified to the Kisumu East civil death registry; this registry captures 45% of deaths notified in Kisumu County. We conducted hospital chart reviews to determine the HIV status of decedents. Decedents without documented HIV status, including those dead on arrival, were tested using HIV antibody tests or polymerase chain reaction (PCR) consistent with national HIV testing guidelines. Decedents aged less than 15 years were defined as children. We estimated annual county deaths by applying weights that incorporated the study period, coverage of deaths, and mortality rates observed in the study. Results The two mortuaries received a total of 1,004 decedents during the study period, of which 95.1% (955/1004) were available for study; 89.1% (851/955) of available decedents were enrolled of whom 99.4% (846/851) had their HIV status available from medical records and post-mortem testing. The overall population-based, age- and sex-adjusted mortality rate was 12.4 per 1,000 population. The unadjusted HIV prevalence among decedents was 28.5% (95% confidence interval (CI): 25.5–31.6). The age- and sex-adjusted mortality rate in the HIV-infected population (40.7/1000 population) was four times higher than in the HIV-uninfected population (10.2/1000 population). Overall, the attributable fraction among the HIV-exposed was 0.71 (95% CI: 0.66–0.76) while the HIV population attributable fraction was 0.17 (95% CI: 0.14–0.20). In children the attributable fraction among the exposed and population attributable fraction were 0.92 (95% CI: 0.89–0.94) and 0.11 (95% CI: 0.08–0.15), respectively. Conclusions Over one quarter (28.5%) of decedents received by high-volume mortuaries in western Kenya were HIV-positive; overall, HIV was considered the cause of death in 17% of the population (19% of adults and 11% of children). Despite substantial scale-up of HIV services, HIV disease remains a leading cause of death in western Kenya. Despite progress, increased efforts remain necessary to prevent and treat HIV infection and disease.

SummaryThe purpose of this paper is to illustrate early contexts for the rites conforming the offering Pyramid Texts of the Fifth and Sixth Dynasties. Although the original form of the recitations in the mortuary cult was oral, a process of entextualization came to fix these recitations in writing, first as aide-mémoire for ritualists and then as ‘actualisations monumentales’ for the deceased. A comprehensive analysis of the process of formation of the offering list from the Second Dynasty to the reign of Unas reveals a cogent association of the involved priestly services and items with the offering rites in the Pyramid Texts. In fact, it is suggested that the canonization of the offering list by the mid-late Fourth Dynasty resulted from an attempt to standardize the structure of offering services in Giza and Saqqara that later extended to the royal mortuary corpus.

This paper is a publication of P. Turin CGT 54019, which contains an excerpt from The Teaching of Khety, also known as The Satire of the Trades. The papyrus provides a welcome additional source for the second part of the composition (chapters 21–30), particularly because it offers some interesting variants that are unparalleled in the other sources. After a brief introduction on variants in general, including scribal errors, these variants are discussed in detail. The colophon that concludes the papyrus is badly preserved. However, it mentions the mortuary temple of Ramesses III at Medinet Habu. This is quite remarkable, since locations are seldom referred to in the colophons of literary texts. These rare instances are analyzed here to try to reconstruct the manuscript’s colophon. Finally, the relationship between literary texts and mortuary temples is discussed to shed light on the social context of P. Turin CGT 54019. ملخص هذا النص هو إحدى منشورات P. Turin CGT 54019، والذي يحتوي على مقتطف من "وصايا خيتي" ، المعروف أيضاً باسم "مساوئ الحِرَف". تمثل البردية مصدراً إضافياً لمقدمة الجزء الثاني من العمل (الفصول 21-30)، وبالتحديد لأنها تقدم بعض المتغيرات المثيرة للاهتمام التي لا مثيل لها في المصادر الأخرى. بعد مقدمة موجزة عن المتغيرات بشكل عام، بما في ذلك أخطاء الكاتب، تمّت مناقشة هذه المتغيرات بالتفصيل. بيانات المنشور التي تختم بها البردية محفوظة بشكل سيئ. ومع ذلك فإنها تتحدث عن المعبد الجنائزي لرمسيس الثالث في مدينة هابو. هذا أمر جدير بالذكر، حيث نادراً ما يشار إلى موقع محدد في بيانات المنشور للنصوص الأدبية. يتم هنا دراسة وتحليل هذه الحالات النادرة لمحاولة إعادة بناء بيانات المنشور الخاصة بالمخطوطة. أخيراً، تمت مناقشة العلاقة بين النصوص الأدبية والمعابد الجنائزية لإلقاء الضوء على المنظومة الاجتماعية لـ P. Turin CGT 54019 .

AbstractInterpretations derived from the study of texts have often determined how material remains have been explained in the historical archaeology of ancient China. Thus, the history of China has been less informed by archaeological knowledge than one would wish. In the case of social transitions in the Ji'nan region in the first millennium B.C., I show how changes in settlement patterns and in mortuary practices enrich our understanding of how the increasingly centralized state impacted the local Ji'nan society. Les interprétations provenant de l'étude des textes ont souvent déterminé la manière dont les vestiges matériels ont été intégrés dans l'archéologie historique de la Chine Ancienne. Pour cette raison, l'apport des données archéologiques sur la connaissance de la Chine. Ancienne est bien moindre qu1on ne le pense. Dans le cas des transitions sociales dans la région de Ji1nan au cours du 1er Millénaire B.C., cet article montre comment les changements intervenus dans la distribution régionale des sites et dans les pratiques funéraires enrichit notre perception des effets de l'action de l'état centralisateur sur la société locale du Ji'nan.

Abstract The recent discovery of Nile crocodile remains in the mortuary complexes of two high-ranking courtiers of Nebhepetra Mentuhotep II, located in the early Middle Kingdom necropolis in the valley of North Asasif, opened the way to an exploration of the role of reptile remains in funerary contexts. The skeletal remains, which were not mummified, consisted of fragments of the skull and mandible, loose teeth, and osteoderms. This paper explores the association that may have existed between the deceased and the crocodile god Sobek, whom the ancient Egyptians identified with pharaonic power, inundation and fertility. From the Middle Kingdom, Sobek, who was believed to have risen from the Primeval Waters, was merged with the sun-god Ra, and in the solar form of Sobek-Ra was made part of the eternal journey of the sun from the east to the west. This association was also reflected in the Spells of the Coffin Texts, in which the deceased became Sobek.

IntroductionThe common origin of the adjective “corporeal” and the noun “corpse” in the Latin root corpus points to the value of mortuary practices for investigating how the human body is objectified. In post-mortem rituals, the body—formerly the manipulator of objects—becomes itself the object that is manipulated. Thus, these funerary rituals provide a type of double reflexivity, where the object and subject of manipulation can be used to reciprocally illuminate one another. To this extent, any consideration of corporeality can only benefit from a discussion of how the body is objectified through mortuary practices. This paper offers just such a discussion with respect to a selection of two contrasting mortuary practices, in the context of the prehistoric past and the Classical Era respectively. At the most general level, we are motivated by the same intellectual impulse that has stimulated expositions on corporeality, materiality, and incarnation in areas like phenomenology (Merleau-Ponty 77–234), Marxism (Adorno 112–119), gender studies (Grosz vii–xvi), history (Laqueur 193–244), and theology (Henry 33–53). That is to say, our goal is to show that the body, far from being a transparent frame through which we encounter the world, is in fact a locus where historical, social, cultural, and psychological forces intersect. On this view, “the body vanishes as a biological entity and becomes an infinitely malleable and highly unstable culturally constructed product” (Shilling 78). However, for all that the cited paradigms offer culturally situated appreciations of corporeality; our particular intellectual framework will be provided by cognitive science. Two reasons impel us towards this methodological choice.In the first instance, the study of ritual has, after several decades of stagnation, been rewarded—even revolutionised—by the application of insights from the new sciences of the mind (Whitehouse 1–12; McCauley and Lawson 1–37). Thus, there are good reasons to think that ritual treatments of the body will refract historical and social forces through empirically attested tendencies in human cognition. In the present connection, this means that knowledge of these tendencies will reward any attempt to theorise the objectification of the body in mortuary rituals.In the second instance, because beliefs concerning the afterlife can never be definitively judged to be true or false, they give free expression to tendencies in cognition that are otherwise constrained by the need to reflect external realities accurately. To this extent, they grant direct access to the intuitive ideas and biases that shape how we think about the world. Already, this idea has been exploited to good effect in areas like the cognitive anthropology of religion, which explores how counterfactual beings like ghosts, spirits, and gods conform to (and deviate from) pre-reflective cognitive patterns (Atran 83–112; Barrett and Keil 219–224; Barrett and Reed 252–255; Boyer 876–886). Necessarily, this implies that targeting post-mortem treatments of the body will offer unmediated access to some of the conceptual schemes that inform thinking about human corporeality.At a more detailed level, the specific methodology we propose to use will be provided by conceptual blending theory—a framework developed by Gilles Fauconnier, Mark Turner, and others to describe how structures from different areas of experience are creatively blended to form a new conceptual frame. In this system, a generic space provides the ground for coordinating two or more input spaces into a blended space that synthesises them into a single output. Here this would entail using natural or technological processes to structure mortuary practices in a way that satisfies various psychological needs.Take, for instance, W.B. Yeats’s famous claim that “Too long a sacrifice / Can make a stone of the heart” (“Easter 1916” in Yeats 57-8). Here, the poet exploits a generic space—that of everyday objects and the effort involved in manipulating them—to coordinate an organic input from that taxonomy (the heart) with an inorganic input (a stone) to create the blended idea that too energetic a pursuit of an abstract ideal turns a person into an unfeeling object (the heart-as-stone). Although this particular example corresponds to a familiar rhetorical figure (the metaphor), the value of conceptual blending theory is that it cuts across distinctions of genre, media, language, and discourse level to provide a versatile framework for expressing how one area of human experience is related to another.As indicated, we will exploit this versatility to investigate two ways of objectifying the body through the examination of two contrasting mortuary practices—cremation and inhumation—against different cultural horizons. The first of these is the conceptualisation of the body as an object of a technical process, where the post-mortem cremation of the corpse is analogically correlated with the metallurgical refining of ore into base metal. Our area of focus here will be Bronze Age cremation practices. The second conceptual scheme we will investigate focuses on treatments of the body as a vegetable object; here, the relevant analogy likens the inhumation of the corpse to the planting of a seed in the soil from which future growth will come. This discussion will centre on the Classical Era. Burning: The Body as Manufactured ObjectThe Early and Middle Bronze Age in Western Europe (2500-1200 BCE) represented a period of change in funerary practices relative to the preceding Neolithic, exemplified by a move away from the use of Megalithic monuments, a proliferation of grave goods, and an increase in the use of cremation (Barrett 38-9; Cooney and Grogan 105-121; Brück, Material Metaphors 308; Waddell, Bronze Age 141-149). Moreover, the Western European Bronze Age is characterised by a shift away from communal burial towards single interment (Barrett 32; Bradley 158-168). Equally, the Bronze Age in Western Europe provides us with evidence of an increased use of cist and pit cremation burials concentrated in low-lying areas (Woodman 254; Waddell, Prehistoric 16; Cooney and Grogan 105-121; Bettencourt 103). This greater preference for lower-lying location appears to reflect a distinctive change in comparison to the distribution patterns of the Neolithic burials; these are often located on prominent, visible aspects of a landscape (Cooney and Grogan 53-61). These new Bronze Age burial practices appear to reflect a distancing in relation to the territories of the “old ancestors” typified by Megalithic monuments (Bettencourt 101-103). Crucially, the Bronze Age archaeological record provides us with evidence that indicates that cremation was becoming the dominant form of deposition of human remains throughout Central and Western Europe (Sørensen and Rebay 59-60).The activities associated with Bronze Age cremations such as the burning of the body and the fragmentation of the remains have often been considered as corporeal equivalents (or expressions) of the activities involved in metal (bronze) production (Brück, Death 84-86; Sørensen and Rebay 60–1; Rebay-Salisbury, Cremations 66-67). There are unequivocal similarities between the practices of cremation and contemporary bronze production technologies—particularly as both processes involve the transformation of material through the application of fire at temperatures between 700 ºC to 1000 ºC (Musgrove 272-276; Walker et al. 132; de Becdelievre et al. 222-223).We assert that the technologies that define the European Bronze Age—those involved in alloying copper and tin to produce bronze—offered a new conceptual frame that enabled the body to be objectified in new ways. The fundamental idea explored here is that the displacement of inhumation by cremation in the European Bronze Age was motivated by a cognitive shift, where new smelting technologies provided novel conceptual metaphors for thinking about age-old problems concerning human mortality and post-mortem survival. The increased use of cremation in the European Bronze Age contrasts with the archaeological record of the Near Eastern—where, despite the earlier emergence of metallurgy (3300–3000 BCE), we do not see a notable proliferation in the use of cremation in this region. Thus, mortuary practices (i.e. cremation) provide us with an insight into how Western European Bronze Age cultures mediated the body through changes in technological objects and processes.In the terminology of conceptual blending, the generic space in question centres on the technical manipulation of the material world. The first input space is associated with the anxiety attending mortality—specifically, the cessation of personal identity and the extinction of interpersonal relationships. The second input space represents the technical knowledge associated with bronze production; in particular, the extraction of ore from source material and its mixing with other metals to form an alloy. The blended space coordinates these inputs to objectify the human body as an object that is ritually transformed into a new but more durable substance via the cremation process. In this contention we use the archaeological record to draw a conceptual parallel between the emergence of bronze production technology—centring on transition of naturally occurring material to a new subsistence (bronze)—and the transitional nature of the cremation process.In this theoretical framework, treating the body as a mixture of substances that can be reduced to its constituents and transformed through technologies of cremation enabled Western European Bronze Age society to intervene in the natural process of putrefaction and transform the organic matter into something more permanent. This transformative aspect of the cremation is seen in the evidence we have for secondary burial practices involving the curation and circulation of cremated bones of deceased members of a group (Brück, Death 87-93). This evidence allows us to assert that cremated human remains and objects were considered products of the same transformation into a more permanent state via burning, fragmentation, dispersal, and curation. Sofaer (62-69) states that the living body is regarded as a person, but as soon as the transition to death is made, the body becomes an object; this is an “ontological shift in the perception of the body that assumes a sudden change in its qualities” (62).Moreover, some authors have proposed that the exchange of fragmented human remains was central to mortuary practices and was central in establishing and maintaining social relations (Brück, Death 76-88). It is suggested that in the Early Bronze Age the perceptions of the human body mirrored the perceptions of objects associated with the arrival of the new bronze technology (Brück, Death 88-92). This idea is more pronounced if we consider the emergence of bronze technology as the beginning of a period of capital intensification of natural resources. Through this connection, the Bronze Age can be regarded as the point at which a particular natural resource—in this case, copper—went through myriad intensive manufacturing stages, which are still present today (intensive extraction, production/manufacturing, and distribution). Unlike stone tool production, bronze production had the addition of fire as the explicit method of transformation (Brück, Death 88-92). Thus, such views maintain that the transition achieved by cremation—i.e. reducing the human remains to objects or tokens that could be exchanged and curated relatively soon after the death of the individual—is equivalent to the framework of commodification connected with bronze production.A sample of cremated remains from Castlehyde in County Cork, Ireland, provides us with an example of a Bronze Age cremation burial in a Western European context (McCarthy). This is chosen because it is a typical example of a Bronze Age cremation burial in the context of Western Europe; also, one of the authors (MG) has first-hand experience in the analysis of its associated remains. The Castlehyde cremation burial consisted of a rectangular, stone-lined cist (McCarthy). The cist contained cremated, calcined human remains, with the fragments generally ranging from a greyish white to white in colour; this indicates that the bones were subject to a temperature range of 700-900ºC. The organic content of bone was destroyed during the cremation process, leaving only the inorganic matrix (brittle bone which is, often, described as metallic in consistency—e.g. Gejvall 470-475). There is evidence that remains may have been circulated in a manner akin to valuable metal objects. First of all, the absence of long bones indicates that there may have been a practice of removing salient remains as curatable records of ancestral ties. Secondly, remains show traces of metal staining from objects that are no longer extant, which suggests that graves were subject to secondary burial practices involving the removal of metal objects and/or human bone. To this extent, we can discern that human remains were being processed, curated, and circulated in a similar manner to metal objects.Thus, there are remarkable similarities between the treatment of the human body in cremation and bronze metal production technologies in the European Bronze Age. On the one hand, the parallel between smelting and cremation allowed death to be understood as a process of transformation in which the individual was removed from processes of organic decay. On the other hand, the circulation of the transformed remains conferred a type of post-mortem survival on the deceased. In this way, cremation practices may have enabled Bronze Age society to symbolically overcome the existential anxiety concerning the loss of personhood and the breaking of human relationships through death. In relation to the former point, the resurgence of cremation in nineteenth century Europe provides us with an example of how the disposal of a human body can be contextualised in relation to socio-technological advancements. The (re)emergence of cremation in this period reflects the post-Enlightenment shift from an understanding of the world through religious beliefs to the use of rational, scientific approaches to examine the natural world, including the human body (and death). The controlled use of fire in the cremation process, as well as the architecture of crematories, reflected the industrial context of the period (Rebay-Salisbury, Inhumation 16).With respect to the circulation of cremated remains, Smith suggests that Early Medieval Christian relics of individual bones or bone fragments reflect a reconceptualised continuation of pre-Christian practices (beginning in Christian areas of the Roman Empire). In this context, it is claimed, firstly, that the curation of bone relics and the use of mobile bone relics of important, saintly individuals provided an embodied connection between the sacred sphere and the earthly world; and secondly, that the use of individual bones or fragments of bone made the Christian message something portable, which could be used to reinforce individual or collective adherence to Christianity (Smith 143-167). Using the example of the Christian bone relics, we can thus propose that the curation and circulation of Bronze Age cremated material may have served a role similar to tools for focusing religiously oriented cognition. Burying: The Body as a Vegetable ObjectGiven that the designation “the Classical Era” nominates the entirety of the Graeco-Roman world (including the Near East and North Africa) from about 800 BCE to 600 CE, there were obviously no mortuary practices common to all cultures. Nevertheless, in both classical Greece and Rome, we have examples of periods when either cremation or inhumation was the principal funerary custom (Rebay-Salisbury, Inhumation 19-21).For instance, the ancient Homeric texts inform us that the ancient Greeks believed that “the spirit of the departed was sentient and still in the world of the living as long as the flesh was in existence […] and would rather have the body devoured by purifying fire than by dogs or worms” (Mylonas 484). However, the primary sources and archaeological record indicate that cremation practices declined in Athens circa 400 BCE (Rebay-Salisbury, Inhumation 20). With respect to the Roman Empire, scholarly opinion argues that inhumation was the dominant funerary rite in the eastern part of the Empire (Rebay-Salisbury, Inhumation 17-21; Morris 52). Complementing this, the archaeological and historical record indicates that inhumation became the primary rite throughout the Roman Empire in the first century CE. Inhumation was considered to be an essential rite in the context of an emerging belief that a peaceful afterlife was reflected by a peaceful burial in which bodily integrity was maintained (Rebay-Salisbury, Inhumation 19-21; Morris 52; Toynbee 41). The question that this poses is how these beliefs were framed in the broader discourses of Classical culture.In this regard, our claim is that the growth in inhumation was driven (at least in part) by the spread of a conceptual scheme, implicit in Greek fertility myths that objectify the body as a seed. The conceptual logic here is that the post-mortem continuation of personal identity is (symbolically) achieved by objectifying the body as a vegetable object that will re-grow from its own physical remains. Although the dominant metaphor here is vegetable, there is no doubt that the motivating concern of this mythological fabulation is human mortality. As Jon Davies notes, “the myths of Hades, Persephone and Demeter, of Orpheus and Eurydice, of Adonis and Aphrodite, of Selene and Endymion, of Herakles and Dionysus, are myths of death and rebirth, of journeys into and out of the underworld, of transactions and transformations between gods and humans” (128). Thus, such myths reveal important patterns in how the post-mortem fate of the body was conceptualised.In the terminology of mental mapping, the generic space relevant to inhumation contains knowledge pertaining to folk biology—specifically, pre-theoretical ideas concerning regeneration, survival, and mortality. The first input space attaches to human mortality; it departs from the anxiety associated with the seeming cessation of personal identity and dissolution of kin relationships subsequent to death. The second input space is the subset of knowledge concerning vegetable life, and how the immersion of seeds in the soil produces a new generation of plants with the passage of time. The blended space combines the two input spaces by way of the funerary script, which involves depositing the body in the soil with a view to securing its eventual rebirth by analogy with the sprouting of a planted seed.As indicated, the most important illustration of this conceptual pattern can be found in the fertility myths of ancient Greece. The Homeric Hymns, in particular, provide a number of narratives that trace out correspondences between vegetation cycles, human mortality, and inhumation, which inform ritual practice (Frazer 223–404; Carney 355–65; Sowa 121–44). The Homeric Hymn to Demeter, for instance, charts how Persephone is abducted by Hades, god of the dead, and taken to his underground kingdom. While searching for her missing daughter, Demeter, goddess of fertility, neglects the earth, causing widespread devastation. Matters are resolved when Zeus intervenes to restore Persephone to Demeter. However, having ingested part of Hades’s kingdom (a pomegranate seed), Persephone is obliged to spend half the year below ground with her captor and the other half above ground with her mother.The objectification of Persephone as both a seed and a corpse in this narrative is clearly signalled by her seasonal inhumation in Hades’ chthonic realm, which is at once both the soil and the grave. And, just as the planting of seeds in autumn ensures rebirth in spring, Persephone’s seasonal passage from the Kingdom of the Dead nominates the individual human life as just one season in an endless cycle of death and rebirth. A further signifying element is added by the ingestion of the pomegranate seed. This is evocative of her being inseminated by Hades; thus, the coordination of vegetation cycles with life and death is correlated with secondary transition—that from childhood to adulthood (Kerényi 119–183).In the examples given, we can see how the Homeric Hymn objectifies both the mortal and sexual destiny of the body in terms of thresholds derived from the vegetable world. Moreover, this mapping is not merely an intellectual exercise. Its emotional and social appeal is visible in the fact that the Eleusinian mysteries—which offered the ritual homologue to the Homeric Hymn to Demeter—persisted from the Mycenaean period to 396 CE, one of the longest recorded durations for any ritual (Ferguson 254–9; Cosmopoulos 1–24). In sum, then, classical myth provided a precedent for treating the body as a vegetable object—most often, a seed—that would, in turn, have driven the move towards inhumation as an important mortuary practice. The result is to create a ritual form that makes key aspects of human experience intelligible by connecting them with cyclical processes like the seasons of the year, the harvesting of crops, and the intergenerational oscillation between the roles of parent and child. Indeed, this pattern remains visible in the germination metaphors and burial practices of contemporary religions such as Christianity, which draw heavily on the symbolism associated with mystery cults like that at Eleusis (Nock 177–213).ConclusionWe acknowledge that our examples offer a limited reflection of the ethnographic and archaeological data, and that they need to be expanded to a much greater degree if they are to be more than merely suggestive. Nevertheless, suggestiveness has its value, too, and we submit that the speculations explored here may well offer a useful starting point for a larger survey. In particular, they showcase how a recurring existential anxiety concerning death—involving the fear of loss of personal identity and kinship relations—is addressed by different ways of objectifying the body. Given that the body is not reducible to the objects with which it is identified, these objectifications can never be entirely successful in negotiating the boundary between life and death. In the words of Jon Davies, “there is simply no let-up in the efforts by human beings to transcend this boundary, no matter how poignantly each failure seemed to reinforce it” (128). For this reason, we can expect that the record will be replete with conceptual and cognitive schemes that mediate the experience of death.At a more general level, it should also be clear that our understanding of human corporeality is rewarded by the study of mortuary practices. 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Background: Forensic radiography is an important component in forensic sciences. There seems to be a lack of recent studies in the literature on the knowledge and training of forensic pathologists and registrars performing forensic radiography at forensic pathology mortuaries in South Africa.Aim: To evaluate the knowledge and training of forensic pathologists (consultants) and registrars performing forensic radiography at a forensic pathology mortuary in the Free State province, South Africa.Setting: A prospective study was conducted at a conveniently selected forensic pathology mortuary located in the Free State province of South Africa.Method: Personnel performing forensic radiography at the selected mortuary were invited to participate in the study. An exploratory quantitative study design was used. The research tool was a self-administered questionnaire comprising open- and closed-ended questions. Four registrars and four consultants (n = 8) completed the questionnaire.Results: Training was only received on computed tomography (n = 1; 12.5%), the C-arm machine (n = 1; 12.5%) and the digital X-ray mobile machine (n = 1; 12.5%) Lodox on corpse positioning (n = 7; 87.5%) and setting of exposure factors (n = 2; 25%).Conclusion: Lack of training of the personnel performing forensic radiography, at the selected mortuary was identified. Training is required in image acquisition protocols, quality control tests of the X-ray machines, setting technical factors and operation of various X-ray machines.Contribution: Training of registered radiation workers who perform forensic radiography in mortuaries is essential to produce high-quality ionising radiation images and ensure their own and other staff members’ safety.

The T. M. Sanders site (41LR2) is one of the more important ancestral Caddo sites known in East Texas, primarily because of its two earthen mounds and the well-preserved mortuary features of Caddo elite persons buried in Mound No. 1 (the East Mound), as well as its extensive (200+ acres) habitation deposits and material culture remains of the Middle Caddo and Historic Caddo period components. The T. M. Sanders site is located on a broad alluvial terrace just south of the confluence of Bois d’Arc Creek and the Red River.

The H. R. Taylor site (41HS3) is an ancestral Caddo community cemetery in the lower reaches of the Big Cypress Creek basin in East Texas. The cemetery was used by Caddo peoples affiliated with the Late Caddo period Titus phase (ca. A.D. 1430-1680), probably between ca. A.D. 1600-1680, an archaeological construct. Its affiliation with a specific named Caddo group or tribe is not known, and by the early 18th century much of the Big Cypress Creek basin was not inhabited by Caddo peoples, or peoples of any other American Indian group. The H. R. Taylor site is one of more than 146 Titus phase cemeteries, both family and community in organization and scope, identified from archaeological investigations over the last 100 years of the region’s archaeological record and Titus phase mortuary practices.

A search for unmarked graves in the state-owned right of way and underneath the pavement of State Highway 332 resulted in the discovery and archeological excavation of 11 unmarked graves associated with Pioneer Cemetery, an African American burial ground in Brazoria, Texas. Prewitt and Associates, Inc., conducted the fieldwork for the Texas Department of Transportation’s Archeological Studies Program. Between 2008 and 2012, the 11 unmarked graves were discovered, exhumed, analyzed, and then reinterred in Pioneer Cemetery in September 2012. This report describes the bioarcheological investigations of those burials along with 3 other unmarked burials that were previously exhumed and reburied in 2003. The mortuary remains, especially the manufacturing dates on the coffin hardware, indicate that the 14 exhumed burials date to the late-nineteenth century and early-twentieth centuries. Based on the osteological evidence, the deceased persons were 5 women, 2 men, 2 indeterminate adults, and 5 children. Seven of the 14 individuals display skeletal traits indicating that they are of African descent, but 2 indeterminate adults and 5 children do not. Based on historical evidence, it is likely that all 14 individuals were African Americans, and several of the older individuals may have been born into slavery. These 14 burials do not constitute a representative sample of the African Americans in Brazoria County or the town of Brazoria, but they are an interesting and historically significant burial population nonetheless. The overall health status of these people was generally good, with no evidence of abnormally high pathologies. However, skeletal remains of several older individuals exhibited evidence of various forms of degenerative joint disease indicative of lives spent doing hard labor. One adult male had an amputated leg and an iron and wooden prosthesis; it is not known if the loss of his leg was due to violence, accidental trauma, or disease. Several of the Pioneer burials exhibit traits that may represent mortuary behaviors of African origin. Three individuals had vaulted burials, with the casket or coffin located inside a shaft under a protective wooden arch. One adult female was buried with a complete whiteware saucer and a bird talon that was partially wrapped in gold plating and may have been worn as a necklace.

The most distinctive material culture item of the ancestral Caddo groups that lived in East Texas from ca. A.D. 900 to the 1830s were the ceramics they manufactured primarily for cooking, storage, and serving needs. The decorative styles and vessels forms of the ceramics found at sites in the region hint at the variety, temporal span, and geographic extent of a number of ancestral Caddo groups that lived in this area. The diversity in decoration and shape of Caddo ceramics is considerable, both in the utility ware jars and bowls, as well as in the fine ware bottles, carinated bowls, and compound vessels. Ceramics are quite common in domestic contexts on habitation sites across the region, and whole vessels also occur as grave goods in mortuary contexts. The Caddo manufactured ceramics in a wide variety of vessel shapes, and with an abundance of well-crafted and executed body and rim designs paired with smoothed, burnished, or polished surface treatments. From the archaeological contexts in which Caddo ceramics have been found, as well as through inferences about their manufacture and use, it is evident that ceramics were important to the ancestral Caddo in: the cooking and serving of foods and beverages, for the storage of foodstuffs, as personal possessions, as incense burners, as beautiful works of art and craftsmanship (i.e., some vessels were clearly made to never be used in domestic contexts), and as social identifiers. In the case of the later, certain shared and distinctive stylistic motifs and decorative patterns on ceramic vessels marked closely related communities and constituent groups.

Much of the decorated utility wares found in Titus phase mortuary vessel assemblages in the Big Cypress Creek basin of East Texas has been typologically identified over the years as "Miscellaneous Fulton Aspect [Late Caddo] Utility Pottery," which has hindered the full appreciation of the stylistic, temporal, and stylistic diversity that exists among theses sites in the region, or to the extra-local region. The diversity apparent in the decorated utility wares from Titus phase sites has a considerable potential to she light on the existence and spatial distribution of communities of Caddo potters sharing or not sharing utility ware decorative practices and traditions from both short-term and long-term temporal scales, if only more useful classification of the decorative elements found on these wares can be devised.

IntroductionAccording to Sigmund Freud (A General Introduction to Psychoanalysis 90), dreams can be seen as a “substitute for something else, unknown to the dreamer”. In Freud’s theory, dreams are regarded as a “depiction of the subconscious, a screen onto which the subconscious projects its suppressed desires and hallucinations about their fulfilment” (Khapaeva & Tweddle 6). It is likely due to these aspects that dreams and dreaming have become prevalent in contemporary literature, film and television, and an outlet for a greater examination of Freud’s work on the origins and nature of these "desires and hallucinations" (Eberwein). While considerable discussion exists on Freud’s psychoanalytical approach to dreams (Eberwein; Khapaeva & Tweddle; Moore Jr.), as well as the theoretical parallels between dreams and the mediums of storytelling, literature and film (Rheinschmiedt; Perlmutter; Khapeava & Tweddle), there has been limited research and representation of dreams in Gothic television. The Gothic is a “malleable notion” that is able to remould itself into various narrative forms and media (Piatti-Farnell & Brien 1), and is also “about the return of the past, of the repressed and denied, the buried secret that subverts and corrodes the present, whatever the culture does not want to know or admit” (Lloyd-Smith, 1). Given that in Freudian theory, dreams are generally regarded as a vehicle for the return of suppressed desires and the unconscious, dreams and nightmares themselves can be seen as inherently Gothic. Dreams and nightmares are often spaces where characters must confront the unfamiliar, the unknown, and the unseen future, and yet, these spaces also seem to contain aspects of the familiar, the known, and the previously seen past (Moore Jr.). Taking the inherent Gothic nature of dreams and nightmares into account, this article will critically examine the representation of dreams and nightmares in “Chapter Five: Dreams in a Witch House” in Netflix’s The Chilling Adventures of Sabrina (2018-present). At the end of the previous episode, “Chapter Four: Witch Academy”, Sabrina inadvertently frees the sleep demon, Batibat, from her prison. In Chapter five, Batibat, in an effort to force them to release her from the house, places Sabrina, Ambrose, Zelda and Hilda into a deep sleep curse where they are tortured in their dream-turned nightmares. The episode features a number of Gothic tropes and conventions, including the return of the repressed and the unconscious, the uncanny and the double, and the blurring of the boundaries between reality and fantasy. This article will primarily focus on Ambrose, whose dream sequence highlights how dreams in Gothic texts are often spaces where the boundaries between everyday reality and fantasy scenarios become blurred, producing uncanny interactions. This can be seen in Ambrose’s experience of a dream loop, where he is compelled to repeat his death over and over again; this repetition produces a blurring of the boundary between the past, present and future. Additionally, this article will discuss how the episode uses both the “aesthetics and the politics of horror and the Gothic” (Piatti-Farnell and Mercer 1), in order illustrate how the realisation of our deepest fears and anxieties in dreams and nightmares are both terrifying and horrifying. Uncanny Doubles and the Repressed Unconscious According to Royle, the uncanny is “concerned with the strange, weird, and mysterious, with a flickering sense (but not conviction) of something supernatural” (1). The uncanny is a crisis of the proper as it entails a critical disturbance of what is proper (including names, places, people), and is concerned with the familiar becoming unfamiliar. Royle argues that the uncanny is described in terms of making things uncertain and the sense that things are not as they have come to appear through habit and familiarity, which often challenges rationality or logic. According to Wheatley (3), Gothic television narratives often involve a “proclivity towards the structures and images of the uncanny” including repetitions, déjà vu, doppelgangers and the double, and severed body parts. Ambrose’s dream, in particular, support’s Wheatley’s claim that Gothic television has a proclivity towards the images of the uncanny, as it includes a number of key features of the uncanny, including repetitions, the double, and severed body parts, are used to evoke the terror of Ambrose’s pain and death. At the start of Ambrose’s dream, he is in the Spellman Mortuary with Hilda opening a body bag – upon opening the bag, the corpse is revealed to be Ambrose’s body. This revelation produces an uncanny effect, as the double operates as a figure of displacement in that it characteristically appears out of place to displace its host (Webber). This displacement of both self and time can be seen with Ambrose’s reaction, who struggles too come to terms with seeing his double on the Mortuary table. According to Babicka, the doppelganger is perceived as both self and other, and the uncanny element is the fact that they are both familiar and strange. The encounter with other selves opens up possibilities for the uncanny, as any attempt at “a reflexive grasp of this mutual imbrication of self … involves a potential for precisely those uncanny figurations that people experience from the Gothic” (Collins & Jervis 6). After the body on the Mortuary table is revealed to be Ambrose’s double, Ambrose questions his aunt Hilda about the corpse, asking “doesn’t he remind you of someone, Auntie?” Collins and Jervis’s claim that the doppelganger is perceived as both self and other is supported by this interaction, as Ambrose’s question indicates that he recognises the corpse as himself, but given that the corpse appears to be his double, he also regards it as other. Furthermore, the uncanny resemblance between Ambrose and the corpse evokes a sense of terror and awe in him. Morris (307) argues that the uncanny "derives its terror not from something external, alien, or unknown but … something that is strangely familiar and defeats our efforts to separate ourselves from it". Terror has the potential to freeze the mind and body, and derives from whatever evokes in us an apprehension of pain or death. This apprehension of pain and death can be seen with Ambrose, as open seeing the body, a close up shot of Ambrose reveals his shock and terror of his own mortality. Moreover, the existential threat of death which the double poses can be connected to a key theme within the Gothic and the uncanny – our compulsion to return to the repressed moment or act. According to Mishra (294), the double can be regarded as the uncanny harbinger of death, and "death is the always recurring or repeating presence that threatens the subject to which it compulsively returns". In Ambrose’s dream, while his double is a direct visualisation of his death, he cannot seem to remember or understand how is body came to be on the table, as its presence appears to avoid all rational logic. In his discussion of the Gothic and psychoanalysis, Punter (307) argues that we work "continuously to maintain a simulacrum of congruence between fantasy and reality". However, those boundaries frequently blur in the most routine of everyday events, such as daydreams or dissonance between what other people mean as opposed to what we want to hear. When we can’t fill in this gap in knowledge, Punter argues that this gap can call forth the uncanny which is produced when the distinction between imagination and reality is effaced. This dissonance between reality and fantasy can be seen with Ambrose’s reaction, as although his double’s corpse is right in front of him, he struggles to understand the gravity of the situation, and how he died. Unlike Ambrose’s dream, where the return of the repressed, his corpse, is a symbol of his desire to be free of house arrest, the return of the repressed in Sabrina’s dream is more literal as Harvey remembers a memory he had previously forgotten. Botting (107) argues that the uncanny is “easily produced when the distinction between imagination and reality is effaced and occurs when infantile complexes which have been repressed are once more revived by some impression”. The uncanny is the recurrence or return of the repressed – something which is familiar and old established in the mind and which has become alienated from it only through processes of repression. The return of repressed memories can be seen in Sabrina’s dream, where she reveals to her then-boyfriend, Harvey, her identity as half-witch and half-mortal. This revelation causes a moment of déjà vu for Harvey who, in the dream, remembers when Sabrina had cast a spell causing Harvey to forget about Sabrina’s identity. According to Royle (173), déjà vu can be defined as the "peculiar feeling or sensation that we have, in certain moments of situations, of having had exactly the same experience once before, or of having once before been in the same place". However, Royle argues that despite our best efforts, we never succeed in clearly remembering the previous occasion, and therefore the feeling of déjà vu corresponds to the recollection of an unconscious phantasy – we can never consciously remember it because it has never been conscious. In response to Sabrina’s revelation, Harvey asks “why am I suddenly having a strange sense of déjà vu?” Sabrina answers: “because I told you once, in the woods, and then I made you forget”. Harvey reveals that, despite Sabrina’s memory spell “a part of me remembers, even when you made me forget”. This revelation produces another uncanny moment where a repressed or ‘forgotten’ memory comes back to haunt the past. In Freud’s understanding of the uncanny, everything that was intended to remain a secret comes into the open, and the uncanny manifests itself when the repressed aspects buried in our unconscious suddenly return. By revealing her secret, the past event, the memory spell, suddenly returns and this forgotten moment causes Harvey anguish as he struggles to recollect the past experience. Repetition and Dream LoopsThe episode is segmented to focus on how the individual characters come to realise they are dreaming, before it brings them together. When first centred on Ambrose, we see him performing an autopsy on his double; after performing the operation, Ambrose is paid a visit by his coven’s High Priest, Father Blackwood, who informs him that he is no longer under house arrest. In this way, his dream initially appears to mirror the Freudian theory of dreams as simply being wish fulfilment; throughout the first season of The Chilling Adventures of Sabrina, Ambrose’s key storyline is his desire to leave the Spellman house and be free of his imprisonment. However, Ambrose’s wish is never fully actualised, as he is ultimately murdered by Batibat, and after his death, the episode jumps to the same close up shot of Ambrose and Hilda opening the body bag, like at the start of his dream. It appears that Ambrose is stuck in a time loop or a repetition of his own death, unable to leave the house forever – his greatest wish has become his greatest fear. Although it appears that Ambrose is ‘fated’ to die in his dream on a continuous loop, it is never clear when the loop actually begins, as at the beginning of the dream, we already see Ambrose’s corpse. Juranovszky argues that Gothic temporal loops play a key part in endeavours to establish sites of trauma re-enactment, and the aim of temporal confusion is to “evoke a disturbing sense of backward-pointing progress” which “allows for a reconsideration as well as a resolution of the past” (para 12). The re-enactment of Ambrose’s trauma, in this case his death, is seen in his dream, as he is stuck in an endless cycle of discovering his own corpse to only then be killed himself again. The temporality in the dream is non-linear as time flows in a circled repetition where Ambrose is at the Mortuary, is killed, and then the cycle repeats itself. Given that that dream loop begins at the Mortuary table, after Ambrose’s death, time itself in the dream is unclear as there is a blurring of the past, present, and future. Despite his awareness of being stuck in a loop of his own death, Ambrose is compelled to repeat the same action again and again until he relents and frees Batibat from the Spellman residence. This instance of repetition, where characters are compelled to act in a certain way, is a hallmark of the Gothic, and is one of the central characteristics of the uncanny (Lloyd-Smith). Lloyd-Smith argues that Gothic characters are often shown struggling in a web of repetitions caused by their unawareness of their unconscious drives and motives. However, in this case, Ambrose is shown struggling with the repetition of his own death, yet he is compelled to repeat such actions. Furthermore, the sequence highlights how dreams are a space outside of time, where the past and present are blurred. According to Perlmutter, “something happens to the narrative” when dream sequences in film and television begin, as “characters leave behind rational external reality and … cross over into a ‘between’ world where reality and imagination converge into hypothetical realms that are scrambled” and achronological” (128). Because of this blurring between reality and imagination, dreams in Gothic texts are often spaces where the past and future are highly contested, and are an extreme form of solitude outside of time. Ambrose’s home has become an unfamiliar place of torture, as although he is surrounded by familiar people and surroundings, it appears that he is stuck in solitude with little hope of escape. It is Ambrose’s awareness of being trapped in a time loop that results in his own death, and the realisation that he is trapped in existential solitude, as well as his inability to distinguish between nightmare and reality that makes his dream so terrifying. According to Piatti-Farnell and Mercer, “in our contemporary moment”, Gothic horror and terror “tend to merge and intersect, often forming hybrid visions”, that shifts between the two modes. Conventionally, terror has been “linked to fear triggered by indeterminate agents” (Cavallaro vii), and to hold characters and readers in anxious suspense about threats to life, safety, and sanity mostly out of sight or suggestions from a hidden past (Hogle). The claim that Gothic terror and horror often merge and intersect in contemporary texts can be supported by the revelation of the corpse on the Mortuary table. This revelation puts Ambrose in an anxious state, where he can only imagine the circumstances in which his double died. However, this terror of his mortality quickly shifts into horror when Ambrose realises that he is doomed to repeat his death in an endless cycle. Horror is usually triggered by “visible fear” (Cavallaro vii), and confronts characters “with the gross violence of physical or psychological dissolution, explicitly shattering the assumed norms … of everyday life with wildly shocking, and even revolting, consequences” (Hogle 3).This visualisation of fear and gross violence is explicitly shown when Ambrose performs an autopsy on his double for the second time, as he pleads “no … no … no … Auntie, please don’t leave me…” As Ambrose has encountered his death and entrapment in the Spellman residence, his fear of death has been realised as nothing remains for his imagination. The close up shot of Ambrose cutting into his own body can be considered as an instance of body horror, which Reyes argues, occurs when a “text generates fear from abnormal states of corporeality, or from an attack upon the body, we might find ourselves in front of an instance of body horror” (1). Reyes’s claim that body horror generates fear from an abnormal state of corporeality can be seen with Ambrose, as he is compelled to cut into his own body, knowing regardless of his actions, he will be killed by Batibat continuously, unless he relents and frees the demon from her trap. This compulsion to act creates a sense of horror, dread, and revulsion, which can be seen in a close up shot of Ambrose’s face, where he has an extremely visceral reaction to being stuck in his time loop, and being abandoned in solitude with no one to help him. While dreams in Freudian theory were considered as wish fulfilment, they can also be seen as a space where repressed and unconscious desires and fears manifest themselves. As seen in Ambrose’s dream, the return of these unconscious and repressed desires produced a number of uncanny and horrifying interactions. Ambrose’s growing realisation of being trapped in a nightmare loop of his death illustrate how dreams are Gothic because they disturb the boundary between the material world and fantasy. The use of Gothic horror and terror techniques and conventions in Ambrose’s dream demonstrate the horrifying nature of nightmares, not because it featured a single disturbing moment, but because Ambrose’s dream morphed from wish fulfilment to a narrative of his repressed and unconscious desires and fears. The inherent Gothic nature of dreams means they are highly effective and popularly used in literature, film, and television to evoke a sense of terror and horror because of the visceral reaction the return of the unconscious and repressed produces. ReferencesBabicka, Joanna. "Postmodern and Gothic Hybridity in Nick Cave's And the Ass Saw the Angel." The Gothic: Studies in History, Identity and Space. Ed. Katarzyna Wieckowska. Oxford: Inter-Disciplinary Press, 2012. 121-126.Botting, Fred. 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