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Books on the topic 'Morphemic analysis'
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1
Radhamony, P. Language of chemistry, a linguistic analysis: Lexical, morphemic and syntactic analysis of the language of chemistry in the Kerala text books, Malayalam version, and its implication for science education. Thiruvananthapuram, Kerala, India: International School of Dravidian Linguistics, 1992.
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Hung, Feng-sheng. Prosody and the acquisition of grammatical morphemes in Chinese languages. Bloomington, Ind: Indiana University Linguistics Club Publications, 1996.
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3
Keresztes, Kalma. Morphemic and Semantic Analysis of the Word Families (Uralic and Altaic Series). RoutledgeCurzon, 1997.
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4
Leu, Thomas. ein is ein and that is that. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198778264.003.0009.
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Assuming no homophony leads to analyses that are surprising from a traditional perspective. For instance, this chapter shows that German would have a morphosyntactically single same d- in dass ‘that’, der ‘the’, jeder ’every’, etc. and a single same ein in ein ‘one’, mein ‘my’, kein ‘no', nein ‘no!’ etc. Based on the syntactic behaviour of d- and ein, respectively, and on a comparison with English and French counterparts, decomposing not into n-o-t and identifying -on in non ‘no!’ and mangeons ‘eat.1pl’ as the same morpheme, it argues that the surprising analysis may actually be correct. While linguists have recourse to comparative evidence, children do not. The chapter suggests that children would be helped in determining the identity of morphemes if they could rely on the absence of homophony, and proposes the homomorphemicity thesis as a property of UG, hence categorically disallowing homophony within certain syntactically defined lexical domains.
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Zimmermann, Eva. Morphological Length and Prosodically Defective Morphemes. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198747321.001.0001.
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This book investigates the phenomenon of Morphological Length-Manipulation: processes of segment lengthening, shortening, deletion, and insertion that cannot be explained by phonological means but crucially rely on morpho-syntactic information. A unified theoretical account of these phenomena is presented and it is argued that Morphological Length-Manipulation is best analysed inside the framework termed ‘Prosodically Defective Morphemes’: if all possible Prosodically Defective Morpheme representations and their potential effects for the resulting surface structure are taken into account, instances of length-manipulating non-concatenative morphology and length-manipulating morpheme-specific phonology are predicted. The argumentation in this book is hence in line with the general claim that all morphology results from combination and that non-concatenative exponents are epiphenomenal and arise from affixation of autosegmental elements. Although this position has been defended various times for specific phenomena, it has rarely been discussed against the background of a broad typological survey. In contrast to most existing claims, the argumentation in this book is based on a representative data set for attested morphological length-manipulating patterns in the languages of the world that serves as basis for the theoretical arguments. It is argued that alternative accounts suffer from severe under- and overgeneration problems if they are tested against the full range of attested phenomena.
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The Boundaries of Pure Morphology Oxford Studies in Diachronic and Historical Linguistics. Oxford University Press, 2013.
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7
Stirtz, Timothy M. Three Analyses of Underlying Plosives in Caning, a Nilo-Saharan Language of Sudan. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190256340.003.0016.
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Caning (or Shatt), an Eastern Sudanic (Nilo-Saharan) language of Sudan, has bilabial, alveolar, palatal, and velar plosives, but it is not straightforward for which plosives (if any) there is an underlying voicing contrast. Three analyses that can be shown to account reasonably for the data. One analysis proposes a voicing contrast of all plosives in all word positions where plosives occur. Of the three, this analysis posits underlying plosives most closely to the surface forms. A second analysis proposes only a voicing contrast of alveolar and velar plosives in word-initial position, and posits the same alternation processes in roots that are observed across morpheme boundaries. A third analysis proposes no voicing contrast of any plosives in any position by positing a “ghost” consonant before alveolar and velar plosives in word-initial position. There are advantages to each analysis, but none is without certain obstacles. After the noun root and morphological data of plosives is presented as neutrally as possible, the data are analyzed according to each of the three competing analyses, and the evidence for each is summarized. The reader is left to decide which analysis is the best choice.
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Ferrando, Ignacio. The adnominal linker -an in Andalusi Arabic, with special reference to the poetry of Ibn Quzmān (twelfth century). Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198701378.003.0004.
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This chapter describes a syntactical structure typical of Andalusi Arabic, as well as many other Arabic varieties: the use of a nominal suffix -an/-in after an indefinite noun followed by a modifier. Some scholars have linked this morpheme to the so-called tanwīn (‘nunation’), the morpheme of indefiniteness of Classical Arabic. However, both the synchronic analysis of the linguistic facts as they appear in the Andalusi corpus explored in this chapter (the poetry of Ibn Quzmān, twelfth century) and the use of this suffix in other Arabic dialects suggest a different function. The adnominal linker represents not an indefiniteness morpheme or the remains of the tanwīn of Classical Arabic, but a syntactic connection between the indefinite noun and its modifier. It was not a sporadic, stylistic, or optional trait, but a specific and almost compulsory feature widespread in Andalusi Arabic sources, at least until the thirteenth century.
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Mitrović, Moreno. Configurational change in Indo-European coordinate constructions. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198747307.003.0002.
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This chapter presents a case study of word order change in coordinate constructions across a wide range of Indo-European languages. Early Indo-European languages had two available patterns of coordination at their disposal: one in which the coordinating particle was placed in first and another in which it was placed in the second position with respect to the second coordinand (‘Wackernagel effect’). Diachronically, the two competing configurations reduce to a single winning one, namely the head-initial one that all contemporary Indo-European languages retained. This is accounted for as the result of the loss of ‘Wackernagel movement’ and the development of a lexicalized J(unction)-morpheme. Resting on the notion of Junction, the analysis succeeds in explaining the bimorphemicity signature of initial conjunctions by deriving the morpheme count as a fusional exponent of two functional heads. The analysis stands on the assumption that narrow- and postsyntactic processes operate in derivationally delimited chunks, qua phases.
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Zimmermann, Eva. A critical review of alternative accounts. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198747321.003.0007.
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This chapter argues that the theory of PDM is preferable over alternative accounts both in terms of theoretical economy and empirical coverage. The four most important existing theoretical OT alternatives to account for MLM are introduced which includes analyses for which it has been claimed that they are able to account for non-concatenative morphology in general and/or length-manipulation in specific: Transderivational Antifaithfulness (Alderete, 2001), a RealizeMorpheme-based theory (Kurisu, 2001), cophonology theory (Inkelas and Zoll, 2007), and morpheme-specific constraints (Pater, 2009). It is shown that all these four accounts suffer from severe over- and/or undergeneration problems if they are tested against the full typology of attested MLM patterns. Their empirical coverage is put to the test with three case studies for which detailed PDM analyses were presented in previous chapters: the ‘rescuer morpheme’ in Aymara, non-concatenative allomorphy in Upriver Halkomelem, and long epenthetic vowels in Southern Sierra Miwok.
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Austin, Jennifer. The Role of Defaults in the Acquisition of Basque Ergative and Dative Morphology. Edited by Jessica Coon, Diane Massam, and Lisa Demena Travis. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198739371.013.26.
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The use of default agreement plays a key role in morphological theories from diverse perspectives, as well as in many analyses of child language acquisition. In this paper, the development of ergative and dative agreement and case in 20 bilingual and 11 monolingual Basque-speaking children between 2;00-3;06 years old is examined. I propose that the most commonly-produced errors in child Basque involve the substitution of unmarked absolutive forms for ergative and dative case and dative verbal morphemes; for independent reasons, the absolutive is considered to be unmarked inflection in adult Basque (Arregi and Nevins, 2012). These errors suggest that in early stages of morphological acquisition, children learning Basque use default forms which encode a subset of the morphemes as a “best match” to support their developing language when they are unable to produce or retrieve target forms.
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Noonan, Máire. Dutch and German R-pronouns and P-stranding. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198778264.003.0010.
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This chapter explores the fine structure of R-pronouns, spatial PPs, and P-stranding constructions. The guiding hypothesis and theoretical backdrop is that an extended clausal structure is generalized to all categories, including adpositions, (P). The empirical evidence comes from a comparison of the morphosyntactic distribution of the ‘r’ in German and Dutch so-called R-pronouns (locative pronouns) and P-stranding constructions, and from complex spatial PPs in Colloquial German. The chapter argues that a comparative approach to these closely related Germanic languages warrants the decomposition of function words into parts not traditionally recognized as morphemes. The morphemes making up locative pronouns (e.g. Dutch daar ‘there’) and place adpositions (e.g. German auf ‘on’) are shown to pronounce different parts of the clausal structure. A ramification of the analysis is that P-stranding in Dutch and German is in fact the stranding of a remnant phrase that contains the R-pronoun by a projection containing the preposition.
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Bassene, Mamadou, and Ken Safir. Theory and Description. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190256340.003.0012.
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Jóola-Eegimaa, an endangered Atlantic (Niger-Congo) language, has a rich agglutinative morphology resulting in complex words that often permit multiple readings. The regularity and limitations of these ambiguities suggests they are generated by a speaker’s systematic knowledge. Preserving that knowledge demands not simply cataloguing outward forms but also understanding the organizing principles that permit using that knowledge creatively. Investigation of Eegimaa verb stem structure shows that the superficial linear order of stem affixes, seemingly not compositionally transparent, arises from syntactic movement of sub-stem morphemes in a way that preserves the underlying structure necessary for compositional interpretation. Under this analysis a copy of complex v movement is left behind and has the right contents to predict patterns of possible and impossible verb reduplication. Such research can reveal how general features of the language faculty interact with specific lexical properties of morphemes to predict the order and interpretation of verb stem morphology.
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Glanville, Peter John. Reflexive marking. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198792734.003.0004.
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Chapter 4 examines the semantics of Arabic reflexive verbs formed in pattern VII, which produces anticausative verbs, and pattern VIII, associated with the middle voice. It argues that these patterns result from the conversion of full reflexive pronouns into reflexive affixes, and considers the difference between them in the framework of an agency continuum. It then offers an analysis of reflexive verbs that do not participate in a verb alternation. The chapter argues that once a reflexive verb pattern comes about due to affixation, it becomes a morpheme paired with a reflexive semantic structure, and is then no longer restricted to producing verbs that alternate with an unmarked base verb. The chapter shows that verbs marked with this morpheme may be derived from a variety of base nouns and adjectives, or may not be derived at all, but simply marked because they construe a reflexive action.
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Peterson, Tyler. Alignment across Tsimshianic. Edited by Jessica Coon, Diane Massam, and Lisa Demena Travis. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198739371.013.41.
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The Tsimshianic languages are entirely morphologically ergative in the agreement system. While there is a split in Tsimshianic, conditioned by both clause type and a person hierarchy, the other side of the split is not the expected nominative-accusative alignment. Rather, other logical groupings of semantic roles are found that are still ergative. This chapter presents a description of the agreement patterns across Tsimshianic, with the aim of explaining these expansions of ergativity, by undertaking a comparative analysis of the individual languages in the Tsimshianic family. This is analysis is extended to the connectives, which are complex, determiner-like morphemes that appear to be sensitive to the semantic role of the NP. This leads to four distinct alignments (nominative, ergative, neutral, and contrastive). An understanding of the alignments in the agreement system can shed light on this complexity, and a comparative analysis eliminates the multiple alignments in the connective system, thus revealing a fairly standard set of determiners.
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Salanova, Andres Pablo. The paradoxes of Mẽbengokre’s analytic causative. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198778264.003.0008.
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Mẽbengokre exhibits a causative construction that is constructed as an applicative, introducing a low argument without displacing the external argument from its subject function. In the typical case, this causative could be seen as an instance of the so-called sociative causative, whereby the causee is accompanied in the action by the causer, rather than being simply induced to action by the causer. These causatives can be straightforwardly analysed as comitative applicatives. However, Mẽbengokre displays the peculiarity that causatives of most verbs that involve a change of state decidedly do not get a sociative interpretation. This chapter addresses the puzzle of how a true causative semantics can arise in such cases, claiming that the applicative morpheme in these causatives has a grammatical use not unlike that of subject-reintroducing ‘by’ in English passives, and that this grammatical function is tied with a null causative morpheme that attaches only to certain verbal stems.
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Champollion, Lucas. The stage. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198755128.003.0002.
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This chapter presents a distilled picture of the crucial issues in the theoretical background assumptions and develops the framework on which strata theory is built. This framework is essentially a synthesis of the work by Lønning (1987), Link (1998), Krifka (1998), Landman (2000), and others. Its mathematical foundation is classical extensional mereology, which is presented and discussed at length. The overview in this chapter is intended as a reference point for future researchers, and spells out the relevant background assumptions as explicitly as possible, especially in the case of points where the literature has not yet reached consensus on a preferred analysis. Issues discussed in this chapter include the meaning of the plural morpheme, the question whether the meanings of verbs are inherently pluralized, the formal properties of thematic roles, and the compositional process.
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Chafe, Wallace. CADDO. Edited by Michael Fortescue, Marianne Mithun, and Nicholas Evans. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199683208.013.33.
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Caddo is a member of the Caddoan language family, which includes also Wichita, Kitsai, Pawnee, and Arikara. Its verbs are typically polysynthetic, with a base composed of a variety of elements that include incorporated noun roots and various derivational prefixes and suffixes. This base is accompanied by pronominal prefixes expressing person and number and their role as agents, patients, or beneficiaries. Unusual is the division of these pronominal prefixes into realis and irrealis sets that have scope over an entire event or state. The base is followed by suffixes expressing tense and aspect. Caddo is not only polysynthetic but also highly fusional as a result of extensive sound changes that have obscured morpheme boundaries as well as resemblances between different parts of a paradigm. Morphological analysis requires the internal reconstruction of an earlier stage of the language when the composition of a verb was more transparent.
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Taraldsen, Knut Tarald. Spanning versus Constituent Lexicalization. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190876746.003.0003.
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This chapter seeks to evaluate the relative merits of two competing views of how lexical insertion should work in a nanosyntactic framework. One view holds that a sequence of heads meeting certain conditions, a “span,” can be replaced by a single morpheme even when those heads do not form a constituent in the input tree. The other view allows lexical insertion only to target constituents. The article focuses on certain properties of portmanteau prefixes identified by investigating the nominal class prefixes in Bantu languages. Accounting for portmanteau prefixes looks like a serious challenge to the theory restricting lexical insertion to constituents. They can be accommodated by positing only a richer syntactic structure than is usual. However, various empirical arguments show that the richer syntactic structure is in fact needed in an analysis of the nominal class prefixes in Bantu and that this conclusion extends to class prefixes in other languages.
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Chelliah, Shobhana. Ergativity in Tibeto-Burman. Edited by Jessica Coon, Diane Massam, and Lisa Demena Travis. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198739371.013.38.
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A number of Tibeto-Burman languages exhibit morphological ergative alignment, while others clearly do not. In these languages, matters of information structure determine core argument marking. Specifically, both A and S marking may be used to indicate topic, contrastive topic, broad focus, and/or contrastive focus. It is most often A or S, not P, that is assigned such status and between A and S, it is most often A that takes marking. Preference for topic or focus marking on A creates the impression of ergative alignment, but an ergative alignment analysis is untenable as S may be marked under the same conditions and with the same morpheme as A. Considerations of discourse-level clause interpretation in Tibetan, Meitei, and Burmese show that information structure not transitivity determines A and S marking. The presence or absence of marking based on information structure is characterized as “unique differential marking”, distinguishing it from the differential marking observed in ergative and accusative alignment systems.
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Schäfer, Florian. Romance and Greek medio-passives and the typology of Voice. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198767886.003.0006.
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The chapter develops a typology of Voice heads as they are involved in the formation of different types of passives in the Romance languages and in Greek. The chapter first explains how Romance languages can have two morphologically different passives: a canonical periphrastic passive formed with the verbal participle and an auxiliary, and an analytic medio-passive which involves the active verb and a reflexive SE-morpheme. Next, the chapter provides an explanation as to why medio-passives are morphologically syncretic with so-called marked anticausatives both in Romance as well as in Greek. Finally, it develops an explanation as to why Romance medio-passives differ from canonical passives in that only the latter license by-phrases and why the Greek medio-passive does not show this restriction.
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Portner, Paul. Mood. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199547524.001.0001.
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The category of mood is widely used in the description of languages and the formal analysis of their grammatical properties. It typically refers to features of a sentence’s form (or a class of sentences which share such features), either individual morphemes or grammatical patterns, which reflect how the sentence contributes to the modal meaning of a larger phrase or which indicates the type of fundamental pragmatic function it has in conversation. The first subtype, verbal mood, includes the categories of indicative and subjunctive subordinate clauses; the second sentence mood, encompasses declaratives, interrogatives, and imperatives. This work presents the essential background for understanding semantic theories of mood and discusses the most significant theories of both types. It evaluates those theories, compares them, draws connections between seemingly disparate approaches, and with the goal of drawing out their most important insights, it formalizes some of the literature’s most important ideas in new ways. Ultimately, this work shows that there are important connections between verbal mood and sentence mood which point the way towards a more general understanding of how mood works and its relation to other topics in linguistics, and it outlines the type of semantic and pragmatic theory which will make it possible to explain these relations.
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Fortescue, Michael, Marianne Mithun, and Nicholas Evans, eds. The Oxford Handbook of Polysynthesis. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199683208.001.0001.
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This handbook offers an extensive cross-linguistic and cross-theoretical survey of polysynthetic languages, in which single multi-morpheme verb forms can express what would be whole sentences in English. These languages and the problems they raise for linguistic analyses have long featured prominently in language descriptions, and yet the essence of polysynthesis remains under discussion, right down to whether it delineates a distinct, coherent type, rather than an assortment of frequently co-occurring traits. Chapters in the first part of the handbook relate polysynthesis to other issues central to linguistics, such as complexity, the definition of the word, the nature of the lexicon, idiomaticity, and to typological features such as argument structure and head marking. Part II contains areal studies of those geographical regions of the world where polysynthesis is particularly common, such as the Arctic and Sub-Arctic and northern Australia. The third part examines diachronic topics such as language contact and language obsolence, while Part IV looks at acquisition issues in different polysynthetic languages. Finally, Part V contains detailed grammatical descriptions of over twenty languages which have been characterized as polysynthetic, with special attention given to the presence or absence of potentially criterial features.