Journal articles on the topic 'Morpheme position'
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1
Heath, Jeffrey. "Lost Wax." Diachronica 14, no. 2 (January 1, 1997): 197–232. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.14.2.02hea.
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SUMMARY Richly inflected languages often have morphologies in which one or two key relational morphemes serve as the glue which binds other, more substantive morphemes together. When an important relational morpheme suffers phonetic erosion, it may be replaced rather abruptly by a successor morpheme which obtains a foothold in the relevant paradigm and then spreads rapidly, replacing the old morpheme throughout the system. We will refer to this as the 'lost-wax' (cire perdue) method of formal renewal, on the analogy of an ancient method for casting bronze artefacts. The point is illustrated by a close case study of two morphemes, Inverse and Potential, connected with the pronominal agreement system of a set of closely related Australian languages. The mechanics are somewhat different in the two cases, but both can be described as variations on the lost-wax method. RÉSUMÉ Dans les langues à inflexion riche, il se trouve souvent que la morphologie possède un ou deux morphèmes relationnels qui servent à lier d'autres morphèmes à plus grande substance sémantique. Quant un tel morphème relationnel risque de disparaître à cause d'érosion phonétique, il peut se faire remplacer d'un coup par un autre morphème qui gagne une entrée dans le paradigme et puis s'étend rapidement jusqu'à occuper la même position relationnelle de l'ancien morphème. Nous proposons la métaphore de 'cire perdue' pour décrire cette méthode de renouvellement formel, par analogie avec une méthode classique de mouler les figures en bronze. Dans ce contexte nous étudions l'histoire de deux morphèmes, inverse et potentiel, dans le système de désinences personnelles d'un groupe de langues australiennes. Chaque cas présente une mécanique originelle, mais tout les deux rentrent dans le cadre général de la méthode 'cire perdue'. ZUSAMMENFASSUNG Sprachen mit reicher Inflexion haben oft eine Morphologie, in der ein oder zwei zusammenhängende Morpheme andere wesentlichere Morpheme zusam-menbinden. Wenn ein solches Morphem phonetisch zerfällt, kann es ein anderes Morphem plötzlich ersetzen und eine Stelle im Paradigma finden, von dem es sich im System schnell ausbreiten kann, indem es das alte Morphem im ganzen System ersetzt. Wir nennen hier diesen Vorgang 'verlorene Wachs'-Methode der formellen Erneuerung, als Analogie zur althergebrachten Methode der Gußform von Bronzekunstgegenständen. Wir illustrieren den Vorgang anhand einer Fallstudie von zwei Morphemen im pronominalen System der grammatischen Ubereinstimmung in einigen eng verwandten Sprachen Australiens.
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Al-Rawafi, Abdulkhaleq Ali, Tri Pujiati, and Dadang Sudana. "ON THE TYPOLOGY OF THE NEGATION MARKER MÂ IN MODERN ARABIC DIALECTS: KUWAITI, JORDANIAN, SUDANESE, AND YEMENI." Arabiyat : Jurnal Pendidikan Bahasa Arab dan Kebahasaaraban 7, no. 1 (June 4, 2020): 13–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.15408/a.v7i1.14034.
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Modern Arabic Dialects (MADs) have an identical morphological system with some similarities and differences in the choice of the negation morphemes. The main concern of this paper is to discuss the typological properties of the negation morpheme mâ- ما and its variation in four Modern Arabic Dialects (MADs), JA (Jordanian Arabic), KA (Kuwaiti Arabic), SA (Sudanese Arabic), and YA (Yemeni Arabic) taking into account two negation strategies identified by Brustad (2000), namely Verbal Negation and Predicate Negation. Specifically, the study will shed light on the types and positions of the negation morphemes regarding VN and PN strategies. The study employed a descriptive-analytical approach. The data were taken from previous studies on negation in MADs and online sources, i.e., published articles and YouTube. The study found that when the negation morpheme mâ - ما is used as a one-negation system or a two-negation system, as a verbal and predicate negation, it changes to the negation morpheme mâ- ما due to phonological conditions and its pre-verbal position. The study concluded that three negation templates might be generalized in the four dialects, namely one-morpheme template, two-morpheme-template, and predicate negation template. Moreover, blocking of the negation morpheme movement in the sentences happens to do to phonological conditions.
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Carden, Julia R., Juan P. Barreyro, Juan Segui, and Virginia Jaichenco. "The fundamental role of position in affix identity." Mental Lexicon 14, no. 3 (December 31, 2019): 357–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ml.19009.car.
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Abstract Previous research suggests that while free morpheme identification during visual word recognition is position-independent, suffixes are activated only when they occur after the stem. Surprisingly, prefix position coding has not yet been assessed. This point is important given that some experimental studies demonstrated clear processing differences between prefixes and suffixes. In this study we examined whether Spanish suffixes and prefixes are recognized independently of their position by adapting the Crepaldi, Rastle, and Davis’s (2010) experimental paradigm. We observed that morphologically structured nonwords in which the affix occurs in its typical position (e.g., curiosura, disgrave) are rejected more slowly and less accurately than their matched orthographic controls (e.g., curiosula, dusgrave). Crucially, such morpheme interference effect is completely absent when the morphemes are inverted (i.e., uracurios and gravedis are rejected as easily as ulacurios and gravedus). Our data provide strong support to the hypothesis that all affix processing is sensitive to position.
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MOSAFFA JAHROMI, Abolfazl. "Expletives in Modern Persian." Acta Linguistica Asiatica 1, no. 3 (January 23, 2012): 45–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/ala.1.3.45-56.
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It has generally been argued that Persian does not include dummy elements called expletives, in spite of the existence of the morpheme ǐn which shows the behavior of an expletive in specific constructions. The morpheme is not a part of the argument structure and has no meaning. In Persian, which is a pro-drop language, the morpheme ǐn as expletive is generated only in [SPEC CP] of an independent clause. This element may occur in a subject position, object position, or as an object of a preposition. In subject and object positions it is optional when S′ moves to the end of the sentence, or is adjoined to it, in other cases it is obligatory. As an object of a preposition it is always obligatory, no matter whether the structure is the result of a movement or not. The aim of this article is to provide evidence in favor of the existence of expletives, and their projection in Persian.
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Koehlinger, Keegan, Amanda Owen Van Horne, Jacob Oleson, Ryan McCreery, and Mary Pat Moeller. "The Role of Sentence Position, Allomorph, and Morpheme Type on Accurate Use of s-Related Morphemes by Children Who Are Hard of Hearing." Journal of Speech, Language, and Hearing Research 58, no. 2 (April 2015): 396–409. http://dx.doi.org/10.1044/2015_jslhr-l-14-0134.
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Purpose Production accuracy of s-related morphemes was examined in 3-year-olds with mild-to-severe hearing loss, focusing on perceptibility, articulation, and input frequency. Method Morphemes with /s/, /z/, and /ɪz/ as allomorphs (plural, possessive, third-person singular –s, and auxiliary and copula “is”) were analyzed from language samples gathered from 51 children (ages: 2;10 [years;months] to 3;8) who are hard of hearing (HH), all of whom used amplification. Articulation was assessed via the Goldman-Fristoe Test of Articulation–Second Edition, and monomorphemic word final /s/ and /z/ production. Hearing was measured via better ear pure tone average, unaided Speech Intelligibility Index, and aided sensation level of speech at 4 kHz. Results Unlike results reported for children with normal hearing, the group of children who are HH correctly produced the /ɪz/ allomorph more than /s/ and /z/ allomorphs. Relative accuracy levels for morphemes and sentence positions paralleled those of children with normal hearing. The 4-kHz sensation level scores (but not the better ear pure tone average or Speech Intelligibility Index), the Goldman-Fristoe Test of Articulation–Second Edition, and word final s/z use all predicted accuracy. Conclusions Both better hearing and higher articulation scores are associated with improved morpheme production, and better aided audibility in the high frequencies and word final production of s/z are particularly critical for morpheme acquisition in children who are HH.
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Heathcote, Lauren, Kate Nation, Anne Castles, and Elisabeth Beyersmann. "Do ‘blacheap’ and ‘subcheap’ both prime ‘cheap’? An investigation of morphemic status and position in early visual word processing." Quarterly Journal of Experimental Psychology 71, no. 8 (January 1, 2018): 1645–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17470218.2017.1362704.
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Much research suggests that words comprising more than one morpheme are decomposed into morphemes in the early stages of visual word recognition. In the present masked primed lexical decision study, we investigated whether or not decomposition occurs for both prefixed and suffixed nonwords and for nonwords which comprise a stem and a non-morphemic ending. Prime–target relatedness was manipulated in three ways: (1) primes shared a semantically transparent morphological relationship with the target (e.g., subcheap-CHEAP, cheapize-CHEAP); (2) primes comprised targets and non-affixal letter strings (e.g., blacheap-CHEAP, cheapstry-CHEAP); and (3) primes were real, complex words unrelated to the target (e.g., miscall-CHEAP, idealism-CHEAP). Both affixed and non-affixed nonwords significantly facilitated the recognition of their stem targets, suggesting that embedded stems are activated independently of whether they are accompanied by a real affix or a non-affix. There was no difference in priming between stems being embedded in initial and final string positions, indicating that embedded stem activation is position-independent. Finally, more priming was observed in the semantically interpretable affixed condition than in the non-affixed condition, which points to a semantic licensing mechanism during complex novel word processing.
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Li, Wenshan. "The procedural syntax of fake modification constructions in Chinese." Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique 66, no. 1 (February 9, 2021): 91–128. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cnj.2020.36.
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AbstractThe clitic morpheme de in Mandarin Chinese has various uses. Typically, it is cliticized to a phrase whether the phrase is nominal or adjectival; it can also occur between two noun phrases when there is no relation of semantic modification. The constructions that involve the latter use of de, known as fake modification constructions, have been theoretically characterized many a time. In the existing characterizations, the morpheme is treated either as a mysteriously inserted lexical item, a modification marker, or a genitive morpheme. The existing accounts suffer from a variety of theoretical and empirical problems. Evidence is presented that in some other constructions and in fake modification constructions, de, while having no lexical semantic content of its own, occupies a position that is otherwise occupied by a two-place predicate. Based on this observation, a partially unitary theoretical account of fake modification constructions is formulated from a parsing perspective in the framework of Dynamic Syntax. In this account, four de-morphemes in fake modification constructions are recognized with different syntactic distributions; however, they all contribute a semantically underspecified predicate that is updated by syntactically constrained or context-based inference.
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Fábregas, Antonio, and Martin Krämer. "Why prefixes (almost) never participate in vowel harmony." Lexical Issues in the Architecture of the Language Faculty 2, no. 1 (November 6, 2020): 84–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/elt.00016.fab.
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Abstract One of the most common ways of morphological marking is affixation, morphemes are classified according to their position. In languages with affixal morphology, suffixes and prefixes are the most common types of affixes. Despite several proposals, it has been impossible to identify solid generalisations about the behaviour of prefixes, in opposition to suffixes. This article argues that the reason is that our traditional definitions of suffix and prefix are based on pre-theoretical, surface criteria that have been given up in other areas of linguistics: defining a morpheme as a prefix does not tell us anything about its grammatical nature, as that label does not take into consideration the structural configuration underlying the morpheme. Once the structural configuration is taken into account, solid generalisations begin to emerge. The article illustrates the advantages of this approach through a study of the interaction between vowel harmony and affixes.
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Kruhlij, Olena, and Oksana Cherniak. "DISTRIBUTIVE CHARACTERISTICS OF COMBINING." Germanic Philology Journal of Yuriy Fedkovych Chernivtsi National University, no. 831-832 (2021): 156–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/gph2021.831-832.156-166.
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The article is devoted to the study of distributive characteristics of combining forms in Modern English. The material of the study is words and terms taken from the Modern English dictionaries. A number of general scientific (analysis, synthesis, induction, deduction, observation, classification, systematization), as well as purely linguistic methods (method of continuous sampling from lexicographic sources, lexico-semantic analysis, study of vocabulary definitions, contextual interpretation) is applied. The morpheme structure of derivatives with these formants is considered. The positions of the studied units in the morpheme structure of the word are analyzed, as well as the classes of morphemes that are in contact with them. The ways of word formation with the participation of combining forms in Modern English word formation and term formation are singled out. It is revealed that combining forms take an active part in terminological word formation in accordance with the existing patterns and models in the language. In derivation with the participation of the studied elements, depending on the formal means of word formation, affixation, composition and abbreviation are distinguished. The classification of distributive classes with a relatively free and fixed position in the word is given through a detailed study of the sum of all environments of combining forms, order and place, compatibility, properties of their use in relation to other elements are fixed. It was found that the studied elements are characterized by wide combinatorial possibilities, which are manifested in their ability to occupy different positions in the word, which can be relatively free or fixed. Three distributive classes are traced among combining forms the units with relatively free position in a word and fixed position. Bases and prefixes are found in the contact environment of a limited number of combining forms. The vast majority of these forms are combined with elements of the same status and suffixes. Only conditionally complex combining forms are characterized by an identical contact environment on the left and right. Combining forms are mainly characterized by the environment of units with the same status as them (right and left) and suffix environment. A characteristic feature of these elements’ compatibility is the absence of grammatical affixes among the morphemes adjacent to them, and the limited number of prefixes and root morphemes among their contact environment. It seems promising to expand the scope of the study by studying these derivational forms, which function in different terminological systems and in different styles of texts in Modern English. The comparison of combinatorial forms in different modern languages is of particular interest.
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PIGGOTT, GLYNE L. "Against featural alignment." Journal of Linguistics 36, no. 1 (March 2000): 85–129. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226799008129.
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Morphemes are sometimes expressed by elements that are less than full segments, and, in a given language, the position of these elements in a word may vary. A recent analysis of these ‘mobile morphemes’ claims that their distribution is best explained in an optimality-theoretic framework that incorporates a set of featural alignment constraints (Akinlabi 1996). This paper argues that featural alignment plays no role in the realization of ‘mobile morphemes’. Instead, it recognizes a set of licensing constraints that explicitly identifies where featural exponents of such morphemes may appear in a word. Crucially, these licensing constraints, unlike featural alignment, are not morpheme-specific and therefore enjoy cross-linguistic support. Analyses of Chaha labialization, Terena nasalization, High tone realization in the Edoid associative construction and Southern Sami vowel lowering in terms of licensing are shown to be superior to the alignment-theoretic ones on both descriptive and explanatory grounds.
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Van Goethem, Kristel, and Matthias Hüning. "From Noun to Evaluative Adjective: Conversion or Debonding? DutchTopand Its Equivalents in German." Journal of Germanic Linguistics 27, no. 4 (November 25, 2015): 366–409. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1470542715000112.
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In this study, we address the ways in which nouns can give rise to new adjectives in Dutch and German. More specifically, the focus is on words with an evaluative meaning that can be used in a wide range of morphological and syntactic constructions in recent (and informal) language. For example, the German nounHammer‘hammer’ can be used inHammervorstellung‘very good performance’ orhammer film‘fantastic film’. In the literature, two distinct hypotheses can be found to account for the adjectival uses of such evaluative nouns. The debonding hypothesis states that the intensifying bound morpheme has developed into a free morpheme. The conversion hypothesis suggests that the new adjectival uses are the result of a syntactic reanalysis of an N as an A that takes place in the predicative position. In our case study, we analyze the synchronic bound and free uses of Dutchtop, and we compare them with Germantopandspitze. We conclude that the emergence of the adjectival uses of these morphemes points toward an interaction between both processes involved, conversion and debonding.
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Holmboe, Henrik. "Dansk radiærordbog." HERMES - Journal of Language and Communication in Business 1, no. 1 (July 17, 2015): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/hjlcb.v1i1.21347.
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The Radial Dictionary of Danish makes it possible for its user to find all Danish words containing a certain string of characters, the minimum length of the string being two characters. This principle of arrangement prove show useful especially for the description of a language like Danish with very rich composition and derivation. The typical search string will be a morph or morpheme, and the radial arrangement of this dictionary allows you to find all words containing a certain morph or morpheme no matter whether its position is word initial, word internal or word final.
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Kim, Jeahong, JeYoung Jung, and Kichun Nam. "Neural correlates of confusability in recognition of morphologically complex Korean words." PLOS ONE 16, no. 4 (April 15, 2021): e0249111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0249111.
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When people confuse and reject a non-word that is created by switching two adjacent letters from an actual word, is called the transposition confusability effect (TCE). The TCE is known to occur at the very early stages of visual word recognition with such unit exchange as letters or syllables, but little is known about the brain mechanisms of TCE. In this study, we examined the neural correlates of TCE and the effect of a morpheme boundary placement on TCE. We manipulated the placement of a morpheme boundary by exchanging places of two syllables embedded in Korean morphologically complex words made up of lexical morpheme and grammatical morpheme. In the two experimental conditions, the transposition syllable within-boundary condition (TSW) involved exchanging two syllables within the same morpheme, whereas the across-boundary condition (TSA) involved the exchange of syllables across the stem and grammatical morpheme boundary. During fMRI, participants performed the lexical decision task. Behavioral results revealed that the TCE was found in TSW condition, and the morpheme boundary, which is manipulated in TSA, modulated the TCE. In the fMRI results, TCE induced activation in the left inferior parietal lobe (IPL) and intraparietal sulcus (IPS). The IPS activation was specific to a TCE and its strength of activation was associated with task performance. Furthermore, two functional networks were involved in the TCE: the central executive network and the dorsal attention network. Morpheme boundary modulation suppressed the TCE by recruiting the prefrontal and temporal regions, which are the key regions involved in semantic processing. Our findings propose the role of the dorsal visual pathway in syllable position processing and that its interaction with other higher cognitive systems is modulated by the morphological boundary in the early phases of visual word recognition.
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Letsholo, Rose. "The forgotten structure of Ikalanga relatives." Studies in African Linguistics 38, no. 2 (June 15, 2009): 131–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.32473/sal.v38i2.107290.
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Demuth and Harford (1999) contend that in Bantu relatives, the verb raises from I-C if the relative morpheme is a bound morpheme while the subject remains in spec-IP resulting in subject –verb inversion. Ikalanga, a Bantu language spoken in Botswana has no subject verb inversion in relatives although the relative morpheme appears to be a bound morpheme. This observation challenges the conclusion reached in Demuth and Harford (1999). This raises the question, What then is the structure of the relative clause in languages like Ikalanga and Luganda? This paper argues that Ikalanga relative clauses differ from other Bantu relative clauses in that the projection that houses the relative feature (RelP) projects below TP while in Bantu languages where subject verb inversion is observed such as Shona it projects higher than TP. Thus, the variation in the structures of Bantu relative clauses can be accounted for if we understand that there is a parametric variation in the position in which RelP projects; lower than TP or higher than TP.
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Vydrin, Valentin. "Featural foot in Bambara." Journal of African Languages and Linguistics 41, no. 2 (October 1, 2020): 265–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jall-2020-2012.
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Abstract The Bambara foot is represented as a rhythmic unit which can be disyllabic or monosyllabic. Foot-parsing is both segmentally and morphologically conditioned. A foot can coincide with a morpheme or be smaller than a morpheme, but it cannot include more than one morpheme. The main factors for foot-parsing are: types of initial consonants, types of internal consonants and vocalic combinations; directionality (left to right) is a secondary factor. Segmentation into feet is relevant for the realization of tone. Disyllabic feet are subdivided into two types, heavy and light; heavy feet have a long vowel in the initial syllable, while light feet have a short vowel in this position which is susceptible to elision (depending on phonotactics). It seems unnecessary to postulate stress in Bambara. The views of previous researchers on the Bambara foot are critically analyzed.
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Basilico, David. "Antipassive Adds an Argument." Open Linguistics 5, no. 1 (August 8, 2019): 191–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/opli-2019-0012.
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AbstractIn this paper, I give an analysis of the syntax of the antipassive construction in the Eskimo-Aleut language family. In this account, I follow previous works, such as Benua (1997), Basilico (2004, 2012), Aldridge (2012), and Johns and Kučerová (2017) and posit that the antipassive, oblique argument occupies a different position than the transitive, absolutive object. However, I do not argue that the absolutive direct object argument and the oblique antipassive object occupy the same base position. Instead, I analyze the antipassive marker as an element which creates an argument position: it turns the verb to which it is attached from a predicate of events into a relation between an event and an entity, introducing the undergoer thematic role predicate and its argument. By considering that the antipassive morpheme introduces an argument, rather than saturating or demoting one, we explain a number of interesting phenomena: why ‘agentive’ verbs do not appear with an antipassive morpheme while ‘patientive’ verbs do, why the antipassive is associated with the inchoative as well as the applicative, and why transitive impersonal verbs do not undergo antipassivization.
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Keidan, Artemij. "Marking of quality modifiers in 2nd-generation IE languages." Poznan Studies in Contemporary Linguistics 56, no. 3 (September 25, 2020): 477–527. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/psicl-2020-0014.
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AbstractIn PIE, quality modifiers were expressed by stative verbs and nominal epithets, rather than by special adjectival lexemes. Adjectives did not form a separate lexical class. This made the encoding of the NP constituency less explicit. If we consider what I suggest calling “second-generation IE languages” we can observe a general tendency to create new, more explicit morphological means of dependency marking within a NP. The exact outcomes of this diachronic process vary from one language to another. However, if we parametrise the variation, a common pattern becomes clearly observable. In all the languages analysed in the present paper, there is a pronoun undergoing grammaticalisation as a dependency marker. What varies is (1) the position of this element with respect to the nominal base (pre- vs. postposed); (2) the degree of agglutination (bound morpheme vs. clitic vs. free morpheme); and (3) the locus of marking (head vs. modifier vs. double or alternant marking); (4) the source morpheme that undergoes grammaticalisation (relative vs. demonstrative pronoun).
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MEALINGS, KIRI TRENGOVE, and KATHERINE DEMUTH. "Cluster reduction and compensatory lengthening in the acquisition of possessive -s." Journal of Child Language 41, no. 3 (May 17, 2013): 690–704. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305000913000093.
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ABSTRACTPrevious research shows that two-year-olds' third person singular -s and plural -s are produced more accurately in utterance-final compared to utterance-medial position. However, only the third person singular is affected by coda complexity. This study explores these effects with possessive -s. Acoustic analysis of twelve two-year-olds' elicited imitations examined the use of simple versus complex codas (e.g. Sue's vs. Doug's) both utterance-medially and utterance-finally. Morpheme production was surprisingly robust across contexts, though coda clusters were often simplified to a lengthened -s morpheme utterance-medially (e.g., Dou's [dɐz]). The findings raise many questions about the development of speech planning processes across populations.
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Demeshko, Inna. "MORPHONOLOGICAL TYPES AND PROPERTIES OF BASES VERBS OF WORD- FORMING UNITS IN THE UKRAINIAN LANGUAGE." Research Bulletin Series Philological Sciences 1, no. 193 (April 2021): 207–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.36550/2522-4077-2021-1-193-207-212.
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The article describes the morphonological structure of word- forming units with indivisible and divisible bases verbs is clarified in the article and the morphonological types and properties of bases verbs of word-forming units in the Ukrainian language are determined. The morphonological structure of word-forming units is determined by the structure of the apical verb, morphonological transformations, morphonological positions, morphonological type, morphonological model. The ending of the verb base, which undergoes changes under the influence of the initial of the formant, signalize morphonological transformations. All word-forming units with an inarticulate verb are divited among 22 morphonological types, with an indivisible verb is divided between 50 morphonological types, notice the character of the verb base, complex morphonological transformations (consonant or vocal alternations, types of final consonant base), open, closed), increase of radical or suffix morpheme, change of accent positions (shift of emphasis on root or suffix morpheme). Morphonologically marked deverbatives of substantive, adjectival, verbative, adverbial blocks are analyzed. The character of realization and regularity of morphonological phenomena in word formation during the formation of deverbatives are influenced by structural and phonemic properties, characteristics of creative bases and word-forming affixes, features of the contact zone on the morpheme seam, stress position, truncation, number of syllables. Indivisible verb bases are characterized by open and closed verb bases, divisible verb bases are characterized only by open verb bases. For articulated verb bases, the open structure of the suffix (V, VCV) is typical, open or cover-open (CV). Analyzing the bases verbs of word-forming units in the Ukrainian language, it is appropriate to take into count the indivisibility and divisibility of bases verbs, the final formative basis, variability / non-variability of verb bases, formant initials, morphonological transformations, morphonological positions, presence / absence of constraints in compatibility.
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Déprez, Viviane. "Plurality and definiteness in Mauritian and Haitian creoles." Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages 34, no. 2 (November 25, 2019): 287–345. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jpcl.00041.dep.
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Abstract In addition to plurality, creole plural morphemes impart an additional meaning of definiteness or specificity to the nominal expressions they mark. As of yet, there is no precise characterization either empirical or theoretical of the semantic/pragmatic dimensions they convey. Furthermore, the question of whether this added meaning is largely fixed across distinct creoles and plural morphemes, or subject to variations has never been examined. With the goal of bringing new insights intothese questions, this paper reports the results of a comparativestudy of the properties of two creole plural morphemes in two distinct French-lexifier creoles, Haitian Creole (HC) and Mauritian Creole (MC). Besides relying on native speaker intuitions, a detailed comparative qualitative and quantitative study of the uses of these plural morphemes was conducted in a textual corpus in two adaptations of the story of the Little Prince by Antoine De St Exupery, in Haitian Creole and in Mauritian Creole respectively. The results of this comparative investigation clearly demonstrate that the use of plural morphemes in the two creoles, though similarin a number of respects, also differ quite systematically. We observe that the distinctions noted closely mirror the uses of the singular definite marker ‘la’ bv’ also argued to subtly diverge in these two creoles (Wespel 2008, Déprez 2016, in preparation). The paper analyzes this mirroring effect as a consequence of the positions that the plural morphemes come to occupy in the nominal structure and of the way the structure building operations are constrained in the different creoles. Concretely it is argued that the plural morphemes come to derivationally occupy the position of definite articles in each of the languages, and that this derivational process is obligatory in Haitian Creole due to the pronominal nature of its plural morpheme, but remains optional in Mauritian.
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Heath, Jeffrey. "Caught in the middle." Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages 34, no. 1 (March 22, 2019): 126–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jpcl.00030.hea.
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Abstract The relationship between the Songhay and Mande language families has fascinated West Africanists. The typological similarities run deep, but the respective lexicons are noncognate. I focus here on a typological rarity, a bidirectional case marker (BCM), namely Proto-Songhay *nà and its descendants, and argue that it was most likely borrowed from Mande as part of the adoption by Songhay of the equally typologically rare Mande-type S(‑infl)‑O‑V‑X syntax, which reduces to S‑O‑V‑X when there is no post-subject inflectional morpheme (predicative marker). Apparently Songhay had little choice but to borrow the morpheme on the grounds that it did not previously possess the S(‑infl)‑O‑V‑X construction of which it is a key component, especially since a buffer between S and O prevents real-time mis-parsing of two adjacent NPs as possessor-possessum. The medial (‘caught in the middle’) position of the morpheme in the S‑BCM‑O sequence favored the borrowing, in spite of its abstract relational function which in some theoretical models should block borrowing.
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Paradis, Carole, and Jean-François Prunet. "On the Validity of Morpheme Structure Constraints." Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique 38, no. 2 (June 1993): 235–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008413100014766.
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Morpheme structure constraints (MSCs or, equivalently, morphemic constraints), i.e., constraints on underived items, pose a logical problem to any theory claiming that the first input list to the lexicon, i.e., the dictionary (DICT), may contain material which is considered ill-formed by the MSCs of the language. This problem is related to Scobbie’s (1991:1) “interaction problem”, i.e., the need to make explicit the way in which constraints, rules and representations interact. In the case of MSCs, the interaction problem can be stated as follows: how can ill-formed material be present in the DICT if the DICT contains constraints, i.e., MSCs, against ill-formed material? The Theory of Constraints and Repair Strategies (TCRS) proposed by Paradis (1988a, 1988b, 1990, 1993, this volume), along with Optimality Theory (e.g., Itô and Mester, this volume, and McCarthy, this volume) but in contrast with Declarative Phonology (e.g., Scobbie, this volume), claims explicitly that the DICT can contain material which is identified as ill-formed by post-morphemic constraints (see Paradis and Prunet 1989a:331; Bagemihl 1991:641; Paradis and El Fenne 1991, 1992, 1993; and Ulrich 1991 for other instances of underlying ill-formedness). To solve this interaction problem, Paradis (1993, this volume) suggests that phonological constraints are active in the lexicon (the component where words are morphologically derived) and the post-lexical level alone, not in the DICT. Structures of the DICT may be identified as ill-formed only when going through the lexicon. The theory of phonology which emerges from this position clearly contradicts the commonly-held view that DICT entries are constrained by MSCs.
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Wolfe, Virginia I., Suzanne D. Blocker, and Norma J. Prater. "Articulatory Generalization in Two Word-Medial, Ambisyllabic Contexts." Language, Speech, and Hearing Services in Schools 19, no. 3 (July 1988): 251–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1044/0161-1461.1903.251.
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Articulatory generalization of velar cognates /k/, /g/ in two phonologically disordered children was studied over time as a function of sequential word-morpheme position training. Although patterns of contextual acquisition differed, correct responses to the word-medial, inflected context (e.g., "picking," "hugging") occurred earlier and exceeded those to the word-medial, noninflected context (e.g., "bacon," "wagon"). This finding indicates that the common view of the word-medial position as a unitary concept is an oversimplification. Possible explanations for superior generalization to the word-medial, inflected position are discussed in terms of coarticulation, perceptual salience, and the representational integrity of the word.
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Cychnerska, Anna. "Grupy samogłoskowe w dialektach kosturskich." Slavia Meridionalis 15 (September 25, 2015): 195–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sm.2015.016.
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Vocalic clusters in the Kostur dialectsThe article presents a description of vocalic clusters, occurring in texts from the Kostur dialectal area. The basis for the analysis is 14 texts in the book Текстови од дијалектите на македонскиот јазик published by Vidoeski. Vowels constituting clusters were evaluated according to morphological position, location in the prosodic unit and the structure of the cluster.Most of the vowel combinations were recorded at the morphemic boundry, in the middle of the word. In these positions, clusters are more diverse in structure than inside morpheme. Geminates were relatively frequent in the texts. They constitute nearly 23% of all vowel sequences. Grupy samogłoskowe w dialektach kosturskichArtykuł zawiera opis grup samogłoskowych, występujących w tekstach z kosturskiego obszaru dialektalnego. Podstawą do analizy jest 14 tekstów dialektalnych ze zbioru B. Vidoeskiego Текстови од дијалектите на македонскиот јазик. Połączenia samogłoskowe zostały ocenione pod względem pozycji morfologicznej, miejsca występowania w wyrazie oraz budowy.Badania wykazały, że najwięcej kombinacji wokalicznych rejestruje się na granicy morfologicznej, w śródgłosie wyrazu. W tej pozycji różnorodność grup pod względem tworzących je elementów jest znacznie częstsza niż wewnątrz morfemu. Stosunkowo częste w tekstach były geminaty samogłoskowe. Ich udział stanowi blisko 23% wszystkich sekwencji wokalicznych.
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Hasenäcker, Jana, Maria Ktori, and Davide Crepaldi. "Morpheme Position Coding in Reading Development as Explored With a Letter Search Task." Journal of Cognition 4, no. 1 (February 17, 2021): 16. http://dx.doi.org/10.5334/joc.153.
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Caesar, Regina Oforiwah. "Locative Constructions in Dangme." Issues in Language Studies 9, no. 2 (December 3, 2020): 52–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.33736/ils.2283.2020.
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This paper explores locative constructions in Dangme, a language that belongs to the Kwa family of languages. The paper discusses the components of the basic locative construction in Dangme. It also examines the syntax and semantics of verbs of position and verbs of change of location that function in the basic locative constructions in Dangme. Data were drawn from mainly primary sources from 14 native speakers of Dangme. I demonstrate that postposition and locative nouns mainly express location in Dangme. There are a set of nouns that also function as indicators of location and direction to places. It is to be noted that in locative constructions, the postposition class and the adjunct of location indicate the location of entities in Dangme as in other languages. The postposition class can take the form of a word or a phrase. The phrase is made up of an NP and locative morphemes: mi ‘inside’, se ‘back’, nɔ/hiɔwe ‘top’, kpɛti ‘middle’, he ‘side’ nya ‘edge of, tue ‘edge’ and sisi ‘under’. The data also revealed that in Dangme, a locative morpheme or phrase can co-occur with a positional verb in a construction to express the position of an entity at a location.
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Hale, Ken. "Navajo Verb Stem Position and the Bipartite Structure of the Navajo Conjunct Sector." Linguistic Inquiry 32, no. 4 (October 2001): 678–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002438901753373041.
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The Navajo verb stem appears at the rightmost edge of the verb word. In numerous cases it forms a lexical constituent with a preverb, occurring at the leftmost edge of the surface verb word, much in the manner of Dutch and German verb-particle arrangements in verb-second finite clauses. In Navajo the initial and final positions are separated by eight morpheme order “slots” recognized in the Athabaskan literature (and described in detail for Navajo in Young and Morgan 1987). A phonological solution to this and a number of other deep-surface disparities is explored here, based on the insights of earlier works on the Navajo verb, including Speas 1984, 1990, McDonough 1996, 2000, and Rice 1989, 2000.
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Beaulieu, Louise, and Wladyslaw Cichocki. "La flexion postverbale -ont en français acadien : une analyse sociolinguistique." Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique 53, no. 1 (March 2008): 35–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008413100000888.
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AbstractWe present a sociolinguistic analysis of the third person plural verbal suffix -ont in the variety of Acadian French spoken in the northeastern region of New Brunswick. The analysis shows that variation in the use of this traditional morpheme is conditioned by external factors and in particular by social network. In addition, retention of -ont is conditioned by an internal factor, as this suffix regularizes the singular/plural contrast in stems, and the 3SG/3PL contrast in verbal paradigms. The more -ont optimizes these contrasts, the greater the tendency to maintain this morpheme. Thus, forms such as i-pouvont, i-voulont, and i-buvont— which allow speakers to communicate their identity and social position within their speech community as well as to optimize the use of forms in the verb paradigms — have a greater probability of being retained than other forms that offer fewer benefits.
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Bylinina, Lisa. "Degree Infinitival Clauses." Semantics and Linguistic Theory 23 (August 24, 2013): 394. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/salt.v23i0.2660.
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I discuss the structure and semantic composition of the so-called "Attributive-with-Infinitive" construction -- a construction that contains a positive gradable adjective in the attributive position, and a gapped infinitival clause. Studying the way the adjective combines with the infinitival clause will suggest a new type of an infinitival clause -- a degree interval-denoting one. The analysis will have consequences for the nature of a positive morpheme.
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Fulk, R. D. "Conditions for the voicing of Old English fricatives, II: morphology and syllable structure." English Language and Linguistics 6, no. 1 (May 2002): 81–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1360674302001053.
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Old English fricatives at points of morpheme juncture are studied to determine whether they conform to the rule of voicing between voiced sounds that applies morpheme-internally. Should we expect a voiced or a voiceless fricative in words like OE heorð-weorod, Wulfweard, and stīðlīce? The evidence examined regards chiefly compounds and quasi-compounds (the latter comprising both forms bearing clear derivational affixes and ‘obscured’ compounds, those in which the deuterotheme has lost its lexical independence), though a small amount of evidence in regard to voicing before inflectional suffixes is considered. Evidence is derived from place-names, personal names, and common nouns, on the basis of Modern English standard pronunciation, assimilatory changes in Old English, modern dialect forms, post-Conquest and nonstandard Old English spellings, and analogous conditioning for the loss of OE /x/. A considerable preponderance of the evidence indicates that in compounds as well as in quasi-compounds, fricatives were voiced at the end of the prototheme when a voiced sound followed, but not a voiceless one. It follows from the evidence that there was no general devoicing of fricatives in syllable-final position in Old English, despite Anglo-Saxon scribes' use of <h> for etymological [Γ] in occasional spellings like <fuhlas> and <ahnian>. Old English spellings of this kind need be taken to imply nothing more than a tendency for <h> and <g> to be used interchangeably in noninitial positions, due to the noncontrastive distribution of the sounds they represent everywhere except morpheme-initially. Rare early Middle English spellings of this kind may or may not have a phonological basis, but they cannot plausibly be taken to evidence a phonological process affecting /v, ð, z/.
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Pereira, Bruna Karla. "Nump and Possp in Dialectal Brazilian Portuguese." Revista Diadorim 19 (October 30, 2017): 72–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.35520/diadorim.2017.v19n0a13578.
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In standard Brazilian Portuguese (BP), as well as in other Romance languages, possessives have uninterpretable number features, which are valued via nominal agreement. However, dialects of BP, especially the one spoken in Minas Gerais, have shown that 2nd person possessives, in postnominal position, do not have number agreement with the noun. In order to account for these facts, I will argue that, in this grammar, number features on 2nd person possessives are reanalyzed as being: (i) associated with the person (rather than the noun) and (ii) valued. From the frst postulation, ‘seu' is expected to be the possessive for 2nd person singular, and ‘seus' for 2nd person plural. From the second postulation, no number concord is expected to be triggered on the possessive. In addition, based on Danon (2011) and Norris (2014), I will argue that cardinals divide BP DPs into two domains in that phrases located above NumP are marked with the plural morpheme, while phrases below it are unmarked. In this sense, because prenominal possessives precede cardinals (NumP), they must be marked with the plural morpheme for nominal agreement; whereas postnominal possessives, which follow NumP, must be unmarked. Free from the plural marking associated with nominal agreement, postnominal 2nd person possessives favor the reanalysis of the morpheme ‘-s' as indicating the number associated with person features.
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Barrack, Charles M. "Sievers‘ Law in Gothic: A Response to Pierce." Journal of Germanic Linguistics 22, no. 3 (September 2010): 255–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1470542710000024.
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Gothic scribes divided words at the ends of lines following basic principles of syllabification except in the case of glide-final clusters, where the division appeared immediately before the glide (-C/G-). Pierce (2006) accepts this practice as evidence that such sequences were heterosyllabified, -C.G-. He rejects arguments that such breaks occur because morpheme boundaries (#) normally precede the glides, -VC0C/#GV-, and that hence these clusters were actually tauto-syllabified: -VC0.C#GV-. Pierce counters that (a) the Law of Initials forbids such tautosyllabification; (b) morphology cannot account for similar division in forms evincing Verschärfung or /-ngw-/, where there are no morpheme boundaries; (c) his opponents are inconsistent because they ignore the role of morphology in the division of stop + liquid clusters; (d) evidence from the other Germanic dialects cor-roborates his position; (e) if -VC0CGV- were truly tautosyllabified, one would expect occasionally to find erroneous divisions exhibiting this, -VC0/.C#GV-. In this rejoinder, I argue that Pierce's arguments rest on false premises.
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Liu, Chi-Ming Louis. "Refutatory na-sentences in Mandarin Chinese." International Journal of Chinese Linguistics 9, no. 2 (December 6, 2022): 266–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ijchl.21001.liu.
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Abstract Refutatory na-sentences possess several syntactic properties that are absent in their interrogative counterparts. First, they carry the assertive rather than interrogative force; second, they are mainly used to refute a claim made by another interlocutor. Given the fact that such a distinction is correlated with the position that na ‘where’ occupies in sentence, I propose that when na serves as an interrogative wh-phrase, it is nominal and consists of na and an indefinite morpheme concerning location; in contrast, when na is a refutatory marker, it is an adjunct, containing an additional negative operator that binds a location-associated variable encoded in the indefinite morpheme. The refutatory na further has to move to the Spec of ForceP at LF to acquire the illocutionary force. This analysis not only accounts for the syntactic and pragmatic properties of the refutatory na, but also supports the claim that Mandarin wh-arguments and wh-adjuncts are formed differently.
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Maguire, Warren, Rhona Alcorn, Benjamin Molineaux, Joanna Kopaczyk, Vasilios Karaiskos, and Bettelou Los. "Charting the rise and demise of a phonotactically motivated change in Scots." Folia Linguistica 40, no. 1 (July 26, 2019): 37–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/flih-2019-0003.
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Abstract Although Old English [f] and [v] are represented unambiguously in Older Scots orthography by <f> and <v> (or <u>) in initial and morpheme-internal position, in morpheme-final position <f> and <v>/<u> appear to be used interchangeably for both of these Old English sounds. As a result, there is often a mismatch between the spellings and the etymologically expected consonant. This paper explores these spellings using a substantial database of Older Scots texts, which have been grapho-phonologically parsed as part of the From Inglis to Scots (FITS) project. Three explanations are explored for this apparent mismatch: (1) it was a spelling-only change; (2) there was a near merger of /f/ and /v/ in Older Scots; (3) final [v] devoiced in (pre-)Older Scots but this has subsequently been reversed. A close analysis of the data suggests that the Old English phonotactic constraint against final voiced fricatives survived into the pre-Literary Scots period, leading to automatic devoicing of any fricative that appeared in word-final position (a version of Hypothesis 3), and this, interacting with final schwa loss, gave rise to the complex patterns of variation we see in the Older Scots data. Thus, the devoicing of [v] in final position was not just a phonetically natural sound change, but also one driven by a pre-existing phonotactic constraint in the language. This paper provides evidence for the active role of phonotactic constraints in the development of sound changes, suggesting that phonotactic constraints are not necessarily at the mercy of the changes which conflict with them, but can be involved in the direction of sound change themselves.
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KANE, Hafissatou. "Doubling in Wolof-French Bilingual Speech." Journal of World Englishes and Educational Practices 3, no. 4 (April 25, 2021): 31–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.32996/jweep.2021.3.4.5.
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This paper presents an analysis of the phenomenon of doubling in the context of Wolof-French codeswitching where the French subordinating conjunction comme “as” and its Wolof counterpart ni, often appear in succession. More specifically, the paper analyses the different patterns underlying the structure of these two conjunctions in the mixed sentence. The first observation is that doubling occurs either in the sentence initial position or between the independent clause and subordinate one. This suggests that each double corresponds both languages’ word order in the sense that in both Wolof and French, subordinating conjunctions can occupy the initial and middle position of the sentence. The study also indicates that the Wolof conjunction ni always occurs at the beginning of the subordinate clause, otherwise, the sentence becomes ungrammatical. For this reason, we claim that the Wolof conjunction (and not the French one) combines the subordinate clause to the independent one. Also, this is why the French conjunction comme may be dropped from the mixed sentence while the omission of the Wolof ni makes it ungrammatical. Using the Matrix Language Frame (MLF) model to explain the indispensability of the Wolof conjunction, it is shown that this subordinating conjunction is a bridge system morpheme. Like outsider system morphemes, earlies and bridges also come from Wolof, the matrix language in Wolof-French codeswitching.
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Agus Anggayana, I. Wayan, I. Nyoman Suparwa, Ni Made Dhanawaty, and I. Gede Budasi. "Description of Phonology, Characteristics, and Determination of the Origin Language of Waisika." e-Journal of Linguistics 15, no. 1 (January 31, 2021): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.24843/e-jl.2021.v15.i01.p04.
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This study aims to describe the Waisika language carried out in the Northeast Alor sub-district based on the observation point, which was the object of research. This research uses quantitative and qualitative approaches. In diachronic research methods, there are two main methods in facilitating the direction of research, namely quantitative methods and qualitative methods. Application of minimal pairing procedures and similar environments, it can be found that all vocoids sound in Waisika is vocal segments /a, i, u, e, o/. Application of minimal pairing procedures and similar environments, it can be found that all contoid sounds are consonant segments [p, b, mb, t, nt, d, k, g, nd, h, s, m, n, N, Nk, l, r, w]. Five vowel phonemes, which are found to have complete distribution at the front, central, and back of the morpheme. The phoneme /mb/, /nt/, /d/, /k/, /nd/, /r/, /w/ only exists in the initial and middle position of words. The phonemes /Nk/ are only in the central position of words. The phonemes /N/ are only in the central and back positions.
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Van der Wal, Jenneke. "disjoint verb form and an empty immediate after verb position in Makhuwa." ZAS Papers in Linguistics 43 (January 1, 2006): 233–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.21248/zaspil.43.2006.293.
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The Bantu language Makhuwa makes a distinction between cojoint and disjoint verb forms. Two hypotheses are made from generalisations on the distribution of the conjoint and disjoint verb forms in Makhuwa. 1) The verb appears in its conjoint form when a focal element occupies the Immediate After Verb (IAV) position; 2) the verb appears in its disjoint form when the IAV position is empty. A syntactic analysis is provided that accounts for these hypotheses if the IAV position is defined in terms of structural rather than linear adjacency between two heads in a direct c-command relation.
In the syntactic analysis two focus projections are proposed: one under TP (Ndayiragije 1999) hosting the disjoint morpheme and one under vP, to whose specifier focal elements move. Non-focal elements remain in-situ. This analysis accounts both for the strong adjacency requirement of a cojoint verb form and its focal object and for the empty IAV position that requires a verb to appear in its disjoint form.
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JERRO, KYLE. "The causative–instrumental syncretism." Journal of Linguistics 53, no. 04 (May 24, 2017): 751–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226717000044.
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Causative and applicative morphemes have been central in work on the morphosyntax of argument structure. However, several genetically unrelated languages use a single, syncretic form for both functions, which complicates the traditional view that a causative adds a new subject and an applicative adds a new object. In this paper, I propose an analysis of a morphological syncretism found in the Bantu language Kinyarwanda where the morphological causative and instrumental applicative are both realized by the morpheme –ish. I argue for Kinyarwanda that both causation and the introduction of an instrument are analyzable as two outgrowths of the same semantic notion of introducing a new link into the causal chain described by the verb. The different causative and instrumental readings derive from underspecification of the position of the new link in the causal chain, although its placement is restricted via general constraints on possible event types as well as constraints on verb meaning and argument realization. This analysis provides an explanation for the presence of the causative–instrumental syncretism as well as provides insight into the interface between verb meaning and valency-changing morphology.
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Ershova, Ksenia. "Unaccusativity and the syntax of imperatives in East Circassian." Proceedings of the Linguistic Society of America 2 (June 12, 2017): 36. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/plsa.v2i0.4091.
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This paper presents novel evidence for the syntactic distinction between unergative and unaccusative verbs in East Circassian (or Kabardian. The evidence concerns a particular strategy of forming imperatives -- simultaneous causativization and reflexivization -- which is only applicable to unaccusative predicates. I argue that this type of imperative involves the promotion of the internal argument to the a higher position through the use of the causative morpheme which has been grammaticalized to mark imperative mood. The observed patterns suggest that imperative mood, while generally associated with the CP-layer, must be sensitive to the structure of vP.
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Mkochi, Winfred. "Encoding the plural-honorific suffix -ani and the imperfective anga in Malawian CiTonga (N.15)." Studies in African Linguistics 48, no. 2 (November 13, 2019): 356–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.32473/sal.v48i2.118043.
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Many Bantu languages have the plural-honorific suffix *-Vni and the imperfective morpheme *-a(n)g-. In most of these languages, *-Vni is reported to be clearly encoded at POST-FINAL position. On the other hand, *-a(n)g- is said to be ambiguously encoded, either at EXT (extension) in one language or FV (final vowel) in another language. Still in others it coexists at both EXT and FV; there has also been a suggestion that it is encoded at POST-FINAL in several others. This article argues that the status of both the plural-honorific suffix -ani (*-Vni) and the imperfective -anga (*-a(n)g)- in CiTonga is fluid, it prevaricates between EXTENSION (suffix), FV (the commonest), and POST-FINAL (clitic). Although these formatives can be encoded at these positions, they are shown to be functionally different from extensions, inflectional vowel suffixes and clitics
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Aldridge, Edith. "Object relative clauses in Archaic Chinese." Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique 58, no. 2 (July 2013): 239–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008413100003029.
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AbstractThis article proposes that Late Archaic Chinese object relative clauses were reduced relative clauses consisting of a TP dominated by DP. They contained a functional morpheme suo, which attracted an operator to the edge of the vP before moving to T in order to provide T with an [N] feature that could be selected by D. The embedded subject moved to the specifier of the nominalized T, where it valued genitive case with D under Agree. The reduced nature of SUO relative clauses accounts for the fact that a unique strategy was required for relativization on VP-internal positions, as opposed to subject position, since the lack of a CP layer denied the clause a uniform landing site for operators originating internal and external to vP. This analysis also accounts for the loss of the relativization asymmetry by correlating it with the loss of nominalizing morphology such as genitive case.
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Cheng, Gong, Zhao-Hui Yi, and Jian-Guo Xiong. "Raising or Lowering?—A Case Study of Alethic ACQ in Chinese and Southeast Asian Languages." Studies in Chinese Linguistics 37, no. 2 (December 1, 2016): 75–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/scl-2016-0004.
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AbstractThe present paper proposes a morphological lowering analysis for the structure associated with alethic ACQ, a postverbal morpheme capable of denoting the modality of ability and possibility in Chinese as well as many Southeast Asian languages. Built in the framework of distributed morphology, we suggest that ACQ is base-generated in a preverbal node as a modal element and lowers to a postverbal position during its derivation on the PF branch. We compare and contrast the proposed lowering account with the other model of analysis, the raising analysis, and demonstrate that the lowering account is superior both conceptually and empirically.
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Macrae, Toby. "Stimulus Characteristics of Single-Word Tests of Children's Speech Sound Production." Language, Speech, and Hearing Services in Schools 48, no. 4 (October 5, 2017): 219–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1044/2017_lshss-16-0050.
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Purpose This clinical focus article provides readers with a description of the stimulus characteristics of 12 popular tests of speech sound production. Method Using significance testing and descriptive analyses, stimulus items were compared in terms of the number of opportunities for production of all consonant singletons, clusters, and rhotic and nonrhotic vowels of Standard American English; phonetic/phonological and structural complexity; and the presence of bound morphemes. Results The tests varied widely in terms of the number of opportunities for production of consonant singletons, clusters, and rhotic and nonrhotic vowels. Most of the tests included only 1 opportunity, scored or unscored, to produce a majority of the consonant singletons in each word position. Only 3 of the tests included stimulus items with 3-element clusters. The majority contained limited opportunities to produce 3- or 4-syllable stimulus items. The tests provided sufficient opportunities for production of most vowels, although most did not score vowels. The tests differed significantly in the complexity of their stimulus items. Most, however, contained a negligible number of items that, with the addition of a bound morpheme, resulted in a word-final cluster. Conclusion Most of the tests elicit an inadequate sample with which to conduct a comprehensive phonological analysis.
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Golovaneva, T. A. "Publication of Koryak folklore texts: causes of orthography variability." Languages and Folklore of Indigenous Peoples of Siberia, no. 41 (2021): 79–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/2312-6337-2021-1-79-94.
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This work is motivated by graphic and orthographic difficulties in preparing Koryak texts for publication in the “Monuments of Folklore of the Peoples of Siberia and the Far East.” Koryak language spelling difficulties are analyzed for the first time, particularly non-trivial cases of ambiguous spelling requiring comprehension and codification. For example, the spelling of equivocal vowel sound [ә] proves a problem. The normative spelling not allowing two conso- nants at the beginning of a word is due to the historical reconstruction of the Koryak phonological system. However, the indefinite vowel [ә] sometimes is reduced so as not to be identified by the modern Koryak speakers, with its designation with the letter ы [ә] causing reading mistakes. Also, the spelling of йи [ji] or йы [jә] is complicated, with the choice between these two variants based on morphologic principle and defined by this syllable position in the word: root morpheme, affix or in between two morphemes. The spelling of soft consonant followed by equivocal sound [ә], designated in writing by ы [ә], remains to be identified. This combination provokes orthographic variability observed in th-ɣe publications in Koryak. Variability appears in spellings of word forms with -гыйӈ [-ɣәjŋ], -ӈыйт [-ŋәjt] and in spellings of double consonants between two morphemes. The orthographic variability in Koryak publications is due to the conflict in phonemic and morphologic principles relevant for Koryak spelling. Moreover, given the dominant bilingualism, Koryak writing is strongly influenced by the Russian spelling, making the possibility of developing a national writing culture questionable.
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Faust, Noam. "Gutturals in General Israeli Hebrew." Brill’s Journal of Afroasiatic Languages and Linguistics 11, no. 1 (June 12, 2019): 162–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18776930-01101011.
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Abstract Modern Hebrew is written with the traditional Hebrew orthography, which contains several symbols that refer to guttural sounds. However, the pronunciations corresponding to these symbols in Modern Hebrew are not phonetically guttural. This paper is an exhaustive survey of these realizations. It shows that in many cases, there are reasons to think that even though no sound is produced, there is an underlying segment in the position of the historical guttural, and this segment behaves in a predictable manner. That said, alongside this general pattern, there are some effects related to historical gutturals that must be regarded as morpheme-specific, as well as some idiosyncrasies of the different original gutturals.
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Korostenskiene, Julija. "On binding, lexical and superlexical prefixes, andsiin the Baltic verb." Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique 62, no. 3 (January 18, 2017): 449–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cnj.2016.38.
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AbstractThe present paper is concerned with a historical puzzle: the changing position of the markersiin the extant Baltic languages, Lithuanian and Latvian.Siappears before the root in prefixed verbs and verb-finally in prefixless verbs in Lithuanian and dialectal Latvian, as opposed to a consistently verb-final position in standard Latvian and in Slavic languages, specifically Russian. This ordering is examined within a larger picture of morpheme linearization – focusing primarily on Lithuanian, but also bringing in Latvian and Latgalian data – to account for the Baltic paradigm. Historically a pronoun,siis argued to have incorporated into the verbal structure, and to maintain nowadays a binding relation with the subject of the sentence. The placement ofsiwithin the verb is shown to depend on two factors: the type of the antecedent and the morphosyntactic composition of the verb. The findings presented here also provide new evidence against the Lexicalist Hypothesis.
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PROTOPAPAS, ATHANASSIOS, SPYRIDOULA CHEIMARIOU, ALEXANDRA ECONOMOU, MARIA KAKAVOULIA, and SPYRIDOULA VARLOKOSTA. "Functional categories related to verb inflection are not differentially impaired in Greek aphasia." Language and Cognition 8, no. 1 (January 7, 2015): 124–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/langcog.2014.46.
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abstractPrevious research in Greek aphasia has indicated that functional categories related to verb inflection are differentially impacted, with Aspect most severely affected, Agreement least affected, and Tense occupying an intermediate position. However, research materials were not controlled for overall length or position of the verb within the sentence, confounding functional category with processing load. Using balanced materials, here we tested ten persons with aphasia and ten matched control participants on grammaticality judgment and sentence completion in three functional categories (agreement, tense, and aspect) using ten verbs spanning a range of familiarity. Production results indicated no difference in errors of either lexeme or inflectional morpheme selection. In grammaticality judgment acceptance of incorrect sentences was lower for Agreement but this pattern was mirrored in the control group as well. The results provide no basis to support a specific linguistic deficit in the representation of functional categories in Greek persons with aphasia.
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Bassano, Dominique, and Christian Champaud. "The argumentative connective même in French: an experimental study in eight- to ten-year-old children." Journal of Child Language 16, no. 3 (October 1989): 643–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305000900010771.
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ABSTRACTThis study examines how children understand the argumentative function of the French connective même (‘even’). Two completion tasks, related to the argumentative properties of the morpheme, were used: (1) to infer the conclusion of an ‘even’ sentence, and (2) to infer the argument position. Two main factors likely to influence the comprehension were investigated: the semantic context, and the syntactic form – affirmative vs negative. The argumentative function of même was globally mastered at the age of eight, but comprehension depends on semantic context. Performances were better for negative sentences, which suggests that negation plays a facilitating role; the specific properties of the negative expression pas même/même pas (‘not even’) in discourse are discussed.
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Szitó, Judit. "Formulaic language and translation : The case of the Hungarian dirge." Freeside Europe Online Academic Journal, no. 12 (2021): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.51313/freeside-2021-7.
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The study proposes that “good clichés”, often named formulas or formulaic language in linguistics, can be best represented in another language as folklore translations. The claim is demonstrated through providing folklore translations to formulaic segments of Hungarian dirges, a genre which is characterized by formulaic composition. The dirge is an improvised folklore genre, a special lament for the deceased that is composed on the spot. First the formulaic composition of dirges is explained. In addition, various levels of mediation are compared in order to highlight the importance of folklore translations in formulaic texts. It is suggested that folklore translations occupy an intermediate position between interlinear morpheme-by-morpheme glosses and regular translations: they differ from interlinear glosses in their readability, and from regular translations mainly in their cultural content. Finally, closely resembling formulaic chains in the discourse of Hungarian dirges from the Upper-Tisza region are presented in both Hungarian and English, and thus made accessible for readers in English. The Appendix of the study contains six dirge texts in Hungarian and their translations in English. The dirges had been either recorded during field work and then transcribed in Hungarian by the author or collected from archives and published sources. In this manner, formulaic composition in Hungarian dirge texts, together with texts not translated before, are made available to an international readership in English.
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Honti, László. "Névszói -ik végződéseink egyikének valószínű keletkezéstörténete." Magyar Nyelvjárások 58 (2020): 5–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.30790/mnyj/2020/01.
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A Probable Etymology for One of Our Nominal -ik Suffixes There are altogether six such suffixes in the Hungarian language that have an -ik phonological form; three of these are used in the nominal and three in the verb category. This paper examines the history of research and the circumstances for the emergence of the -ik element with a highlighting function. The most frequently occurring lexemes of the formations created with this morpheme are egyik ‘one of’, másik ‘another, other one’, mindenik ‘everyone’, melyik ‘which one’, and valamelyik ‘one of them’. A large part of those studying this issue in Hungarian and Finno-Ugric Studies have identified this element as the pl. 3rd person possessive suffix (dialectal -ik ~ -uk/-ük in literary language) in a way that this morpheme was perceived to have two components: -i was interpreted as the dialectal sg. 3rd person possessive suffix (e.g., ház-i ‘his house’, kez-i ‘his hand’), while -k was identified as the plural suffix (e.g., háza-k ‘houses’, keze-k ‘hands’). This paper studies the emergence of the -ik morpheme and the process of its formation starting out from the fact that the most frequent egyik and másik pronouns with a highlighting suffix (in which -ik was probably first used) appear in old language and dialects both in an accented position only with an -i suffix added and without any ending with a highlighting function. The Hungarian -i and -k have such equivalents in a large part of Finno-Ugric languages (Balto-Finnic, Sami, Votic, Komi, Khanty, Mansi) that also make the lexeme they are attached to accented; these turned into the -ik highlighting suffix in Proto-Hungarian in three steps, egy ~ “egy + i” > egy- ~ egyi- ~ “egyi + k” > egy- ~ egyi- ~ egyik. This -ik, however, did not become the pl. 3rd person possessive suffix, this wording appears as a conclusion in opposition to the overall view of experts studying this issue.