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1
Marrero Rocha, Inmaculada. "The Implications of Spanish-Moroccan Governmental Relations for Moroccan Immigrants in Spain Spanish-Moroccan Governmental Relations and Moroccan Immigrants." European Journal of Migration and Law 7, no. 4 (2006): 413–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181605776293228.
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AbstractThe terrorist attacks in Madrid on March 11, 2004 were one of the most traumatic events in recent Spanish domestic history, and have had a profound influence in internal policy as well as determining the strategy of its foreign and security policy. In many sectors it has created a climate in which there are serious negative repercussions in the acceptance and integration of immigrants from Morocco, bearing in mind that most of the people detained and put on trial are from that country but were residing in Spain. However, if the March 11 terrorist attacks are an important factor militating against Moroccan integration in Spain, the truth is that for many years they have had greater difficulties in integrating into the host community than other immigrant groups. This paper argues that Spanish-Moroccan political relations constitute further factors that create special difficulties for Moroccan immigrants in their integration into Spanish society. In order to demonstrate this hypothesis, the paper first describes in section one the specific Spanish migration context, firstly from the demographic point of view, analysing the rapid change of Spain from an emigrant country to an immigrant country and the increase in foreign population over recent years and, secondly from cultural point of view when it discusses the already existing diversities among the different Spanish regions and, finally, from a legal point of view the paper studies the changeable and unstable Spanish law on migration. The main goal of this introductory section is to show the general problems of integration applicable to all immigrant groups living in Spain, including Moroccans. Secondly, in sections two and three, the paper attempts to examine the unequal treatment against Moroccan immigrants and argues that this situation is not only due to Spanish attitudes toward immigrants in general and the social, racial and religious characteristic of Moroccan immigrants but also because there are other political reasons related to the relations between the Spanish and Moroccan Governments that affect the situation of Moroccans in Spain because of their nationality. In order to show this unequal treatment of Moroccan immigrants in comparison with other immigrant groups, section two describes the main examples of clear discrimination: specific racist and xenophobic attacks against Moroccans in Spain; employment discrimination against Moroccans; and the institutional declarations that negatively affect Moroccans. The third section attempts to demonstrate how old and recent political crisis and controversies in the fields of fishing, agricultural, territorial disputes, and illegal immigration controls between both countries constitute factors which have made the integration of Moroccan labourers in Spain more difficult. The fourth section shows how the political crises and conflicts between Spain and Morocco have worsened the Spanish population's perception of Morocco and have influenced the treatment Moroccan immigrants receive in Spain. Finally, the last section contains several conclusions as a warning to the Spanish Government to improve its relations with Moroccan Authorities not only to obtain institutional and political results but also to bring about positive consequences for Moroccans living in Spain.
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Cherkasova, Ekaterina. "THE PROBLEM OF CEUTA AND MELILLA IN SPANISH FOREIGN POLICY." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no. 1 (March 28, 2017): 66–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2017-1-66-72.
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The article is dedicated to one of the most important problems of Spain’s foreign policy, namely the problem of the two Spanish enclaves located on the territory of Morocco - Ceuta and Melilla. The historical and legal provisions form the basis of arguments of the Spanish and Moroccan parts justifying their claim to these disputed territories. A comparison is made between the problems of Ceuta and Melilla and Gibraltar.Particular attention is paid to the question of whether they are covered by NATO’s security guarantee. The author substantiates that Morocco is using the issue of Ceuta and Melilla as a means of pressure on Spain to get benefits in other areas, including trade, immigration, and fishing. Rabat also seeks to force Spain to change its position on the Western Sahara. The current situation of the Spanish cities in the light of their current economic, migratory and political problems is analyzed. It isemphasized that illegal immigration mostly from sub-Saharan countries is one of the main problems of the Spanish-Moroccan relations, complicating the situation in Ceuta and Melilla. This problem is far from being resolved. The main task of the Western countries regarding this issue is the maintenance of stability in the region, which perfectly meets the interests of Spain. Madrid’s efforts are focused primarily on prevention of such development of political and economic situation which would put the country before the need to strengthen its southern border by military means. This strategic objective has become particularly relevant in light of recent events in North Africa.
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Anikeeva, Natalia. "FOREIGN POLICY OF PEDRO SÁNCHEZ: ONE YEAR ON." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 23, no. 5 (October 31, 2021): 15–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran520211522.
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The article analyzes the foreign policy of Spain, as well as the foreign policy strategy (2021–2024), adopted in early 2021, a year after Pedro Sánchez took office as chairman of the coalition government. The appearance of this document took place against the backdrop of the inauguration of the new US President Joe Biden. P. Sánchez’s government expressed the hope that Spain and the EU will be able to improve relations with the United States in various spheres of activity. The new foreign policy strategy was influenced by the global financial and economic crisis provoked by the development of the coronavirus pandemic. In the summer of 2021, another important event for Spanish foreign policy took place. Jose Manuel Albarez was appointed to the post of Foreign Minister, who replaced Arancha Gonzalez Lai. The author comes to the conclusion that relations with Morocco are traditionally important for the foreign policy of Spain. Latin America will play an important role in the new strategy. The place of Spain in the establishment of a dialogue between the EU and Latin American states was especially marked.
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Zhiri, Oumelbanine. "Mapping the Frontier between Islam and Christendom in a Diplomatic Age: al-Ghassânî in Spain." Renaissance Quarterly 69, no. 3 (2016): 966–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/689039.
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AbstractThis essay analyzes the travel account authored by Moroccan ambassador Muhammad al-Ghassânî, who visited Spain in 1690–91. The account shows the evolution of the early modern frontier between Christian Europe and Islamic North Africa, from a militarized boundary to the development of diplomatic relations. Both an agent and witness of that history, al-Ghassânî describes a heterogeneous space: he surveys the border, explores the foreign land of modern Spain, and reimagines the memory of al-Andalus. His important account, based on sharp observation and serious research, helps nuance the prevailing view that Arab culture had ignored Europe before the nineteenth century.
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Tomé-Fernández, María, Marina García-Garnica, Asunción Martínez-Martínez, and Eva María Olmedo-Moreno. "An Analysis of Personal Learning Environments and Age-Related Psychosocial Factors of Unaccompanied Foreign Minors." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 17, no. 10 (May 24, 2020): 3700. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph17103700.
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Spain is one of the countries with the greatest influx of immigrants and, specifically, of unaccompanied foreign minors (UFMs). The educational and social inclusion of unaccompanied foreign minors poses both a challenge and a threat to current policy. Nonetheless, studies linking educational aspects to the phenomenon of the integration of these children are scarce and do not specify the most influential educational tools and strategies. In this sense, a descriptive, quantitative and cross-sectional research study is presented. The aim of this study is to examine whether variables such as age and the use of applications and social networks determine the personal learning environments (PLE) of unaccompanied foreign minors. The sample of the present study was formed by 624 individuals (♂ = 92.1% (n = 575); ♀ = 7.9% (n = 49)) aged between 8 and 17 years old. The majority came from Morocco and resided in the cities of Ceuta and Melilla. The “PLE and Social Integration of UFMs” questionnaire was used as the study instrument. Amongst the main findings, significant differences are highlighted in the personal learning environments as a function of age-related psychosocial factors as they pertain to unaccompanied foreign minors. Four factors were seen to exist in relation to the personal learning environments of unaccompanied foreign minors: self-concept of the learning process, planning and management of learning, use of resources and tools, and communication and social interaction. The same trend was observed in the four factors, with older age groups reporting better scores. On the other hand, results show that the use of applications and social networks have a significant and favourable impact on personal learning environment construction.
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Alekseev, Dmitry V. "Migration management case study: Spain and Morocco." Izvestiya of Saratov University. New Series. Series: History. International Relations 21, no. 2 (June 23, 2021): 235–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1819-4907-2021-21-2-235-243.
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The article analyzes the contradictions between the country of destination and origin of immigrants and defines the directions of cooperation between them to regulate migration processes. It considers the evolution of Spanish and Morocco immigration laws and the development of the bilateral relations to consolidate joint model to manage migration. It includes data of the intensity of the migration flows, their predominantly labor character and the dependence on the economic situation in the receiving country. It analyzes the impact of the coronavirus pandemic on migration processes and outlines prospects for cooperation in the context of the transfer restrictions.
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Dotson-Renta, Lara N. "Translated identities: writing between Morocco and Spain." Journal of North African Studies 13, no. 4 (December 2008): 429–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629380801918905.
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Khattabi, Hidaya EL, and Mohamed Karim. "Impact of Morocco-ECOWAS Economic Relations on Economic Growth in Morocco: An Analysis Using the ARDL Model." International Journal of Economics and Finance 10, no. 5 (April 7, 2018): 105. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ijef.v10n5p105.
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Over the last decade, Morocco has undertaken numerous reforms in order to successfully integrate itself into the global economy in general, and Africa in particular, with the aim of diversifying and strengthening its competitive export potential.In fact, the analysis of trade relations between Morocco and ECOWAS reveals an increasing volume of trade, reflecting a continuous dynamization of their commercial relations. A similar trend is observed in foreign direct investment, which has been growing steadily over the last few years, reflecting Morocco’s desire to become a major player in the development of the African continent.The analysis of Morocco’s trade opening and foreign direct investment (FDI) in ECOWAS on Morocco’s economic growth, using ARDL (Autorégressive distribution Lag) modelling, shows that Moroccan foreign direct investment to ECOWAS has a significant impact on its GDP per capita in the short and long term. With regard to bilateral trade between the two partners, no long-term equilibrium relationship could be established due to the still low weight of trade volumes.
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Fadil, Hamza, and Shen Yi. "Positive Acceptance of Morocco against Postitory Retirement Refugees 2011." Journal of Sociological Research 11, no. 1 (December 2, 2019): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jsr.v11i1.15961.
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Morocco is a country in the North African region with a strategic geographical location for migration routes to Europe. Morocco borders Spain directly, causing thousands of migrants, refugees and asylum seekers to pass through Morocco as a transit country to get to Europe as a major destination. Previously, Morocco itself was a large migrant sending country with a total Moroccan diaspora abroad reaching almost 10% of the total population. The dynamics of Morocco as a sending, transit and now a recipient country for refugees makes Morocco have a policy dynamic that is quite interesting to study. Starting with Law 02-03 which made Morocco the first Arab country to have regulations on refugees, ratification of the 2011 constitution, until the enactment of the National Policy on Immigration and Asylum (NPIA) in 2013 made Morocco continue to get praise from various parties for its quite friendly regulations against these refugees, despite various diplomatic pressures that Morocco has received from other countries such as Spain and Greece. Morocco then offers permanent residency for refugees who fulfill the procedure. In discussing the motives behind Morocco's positive response, Jacobsen's concept of influencing factors influencing Jacobsen's explanations explains 4 variable factors: international relations, national security considerations, the competitiveness of local communities, and bureaucratic decisions.
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Anikeeva, NATALYA. "THE RELATIONS OF SPAIN WITH MOROCCO AND WITH OTHER COUNTRIES OF THE MAGHREB IN THE CONTEXT OF EURO MEDITERRANEAN COOPERATION (1996-2004." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no. 2 (June 28, 2016): 7–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2016-2-7-12.
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The main economic interests of Spain in the Mediterranean region during the study period were focused on the Maghreb countries and were mainly associated with the energy sector. The leading recipients of Spanish investments are Tunisia and Morocco. Relations with the countries of the Maghreb Spain relied on a solid
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Tykhonenko, Iryna. "Evolution of the multilateral cooperation between the Kingdom of Morocco and the European Union: from political to values dimension." European Historical Studies, no. 14 (2019): 31–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2019.14.31-42.
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The article focuses on one of the current areas of European Union cooperation within the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership, namely with the Kingdom of Morocco. The official Rabat has both a historical basis for cooperation with the EU (colonial past) and an established dialogue with the European Union from associate membership to the acquisition of a special partnership status in 2008. The purpose of Morocco’s special status in the EU is to: strengthen dialogue and cooperation in the field of politics and security; gradual integration of Morocco into the EU internal market through approximation of legislation and regulations. The main directions and areas of multilateral cooperation between Morocco and the EU are highlighted especially Rabat ties with leading European powers (notably France and Spain) as implementation of bilateral level and at the level of integration with EU as political body. It is revealed that the acquisition of a special status in cooperation with the EU aims to deepen cooperation not only in the economic, security and energy spheres, but also the human dimension of bilateral relations, which affects human rights and cultural and humanitarian level of relations. In particular, the topical agenda for bilateral Moroccan-European relations is migration issues, the problem of Western Sahara, which complicate dialogue somewhat. The leading role in Morocco’s relations with EU Member States is played by dialogue within the Francophonie, as well as interpersonal contacts in the fields of culture, education and science. These contacts are closely maintained between Morocco, France and Spain, and implemented the EU’s values policy mentioned in the Association Agreement. It is revealed that cultural cooperation plays a positive role in the fight against religious extremism and civil society building.
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MORÉ, IÑIGO. "The Economic Step between Neighbours: The Case of Spain–Morocco." Mediterranean Politics 9, no. 2 (June 21, 2004): 165–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1362939042000221268.
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Ponedelko, G. "Capital Export – Foreign Economic Phenomena of Spain." World Economy and International Relations, no. 2 (2006): 66–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2006-2-66-73.
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Anikina, Alexandra Mikhailovna. "Spain — China: dynamics of trade and economic relations development." Mezhdunarodnaja jekonomika (The World Economics), no. 2 (February 1, 2021): 139–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/vne-04-2102-05.
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Spain is a member state of the European Union, which occupies one of the leading places in the world economy. Over the past decade, this country has paid particular attention to expanding the internationalization of its economy, including by striving for geographical diversification of exports and investment activity, for taking on new target markets for products produced in the country, especially agricultural ones, since traditionally the main partners of the country in foreign economic activity are member states of the EU. A development strategy of foreign economic activities (FEA) was developed in the country to achieve these goals. China is not the main trade and economic partner of Spain, however, it is a strategic partner with a high potential for developing bilateral cooperation. The article studies the dynamics of the development of foreign economic relations between Spain and China from 2008 to 2019; main data of export-import operations, including by commodity groups, are given; principal developments in bilateral relations are mentioned. It is concluded that the growth rate of trade flow has increased by more than 65 % over 10 years, including the expansion of Spanish export supplies, in particular products of agroindustrial complex (AIC), share of which reached 30 % in 2019; intensification of interaction at the institutional level is noted, as well as expansion of the activities of Spanish transnational corporations (TNC) in China, where at least one of the corporations opened its 23rd production facility in 2019. The author used a systematic and interdisciplinary approach when working with a variety of scientific and practical materials, including Spanish legislation, annual reports and statistics of national government bodies, analytical reviews of international economic organizations, media publications, as well as economic and statistical analysis. The scientifi c novelty of the work is in a comprehensive analysis of the dynamics of the development of trade and economic relations between Spain and China.
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Escribano, Gonzalo. "The geopolitics of renewable and electricity cooperation between Morocco and Spain." Mediterranean Politics 24, no. 5 (February 28, 2018): 674–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629395.2018.1443772.
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Khattabi, Hidaya EL, and Mohamed Karim. "Attractiveness of Foreign Direct Investment and Export Performance in Morocco: The Case of the Automotive Industry." Journal of Economics and Public Finance 5, no. 2 (April 4, 2019): 147. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/jepf.v5n2p147.
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<p><em>Thanks to its geopolitical position and its know-how, Morocco has established itself as a leader in the automotive sector on the continent. The Moroccan automotive industry has experienced remarkable growth in recent years. A dazzling progression that is not about to stop. Thus, Morocco has become the 28th largest car exporter in the world, first in North Africa and second on the African continent.</em></p><p><em>Its performance is particularly remarkable in terms of exports and job creation, for which the sector is growing at a double-digit rate with more than 80.000 people in 2016 compared to 39.131 in 2008. Cabling is the leading employer segment with nearly 69.5% in 2016, followed by seats and seat covers (9%) and automotive manufacturing (8.3%).</em></p><p><em>And with MAD58.8 billion in export sales in 2017, compared with MAD12.7 billion in 2007, the automotive sector is the leading export sector. This performance contributed to the overall evolution of Moroccan exports by nearly 36.7%. In 2017, the automotive sector became the country’s leading export sector for the fourth consecutive year. Its share rose to 23.6% in 2017 (5.5% of GDP) from 10.1% in 2007 (2.1% of GDP).</em></p><p><em>An analysis of Moroccan export markets by destination shows that France and Spain are Morocco’s main customers. Thus, cabling remains the main export segment to Spain. On the other hand, for France, Germany, Italy, Turkey and the United Kingdom, automotive manufacturing is the predominant branch in exports. Outside European countries, exports of vehicles produced in Morocco doubled to Algeria between 2016 and 2017, and have increased in recent years to Asian countries, mainly China.</em></p><p><em>Foreign direct investment income from the automotive industry rose sharply to MAD3.3 billion in 2017, up from MAD0.7 billion in 2010. France remains the leading direct investor in the automotive sector (82% in 2017), followed by the USA (8%) and the United Arab Emirates (UAE). Production and exports should continue to rise thanks to a MAD6 billion investment by PSA Peugeot Citroën, which will set up a plant in Morocco in the municipality of Ameur Seflia, in the Gharb Chrarda-Beni Hssen region, on the edge of the Atlantic Free Zone integrated industrial platform.</em></p>
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Sáánchez-Ron, Joséé M. "International relations in Spanish physics from 1900 to the Cold War." Historical Studies in the Physical and Biological Sciences 33, no. 1 (2002): 3–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/hsps.2002.33.1.3.
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This paper studies the tactics developed in Spain to improve the country's scientific capacity over most of the 20th century. Early in the 20th century, Spain sought to raise its low scientific standing by establishing relations with foreign scientists. The tactics changed according to the political situation. The first part of the paper covers the period from 1900 to the Civil War (1936-39); the second examines consequences of the conflict for physical scientists in Spain; and the third analyzes the growth of physical sciences in Franco's Spain following the Civil War, a period in which the United States exerted special influence.
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Kravtsov, Kirill S. "China’s trade and economic relations with Algeria, Morocco, and Mauritania in the 21st century." Asia and Africa Today, no. 10 (2021): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032150750015293-4.
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The study analyzes the current level of China's trade and economic relations with Algeria, Morocco, and Mauritania. The research methods include comparative-historical and economic analysis with the use of trade intensity and trade complementarity indices. The author concluded that Algeria enjoys a leading position in terms of trade flows between the countries and investment from China. Morocco is in the second place in terms of trade turnover, while Mauritania has the smallest volume. The most diversified trade is between the PRC and Morocco, as there is not only the mineral sector (as in the case of the other two countries), but also the services and electronics sectors. Traditional areas of trade and economic cooperation in the field of mining have demonstrated a low level of trade complementarity for the China-Algeria, China-Mauritania pairs. The most promising industries, according to the results of the study, are China’s machinery, the service sector and agriculture. The intensity of trade flows was higher in the period 2010-2019 on the part of the PRC in the China-Algeria, China-Morocco pairs. The disparity in the intensity of trade progressed throughout the period for the China-Algeria pair, while the intensity remained the same for the China-Morocco pair. Mauritaniais the country with the highest trade intensity index with the PRC. Moreover, the intensity on the part of Mauritania was higher than on the part of the PRC throughout the entire period. The data obtained confirmed the importance of the region in China's foreign trade relations, a trend that may develop in the future.
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Gacim, S. "Prospects for Trade and Economic Cooperation between the Kingdom of Morocco and the Republic of Azerbaijan." Statistics of Ukraine 83, no. 4 (December 17, 2018): 102–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.31767/su.4(83)2018.04.12.
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The article examines the current trends and prospects for trade and economic cooperation between the Kingdom of Morocco and the Republic of Azerbaijan. The author considers the factors that determine the current state of bilateral trade and economic cooperation. It has been established that in modern conditions, the importance of the Azerbaijan Republic as an international economic partner of the Kingdom of Morocco is growing, which is due to the increasing role of Azerbaijan in the world economy through energy supplies. On the basis of statistical data of the two countries, a comparative analysis of foreign trade of the Kingdom of Morocco with the Republic of Azerbaijan and foreign trade of the Republic of Azerbaijan with the Kingdom of Morocco has been conducted for the period from 2009 to 2016. The paradox, which is the simultaneous existence of a positive balance in the bilateral trade of each of the countries being studied, has been revealed and explained. It has been proved that trade relations between the two countries are fragile. The problem of intermediaries in trade operations between the two countries has been underlined. The author concludes that the level of development of bilateral trade and economic cooperation of the Kingdom of Morocco with the Republic of Azerbaijan is low and there is a need to introduce appropriate organizational mechanisms for its development. Promising areas of bilateral trade and economic cooperation have been identified, for the revitalization of which the creation of an interactive virtual platform “Economic Cooperation between the Kingdom of Morocco and the Republic of Azerbaijan” has been proposed.
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Cherkasova, E. "Spain and Crisis: Political Aspects." World Economy and International Relations, no. 9 (2013): 33–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2013-9-33-41.
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The article considers the causes and the nature of the economic crisis which was a heavy blow for Spanish economy being in need of structural reforms. The domestic political consequences of the crisis included the change of government, the emergence of new protest movements and strengthening of separatism. Under the Brussels' pressure, Spain was forced to make significant adjustments to its national anti-crisis strategy which had a high social price. Particular attention is given to relations with the EU and the impact of the crisis on the country's foreign policy.
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Clarence-Smith, W. G. "The Economic Dynamics of Spanish Colonialism in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries." Itinerario 15, no. 1 (March 1991): 71–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300005787.
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The survival of the Spanish empire after the loss of the mainland American colonies is a neglected subject, and no part of it is more neglected than its economic features. General histories of Spain in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries rarely touch on overseas matters, although the colonies do occasionally appear centre stage, as in 1868, when the Cuban Creoles rose in rebellion; in 1898, when Spain lost most of her colonies as a result of war with America; in 1921, when the Berber tribes of Northern Morocco defeated the Spanish army; and in 1936, when General Franco and his coconspirators raised the standard of rebellion against the Republic in North Western Africa. But these references are episodic and essentially political, indeed military in nature. There is little structural analysis of what the colonies meant to Spain, least of all in the economic field.
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Trofimets, I. A. "Genesis of marriage law in Spain." Lex Russica, no. 3 (April 5, 2019): 124–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/1729-5920.2019.148.3.124-133.
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The study of the institution of marriage in the foreign legal order makes it possible not only to see the identity and historical succession, but also to find out whether the provisions on marriage have common features that characterize it as the highest value, and how permissible foreign borrowing in the formation of its own legal system without prejudice to its uniqueness and individuality. The use of foreign experience reveals a lot of issues and conflicts that need to be resolved in relation to national law. An obligatory component is the study of the heritage of the past, the so-called legislative retrospective, which contributes to the knowledge of legal culture. For the first time in domestic science there is an attempt to periodize the institution of marriage in Spain, depending on the type of social regulator: customs, canonical rules, rules of law (own and borrowed). The periodization of the Spanish marriage law is presented and the main features of its formation are shown: the application of the customs of the peoples inhabiting the territory of Spain; the reception of Roman private law; the influence of Canon law; the appearance of foreign influence. The whole history of marriage law is divided into 5 periods: customary law (the first period), the rule of canon law (second period), systematic legislation on marriage (the third period), harmonization of secular marriage legislation with the provisions of canon law (the fourth period), contemporary law (fifth period). Separately, in the settlement of relations between the sexes, a pre-legal period is allocated. Of course, each period is characterized by a variety of rules of marriage law, which is explained by the evolution of social relations and the development of the legal institution of marriage. The consistent influence of universal values on the formation of legal provisions of marriage is shown. As the marriage law is formed, rules are formed that determine the conditions and order of its conclusion. The enduring value of the family organization of the way of life of people and the family form of management determines the preservation of this social institution throughout the period of human history, although in a constantly changing form.
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Němečková, Tereza, Lea Melnikovová, and Natalia Piskunova. "Russia's return to Africa: a comparative study of Egypt, Algeria and Morocco." Journal of Modern African Studies 59, no. 3 (August 26, 2021): 367–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x21000070.
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AbstractThe article analyses Russia's recent return to Africa. It attempts to answer the question to what extent Russia has abandoned its traditional tools of cooperation such as nuclear energy and military cooperation and engaged in new ‘smart’ ones as indicated by former Foreign Minister Ivanov in 2011. The paper builds on three case studies of African countries having the largest trade volume with Russia in 2018, i.e. Egypt, Algeria and Morocco, and analyses their changing relationship with Russia over the last decade. The results show that Russia has not abandoned its traditional tools but has intensified the use of new ones. The North African region as such has regained significance in Russia's foreign policy. Bilateral relations with all three North African countries have increased at both political and economic levels recently.
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MACHIN-AUTENRIETH, MATTHEW. "Spanish Musical Responses to Moroccan Immigration and the Cultural Memory of al-Andalus." Twentieth-Century Music 16, no. 2 (April 30, 2019): 259–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1478572218000324.
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AbstractThe notion of a shared history across the Mediterranean is central to a number of Spanish-Moroccan musical collaborations, which draw on the notion of convivencia: the alleged peaceful coexistence between Christians, Jews, and Muslims in medieval Spain. In this article, I explore the relationship between a ‘musical’ convivencia and Moroccan immigration in Spain, focusing on two prominent case studies: Macama jonda (1983) and Inmigración (2003). Spanning a twenty-year period, I argue that these two productions illustrate shifting responses to Moroccan immigration at distinct historical moments: the post-Franco era and post-9/11. These two productions illustrate the malleability of the convivencia myth, employing it for distinct social and political purposes. I argue that Macama jonda and Inmigración should be read as products of shifting political and cultural relations between Spain and Morocco, and Spain's negotiation of its Muslim past.
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Rosenthal, Glenda G., and Alfred Tovias. "Foreign Economic Relations of the: European Community the Impact of Spain and Portugal." International Journal 47, no. 1 (1991): 191. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40202751.
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Cramer, Dale L. "Foreign Economic Relations of the European Community: The Impact of Spain and Portugal." Comparative Economic Studies 34, no. 1 (April 1992): 94–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/ces.1992.8.
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Baklanoff, Eric N. "Foreign economic relations of the European community: The impact of Spain and Portugal." Journal of Comparative Economics 16, no. 3 (September 1992): 564–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0147-5967(92)90182-7.
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Kryukova, Elena. "Victorious powers and Spain in the post-war world order." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no. 4 (December 28, 2017): 16–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2017-4-16-19.
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The article deals with the foreign policy and domestic policy of Spain in the first years after the end of the Second World War. The author analyzes the relationships between the Francoist Spain and the USA, England, France and the USSR during the difficult period of entry of the country into the new system of the international relations.
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Khenkin, S. "Spain in Zone of Turbulence." World Economy and International Relations, no. 4 (2012): 71–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2012-4-71-81.
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The global financial and economic crisis abruptly changed the socio-economic and political situation in Spain. While having successfully developed in the decade before the crisis, the country became one of the most unfortunate countries in the EU (the so-called PIIGS group, which also includes Greece, Italy, Portugal and Iceland). After centuries of isolation of Spain integrated into European institutions and started to play a prominent role at the international arena. In the proposed article, the author explores the problems of internal and foreign policy, facing the modern Spain.
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ÇOBAN ORAN, Filiz, and Adem Emre KÖSE. "İspanya Dış Politikasında İmparatorluk Geçmişi ve Latin Amerika." Journal of Social Research and Behavioral Sciences 7, no. 13 (July 10, 2021): 197–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.52096/jsrbs.6.1.7.13.11.
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In Spain’s foreign policy, the relationships with the Spanish-speaking Latin American countries have a special privileged place which dates back to the country’s imperial past. Based on a narrative of common language and a shared cultural history and identity with the Latin American people, Spain still aims to maintain its leading role in diplomatic relations, cultural investment, and foreign aid more than any country. Moreover, the ongoing relationships with this region has been one of the key areas of Madrid’s foreign policy for its global role expanding from the Iberian Peninsula to the entire world. Since Spain emphasises on the concept of Ibero-American identity in its relations with the Latin America, this study attempts to use a social-constructivist approach in analysing the place of the Latin America in the contemporary Spanish foreign policy. Specifically, it searches for the influences of Spain’s European Union membership on these relationships. Consequently, it argues that European identity of the nation has gained a greater weight than its Ibero-American identity since the democratisation process of 1980s. Thus, the relationships with Europe have pushed the Latin America to a secondary position in the foreign affairs.
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Sour, Lotfi. "The Western Sahara conflict in the Algerian Moroccan relations." UNISCI Journal 20, no. 58 (January 15, 2022): 9–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.31439/unisci-130.
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Algeria and Morocco have for centuries kept an uneasy relationship of conflict and doubt which shaped the Maghreb region history. In fact, both states shared the same borders but never shared same policies. This caused the relational gap at both governmental level and social grounds. As a result, the hostility and continuing tension has remained at top in their foreign policies for most of their mutual history. Consequently, the Western Sahara conflict has been undoubtedly an important driver of one of the most critical problems to have confronted the two countries in the course of their bilateral relations. This article will examine the impact of this conflict on the geopolitical landscape of the Maghreb region and its implications on the Maghreb’s regional security and integrity
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Cherkasova, E. "Security of Spain in Atlantic Format." World Economy and International Relations 59, no. 12 (2015): 41–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-59-12-41-47.
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The article analyzes the changes that have characterized Spain’s approach to NATO in the post-Cold War era, and more specifically, the approach of different political parties to security and defense issues. If the People's Party is more Atlantic ideologically and traditionally, and therefore, is more in favor of strengthening cooperation with NATO, the socialists are increasingly pro-European and, therefore, advocate the strengthening of the European Security and Defense Policy (ESDP). Spain doesn’t question the necessity of NATO, the presence of American military forces in Europe in general and in Spain in particular as a method of security enhancing. Fears of marginalization caused the accession of Spain to this military organization after its eastward extension. In recent years, Spain’s influence and authority in NATO declined amid the economic crisis. This loss of authority will be overcome as soon as the economic growth is resumed. Notwithstanding that its ambitions in NATO and EU do not meet its possibilities, Spain is participating in different missions and naval exercises of the Alliance, and is constantly modernizing its military forces. Spain has always been indifferent to the hypothetical threat from the East, but is more than apprehensive to the threat coming from the situation in Libya, instability in Tunisia and especially an eventual destabilization in Morocco where Spanish cities Ceuta and Melilla are situated. Under the pretext of struggle against international terrorism, Madrid is trying to reestablish its influence in North Africa. Spain favors the transformation of NATO into an effective tool to prevent regional conflicts. The country's national interests will continue to determine its attention to problems of the Mediterranean and North Africa. The economic crisis has contributed to a drop in the objective value of bilateral relations with the United States and of Trans-Atlantic relations as a whole.
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Yakovlev, P. "Spain: Post-Crisis Development Model." World Economy and International Relations, no. 10 (2015): 50–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-10-50-61.
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November 20, 2015 marked 40 years since the demise of Spanish dictator Francisco Franco. With his passing Spain entered into an era of tremendous economic and socio-political changes. At the stage of democratic development Spanish nation achieved three key objectives: it built an open and modern economy; in political sphere a relatively effective de facto two-party system was created; social protection was provided to the bulk of the population. All this strengthened Spain’s international positions and provided it an attractive image. The country attracted millions of immigrants. The world crisis of 2008–2009 stopped the growth of the Spanish economy. Spain was in crisis long six years and only recently began to come out of it basing on a new development model (a “rebound” model). By a number of parameters it is different from the pre-crisis paradigm of the growth. The crisis had serious impact on Spain’s foreign relations. In particular, serious reputational losses challenged Madrid’s efforts to counter the crisis, to reduce the negative effects of external shocks on the international scene and to find opportunities to give additional impetus to the development of the country. These challenges defined new foreign policy agenda: protecting financial and economic interests of Spain abroad, strengthening the positions of the Spanish companies in world markets, coordination of anti-crisis actions with partners in the European Union. Madrid stands for a sort of integration core within the EU, consisting of six founding countries of the European Economic Community (Belgium, Germany, Italy, Luxembourg, Netherlands and France), as well as Spain and Poland. This projected grouping is intended to serve as the vanguard of the movement in the direction of making the EU more effective.
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Øystein Pharo, Helge. "Small State Anti-Fascism: Norway’s Quest to Eliminate the Franco Regime in the Aftermath of World War II." Culture & History Digital Journal 7, no. 1 (July 6, 2018): 008. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/chdj.2018.008.
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In the early postwar years Norway was among the most active in the campaign against Franco’s Spain, supporting the policy of keeping Spain out of the UN, and pushing for UN members to break off diplomatic relations with Spain. Within a few years the policy of ostracism was seen to fail as it appeared to strengthen rather than weaken the Franco regime. Spain was then gradually allowed into the warmth. Until the early 1950s Norway’s retreat from its 1946 position was very reluctant, and it was in 1949 the last Western European state to accept normalization. Spain retaliated with economic pressures, and by 1951 Norway had relented and joined in the general reestablishment of normal diplomatic relations, and in 1955 accepted the package deal that brought Spain into the UN. The article discusses the foreign policy concerns and the domestic political struggles that explain Norwegian policies, including the veto on Spanish NATO membership that was never given up.
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Coutinho, Francisco Pereira. "You can’t have your cake and eat it too: Portugal and the self-determination of Western Sahara." UNIO – EU Law Journal 5, no. 2 (July 2, 2019): 103–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.21814/unio.5.2.2296.
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Western Sahara self-determination posits a conundrum to Portuguese foreign policy. Moral and legal imperatives which stem from the relentless efforts taken in the 80’s and the 90’s advocating in international fora the self-determination of East Timor impel the pursuit of an idealistic diplomacy of unconditional support for the akin self-determination of Western Sahara. Political, strategic, economic, historical and cultural ties dictate a realpolitik aimed at fostering diplomatic relations with Morocco without shunning Algeria, another key stakeholder in the Maghreb region. These constraints motivated the adoption of an impartial and equidistant position towards the Western Sahara conflict. This strategy was exposed after the Court of Justice ceased in Front Polisario, the de facto application of the EU/Morocco agreements in Western Sahara. Notwithstanding multiple pledges to the contrary, the Portuguese Government picked Morocco’s side in the conflict by lodging written interventions aimed at neutralizing the Court of Justice of the EU, and by approving Council decisions that expressly extend EU/Morocco agreements to Western Sahara in breach of EU and international law.
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Puig, Núria, and Rafael Castro. "Patterns of International Investment in Spain, 1850–2005." Business History Review 83, no. 3 (2009): 505–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007680500002981.
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International capital flows are strongly influenced by countryspecific patterns that can be best understood in historical and comparative perspective. A long-term empirical analysis of French and German investment in Spain reveals that the core capabilities of foreign fi rms and their relations with local partners have spurred the rise and development of two national models of international investment, characterized here as “political” and “technical.” The research identifies the main actors and the ownership advantages of the two models that have proved to be so resilient over time.
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Ponedelko, G. "Immigration in Spain." World Economy and International Relations, no. 9 (2015): 80–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-9-80-92.
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The article considers the problems of Spanish immigration within the period of 1981–2015, namely, its dynamics, latest tendencies and socio-economic characteristics (including changes in nationality, gender, age and educational structures of immigrants). Primarily, the stress is made on an in-depth analysis of the following main features of immigrants’ population in Spain: the levels of their incomes, the unemployment rate, the living standards. The author makes a conclusion that Spanish immigrants constitute not only a majority of poor population in the country but they are also ones of the poorest in Europe. It is particularly evident against the background of their impact upon the economic activity and employment’s rate of the country’s population and economic growth. At the considered period all the mentioned indicators were noticeably higher for immigrants than for local labor force, not saying of the positive immigrants’ influence on the growth and rejuvenation of Spanish people. Secondly, a considerable part in the article is devoted to the analysis of the immigration policy of Spanish government during the considered period of time. The author singles out the specific stages of this policy and shows that its contents and approaches modified in strict dependence of political factors. The Spanish Socialist Working Party was the beginner of the immigration policy in 1985 which always had the most liberal character particularly when it was concerned to the immigrant social and labor integration based on human rights equality. On the contrary, immigration policy of the now ruling conservative Partido Popular has more pragmatic, selective and rigid approach to foreign labor force legislation.
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Young, Glennys J. "Spain and the Early Cold War." Journal of Cold War Studies 24, no. 3 (2022): 43–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_01088.
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Abstract This article challenges long-standing assumptions about Spain’s status in the international system during the first several years of the Cold War, from 1945 to 1950. These assumptions constitute the “isolation paradigm,” which emphasizes Spain’s exclusion from the United Nations (UN), the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), the various Councils of Foreign Ministers, and other major international institutions, supposedly keeping the country internationally isolated and unable to pursue its interests during the early Cold War. The article debunks the “isolation paradigm” and supplants it with “informal integration.” The United States, the Soviet Union, and Great Britain embarked on numerous initiatives with Spain despite isolationist rhetoric and policy, and the Spanish authorities sought to counter formal exclusion from international institutions and to engage in other types of diplomatic, economic, and cultural interaction. From this perspective, it becomes clear that 1946—not 1947 or 1950, as other scholars have argued—marked a decisive year for Spain’s efforts in these areas.
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Semenenko, I., and I. Labinskaya. "World. Global Crisis Challenges. Spain." World Economy and International Relations, no. 7 (2013): 38–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2013-7-38-53.
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The next in the series of essays dealing with trends and prospects of social/political transformation of the West is the analysis of problems in Spain, prepared by the Center of Comparative Social-Economic and Social-Political Studies of IMEMO. The first to speak was S. Khenkin, Dr. Sci. (History), from MGIMO-University (Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs) who stressed the systemic character of the political community crisis in Spain. I. Prokhorenko, Cand. Sci. (Political Science), dealt with possible directions of Spanish development underlining risks of the nation’s return to a periphery status within the EU. A. Avilova, Cand. Sci. (Economics), analyzed Spanish economics in the time of crisis. A. Kozhanovskii, Cand. Sci. (History), from the Institute of Ethnology and Anthropology (Russian Academy of Sciences), P. Yakovlev, Dr. Sci. (Economics), Head of Center for Iberian Studies at the Institute of Latin America (Russian Academy of Sciences), E. Ermol'eva, Cand. Sci. (Economics), researcher at IMEMO also took part in the discussion.
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Gomez Arana, Arantza, Francesco Cavatorta, Raj S. Chari, and Sylvia Kritzinger. "EU External Policy–Making and The Case of Morocco: ‘Realistically’ Dealing with Authoritarianism?" European Foreign Affairs Review 13, Issue 3 (August 1, 2008): 357–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2008027.
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The literature on the external relations of the EU often emphasises the normative nature of the Union’s policies. It follows that specific policy initiatives such as the Euro–Mediterranean Partnership (EMP) are then assessed according to normative parameters. This paper challenges this assumption and argues that a realist interpretation of the Union–s external policies contributes to a better understanding of what the EU does abroad. In order to substantiate such theoretical claims, the paper analyses in detail the EU’s relations with the authoritarian state of Morocco and highlights how realist concerns dominate the Union’s preoccupations to the detriment of the normative values it espouses on paper. The paper concludes by arguing that if a different theoretical framework from the mainstream normative one is used to assess the Union’s policies, the outcome of this assessment changes quite radically. In the case of EMP, for instance, we claim that the Union has been rather successful in pursuing its material, realist interests. This has important implications for how the EU will operate when more integration on foreign policy matters occurs.
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Zugliani, Niccolò. "HUMAN RIGHTS IN INTERNATIONAL INVESTMENT LAW: THE 2016 MOROCCO–NIGERIA BILATERAL INVESTMENT TREATY." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 68, no. 3 (May 23, 2019): 761–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589319000174.
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AbstractThe 2016 Morocco–Nigeria bilateral investment treaty (BIT) stands out from other such treaties because of its innovative human rights approach to the protection and promotion of foreign direct investment. Human rights permeate its approach to the regulation of investment in a manner which is most unusual in international investment agreements (IIAs). As a result, this is the most socially-responsible BIT currently concluded. Although it remains exceptional within the investment-treaty framework, the treaty reflects African initiatives to ensure that the next generation of BITs encourages more responsible investments. As such, it shows that human rights-compliant investment treaties can find fertile ground in developing African countries and it sets an example for current and future negotiations aimed at fostering respect for human rights in investment activities.
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Michalak, Laurence. "The Effects of International Labor Migration on the Maghrib." Middle East Studies Association Bulletin 31, no. 1 (July 1997): 30–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026318400034854.
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International Labor migration has powerful consequences for Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia. Economically, migration affects Maghribi foreign currency earnings, balance of payments, employment rates, entrepreneurship and national economic development generally. Politically, it affects both Maghribi internal politics and relations with Europe. The sociocultural effects of migration are perhaps the most profound, touching aspects of North African life such as dress, music, architecture and nutrition, as well as deeper levels of beliefs and values, such as family structures, child-rearing practices and gender roles—aspects of culture that have generally been thought to be resistant to change.
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Alonso, G. L., M. R. Salinas, M. A. Sánchez-Fernández, and J. Garijo. "Note. Physical parameters in controlling saffron quality / Nota. Algunos parámetros físicos del control de calidad del azafrán." Food Science and Technology International 6, no. 1 (February 2000): 59–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/108201320000600109.
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This study involved 270 samples of saffron from Spain and other leading producers (Greece, India, Iran, Italy and Morocco). The Spanish samples were obtained directly from the producers while the foreign samples were acquired with the guarantee of their origin and lack of adulteration. The tradi tional physical parameters indicated in quality regulations were analyzed and ranges were estab lished for each one (style length, stigma length, stigma percentage, moisture content at 40 and 103 °C, percentage of volatile matter and percentage of ash). The terms 'total filament', 'mass' and 'stigma mass' are proposed as being more specific than the simple term 'mass' which is used in the quality regulations; the parameter lineal filament density is also defined. The saffron grown in the provinces of Cuenca and Albacete (Castilla-La Mancha region, Spain) showed the highest percentage of stigma length. The lower stigma mass of Spanish saffrons compared with saffron from other countries indi cated that more flowers are necessary to obtain the same weight of spice. The highest values of the percentage of volatile matter were obtained in Iranian and Spanish saffrons. A greater range of ash percentage than indicated in the quality regulations was obtained.
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Waddell, D. A. G. "British Neutrality and Spanish—American Independence: The Problem of Foreign Enlistment." Journal of Latin American Studies 19, no. 1 (May 1987): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00017119.
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Throughout the Spanish–American wars of independence Britain's policy was to observe a strict neutrality between Spain and the colonial revolutionaries. This did not reflect an indifferent detachment or a commitment to even-handed justice, but was rather dictated by the pursuit of Britain's own interests, which necessitated the maintenance of good relations both with Spain and with Spanish America. During the period of the Peninsular War of 1808–14 Spain was a vital ally against Napoleon, and after the war was over she remained an important element in the European collective security system that Lord Castlereagh, the British Foreign Secretary, constructed to prevent the re-emergence of French dominance. Accordingly Britain refused requests from the revolutionary regimes in South America to recognise their independence or to help them to defend it against the mother country. At the same time Britain declined to assist her Spanish ally in recovering control over the rebellious territories, as she had no desire to imperil the important commerical links she was developing with the emergent states of Spanish America. Both parties continued to try to enlist British assistance, and both of them at times complained of breaches of neutrality by British officials. But for several years Britain walked her tightrope very successfully.
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Nikulin, K. A. "Crisis in Bilateral Economic Cooperation between Russia and Spain." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 14, no. 3 (July 3, 2021): 189–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2021-14-3-11.
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The article examines the dynamics and features of the trade and economic partnership between Spain and Russia from 2014 to the present, considering the latest challenges. The once promising trajectory of the development of bilateral trade and mutual investment has undergone significant tests: in addition to the sanctions pressure of the collective West countries, the situation has been complicated by the global crisis in the world economy, significant changes in world markets for goods and services, and the COVID-19 pandemic. In these conditions, the study of indicators of Russian-Spanish trade and economic interaction is of interest both from the point of view of forming a forecast for the development of bilateral economic relations and highlighting those industries towards which the emphasis in trade and investment is gradually shifting. The question arises: is it possible to return to the indicators of bilateral trade and investment inherent in Russian-Spanish economic relations before the imposition of sanctions? The data on the bilateral trade presented by the Russian and Spanish national statistics differ insignificantly in terms of the total trade turnover but have severe differences at the level of the trade balance. Based on both countries’ statistical databases, the author of the article presents the possible reasons for such discrepancies and considers the general dynamics of the state of foreign trade between Russia and Spain. In addition to stating the negative trends in foreign trade, there are problems in investment cooperation, which until recently was considered one of the “strongholds” of bilateral cooperation under the pressure of sanctions.
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Cherkasova, E. "Spain: Opinion on European Integration." World Economy and International Relations, no. 11 (2014): 48–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2014-11-48-53.
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The article analyzes the changes that characterize Spanish approach to political aspects of European integration, and more specifically, the approach of different political parties to the process. Spanish political circles and even think tanks pay relatively little attention to theoretical aspects of European integration, whereas practical relations with the EU are of paramount importance. This is due to the fact that the question of belonging to the EU was settled in Spain long ago and definitively. Majoritarian character of Spanish democracy facilitates the transfer of powers from Brussels to Madrid, i.e. objectively favors the choice of federalization. Nevertheless, Spain continues to upload its national preferences onto the EU decision-making process. In recent years, Spain’s influence and authority in the EU have declined because of the economic crisis. This loss of authority will be overcome as soon as the economic growth is resumed. Constantly emphasizing its belonging to the core of the EU, the “Old Europe”, and to the core of the euro zone, maintaining close relationship with the Latin group within the EU, Spain has consistently advocated a united and strong Europe with a Common Foreign and Security Policy.
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Kuznetsov, Vasily A., and Anastasia I. Vasilenko. "Maghreb 2021: Political Development Impasses and Threats to the Subregional System." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 21, no. 4 (December 27, 2021): 642–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2021-21-4-642-654.
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The article is devoted to the relevant issues of international relations in the Maghreb subregion, which became especially acute after the rupture of diplomatic relations between Algeria and Morocco in August 2021. The authors analyze the general parameters of the Maghreb subsystem of international relations and identify key trends in the internal political development of its member states. The growing tension in the bilateral relations between Algeria and Morocco is only a symptom of the general crisis of the regional subsystem. The study is based on the analysis of a wide array of information and analytical materials and documents, as well as the authors field research in the border regions of Morocco (2019) and Algeria (2018, 2019) and interviews with Maghreb politicians (2020, 2021). The first part of the article highlights the key parameters of the Maghreb subsystem, describes its internal architecture, reveals the interconnections with other regional subsystems, and identifies the development trends of the Maghreb that took shape in the 2010s. The second part analyzes the internal political dynamics in Libya, Tunisia and Algeria. The current situation in each country can be described as an impasse, both in terms of the development of the democratic process and the possibilities for national consolidation on an authoritarian basis. The political elites of the region are unable to offer realistic strategies for state development and it leads to the growing alienation of societies. The third part of the article reveals the implications of political development crises for the regional relations. The authors conclude by putting forward a scenario of a partial reorientation of a number of Maghreb states from a deeper Mediterranean integration to finding other allies. They also identify prospects for rebalancing relations of Maghreb states with their Arab partners. In the framework of these processes the elites can use conflicting foreign policy agenda for the national consolidation of some countries. Finally, the authors raise the question of seeking new models of state and regional development in the Maghreb.
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Huntoon, Laura. "Immigration to Spain: Implications for a Unified European Union Immigration Policy." International Migration Review 32, no. 2 (June 1998): 423–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791839803200206.
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This article examines the difficulties of establishing a joint policy regarding the free movement of people within the European Union by focusing on changing immigration policies in one member — Spain. Previous studies have shown that negotiations toward harmonizing national policies on border control and immigration among EU members have many sticking points. By comparing Spain, a country of recent immigration, to Germany, a country with a longer history of non-European immigration, the difficulties of harmonizing immigration policies to satisfy this varied constituency become clearer. Administrative control of entry, estimates of legal and illegal immigrants present, and the current state of bilateral relations with Morocco are examined to illustrate the political difficulties of a unified immigration policy within Spanish society and for the EU. Spain is a threshold to the EU as well as a destination. Conclusions suggest that control of borders, although difficult, may be the easier part of implementing a joint immigration policy. Control of settlement is more difficult and problematic, involving the role of immigrants in European society. Moreover, high rates of native unemployment may coexist with immigration, given local demand for low-skilled, low-paid workers.
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CUETO, MIGUEL, MANUEL MELENDO, ESTHER GIMÉNEZ, JULIÁN FUENTES, ENRIQUE LÓPEZ CARRIQUE, and GABRIEL BLANCA. "First updated checklist of the vascular flora of Andalusia (S of Spain), one of the main biodiversity centres in the Mediterranean Basin." Phytotaxa 339, no. 1 (February 20, 2018): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.11646/phytotaxa.339.1.1.
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Andalusia, together with Morocco, is considered part of one of the two main biodiversity centres existing in the Mediterranean Basin; the other one is in the east and includes part of Turkey and Greece. The Andalusian flora has a fundamental role in this recognition, having been studied since the 1st century A.D. Despite Andalusia having been visited by a myriad of Iberian and foreign botanists, there is still no synthetic work on this subject. In this contribution, we present the first checklist of the Andalusian vascular flora, listing 4437 taxa distributed in 171 families, 1107 genera, 4091 species, and 346 subspecies, of which 3958 are native and 479 alien. Therophytes predominate (1516, 34.2%), followed by hemicryptophytes (1219, 27.5%) and chamaephytes (628, 14.1%). In addition, 462 (10.4%) are endemic or sub-endemic to the territory, and 595 (13.4%) are subject to some degree of threat (135 critically endangered, 137 endangered, and 323 vulnerable).
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Tsivatyi, V. "The European Model of Diplomacy and National Features of the Foreign Service of Spain, Italy and France Concerning the Early Time of Modern Period (XVI-XVIII centuries)." Problems of World History, no. 4 (June 8, 2017): 66–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2017-4-4.
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The basic directions of foreign policy and diplomacy features of formation models in France, Italy and Spain in the early Modern period (XVI-XVIII century) are analyzed in the article. Particular attention is given to institutional development, achievements, problems and prospects of French, Italian and Spanish diplomatic services in the context of European development of the studying period. Attention is paid to the peculiarities of national diplomacy and foreign policy of Spain, Italy and France, which have centuries-old historical traditions and stages of institutional development. In the history of the diplomatic services of these States and institutional development in the history of their external relations diplomacy has always been regarded as part of the political culture, as one of the most important means of protecting the state’s interests in the process of state building and socio-cultural development of societies.