Journal articles on the topic 'Moroccans – Spain – Ethnic identity'
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Ouassini, Anwar. "We Have Come Back Home: The Spanish-Moroccan Community, Collective Memory, and Sacred Spaces in Contemporary Spain." Religions 10, no. 2 (February 22, 2019): 128. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel10020128.
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This paper examines the role of Islamic sacred spaces in Spanish-Moroccan identity negotiations in contemporary Madrid, Spain. In doing so, I explore how these sacred sites produce diverse meanings and practices that resist the Spanish states hegemonic narratives of place. I argue that the multilayered resistance via the “memory” and “place” of these sacred sites ostensibly reconciles and situates Spanish-Moroccans within the larger Spanish imagined community. The paper will first discuss the trans-local experiences of the Spanish-Moroccan community and how their liminal state of being neither “here or there” necessitates an anchor (Muslim sacred spaces) to the new home context. I will then outline a brief historical narrative of the Muslim presence in Spain and then analyze the meanings attached to the sacrality of Islamic monuments and mosques to the Spanish-Moroccan community. Finally, the paper will explore how the historical memories and their discursive meanings attached to these sacred sites allow Spanish-Moroccans to produce counterhegemonic frameworks that challenge and reshape nationalistic spaces.
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Gutwirth, Eleazar. "Music, identity and the Inquisition in fifteenth-century Spain." Early Music History 17 (October 1998): 161–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261127900001637.
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Sometime between the years 1330 and 1343, Juan Ruiz, Archpriest of Hita in Castile, included this maxim in his literary masterpiece, the Libro de buen amor. This verse, like others in the poem, attributes an ethnic identity both to objects and to vocal music, a form of ethnic marking that has been preserved in Spanish culture by linguistic usage: the Arabic particle a[1] in the prefix to words for musical instruments such as adufe (square tambourine), ajabeba (transverse flute) or anafil (a straight trumpet four feet or more in length) is a possible reminder of this phenomenon. About a century later, the chronicler Alonso de Palencia (d. 1492) applied similar ethnic markings when speaking of the music of a young Castilian converso who was to become one of the most powerful courtiers of King Enrique IV, Diego Arias Dávila: ‘per rura segobiensia…cantibusque arabicis advocabat sibi coetu rusticorum’.
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Romo, Rodrigo, and José M. Gil. "Ethnic identity and dietary habits among Hispanic immigrants in Spain." British Food Journal 114, no. 2 (February 10, 2012): 206–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/00070701211202395.
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Iliescu-Gheorghiu, Catalina. "Power through Language, the Language of Power: Equatoguinean Emixiles Facing Lingua Franca." Culture & History Digital Journal 9, no. 2 (December 30, 2020): e014. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/chdj.2020.014.
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In 1968 Equatorial Guinea became independent from Spain but inherited its cultural architecture. Current identity claims made by Equatoguinean emixiles (Ugarte’s term, 2010) are rooted in the social and territorial exclusion suffered by ethnic groups during their colonial past. In this paper I will explore the role that the Spanish language played in the identity construction of six Equatoguinean emixiles living in the city of Alicante (Spain). My interviewees’ life-stories reveal valuable information on vernacular languages, but also on the lingua franca, a tool of liberation (granting access) but also of repression. By comparing their recollections of themselves (either as Guinean or ethnic citizens) back in Guinea, to their perceptions of themselves in Spain, I intend to delve into the mutual gaze between transnational identities (Vertovec) here and there, now and then. Given Bhabha’s concept of “third space” I argue, using specific samples from my corpus, that the synchronic analysis of emixiles’ discourses within a perverse diasporic perimeter (the land of the former colonisers), needs to be completed with the diachronic view of the patterns of power which influenced postcolonial (re)construction of national/ethnic identity.
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Dayioglu, Attila Gokhun. "Disputes Between the National States and Ethnic Identities with the Basque Example." Polish Political Science Review 7, no. 2 (December 1, 2019): 68–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ppsr-2019-0014.
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AbstractEthnicity in the historical process has been the main subject of political, economic, military and geographical change. Ethnicity, which was identical to the identity of tribes and clans before empires formed the basis of different phenomena in multi-ethnic national states. In this context, terms such as nation, race, ethnic minority, national minority etc. are used synonymously. The international structure formed aft er the collapse of the bipolar system. Concepts such as ethnic, ethnic group, minority, national minority, ethnic minority, nation, nation-state, ethnic-state, ethnic problems, ethnic discrimination have been brought to the agenda again and these concepts’ qualities and meanings have started to be reconsidered by scholars.Ethnic issues not only affect internal politics but also external and international politics for countries which have ethnic groups in their society. Therefore, these effects are causing the questioning of the system of national-states which underlies the international system.The Basque problem is characterised by the nationalist movements of the Basque society which is struggling for independence in Spain from the past to the present (the Basque society has been struggling for independence in Spain since 17th century) or who are working hard to achieve their special status. From the demands for privileges of the Basque separatist movement in Spain, the Basque problem is of great importance for the current Spanish political system.In order to solve the problem, it is necessary to examine the mutual demands and solutions of Spain and the Basque Country. From this point of view, the Spanish Administration should be directed towards moderate policies and take into account the conditions of the region. The constitution must also guarantee individual and cultural rights. This study aims to observe the problems between the Basques and Spain historically and to understand the Basque ethnic phenomenon better.
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Bouyahya, Driss. "Colonial vs Colonized Counter-Hegemonies: Two Vistas of Moroccan Educational Models." International Journal of Language and Literary Studies 2, no. 4 (December 26, 2020): 187–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.36892/ijlls.v2i4.423.
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Both France and Spain used schooling as a vehicle in service of colonization during the Protectorate era in Morocco, whereas Moroccans retaliated with counter-hegemonic tools to resist and interrogate imposed educational models in order to implement their oppositional agendas. Thus, the paper is threefold: it attempts to revisit and sketch out both colonial policies in education with their ramifications, while outlining and analyzing their strengths and limitations. The study also seeks to investigate how Moroccans establish resistance movements to react to the newly-imposed colonial hegemonies, such as free schools and reformed traditional Qur’anic schools (Msids), discussing their goals, structures, success and failure. Finally, the paper explores colonial education as a site of interaction or “contact zones” between French and Spanish colonizers and elite Moroccan Muslims and Nationalists who sought to counter the processes of acculturation, marginalization and subalternization. The study covers the Moroccan schooling system from 1912 to 1956. The study dwelled on the congruity of education as an ideological apparatus to shape identity and/or dominate in a battlefield over power between the Protectorate powers and the Moroccan nationalists, who made use of different discourses as an instrument of power. This essay unravels some conclusions that both French and Spanish Protectorates utilized different vistas to establish and sustain their hegemonies through education and instruction, such as Franco-Berber schools and Spanish-Arab/Spanish-Jewish schools respectively. While, Moroccan Muslims and nationalists countered the former hegemonies through creating a free-school system and reforming traditional Qur´anic schools.
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van Heelsum, Anja, and Maarten Koomen. "Ascription and identity. Differences between first- and second-generation Moroccans in the way ascription influences religious, national and ethnic group identification." Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 42, no. 2 (November 2015): 277–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1369183x.2015.1102044.
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Rodríguez Izquierdo, Rosa Maria. "The Research on Intercultural Education in Spain." education policy analysis archives 17 (February 15, 2009): 4. http://dx.doi.org/10.14507/epaa.v17n4.2009.
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This paper reviews the scientific literature, both quantitative and qualitative, referred to several aspects of intercultural education in Spain from 1990 until 2008. The core themes found in the literature are the following: 1) schooling of immigrants and ethnic minorities, 2) models of intervention and educative proposals, 3) bilingual and linguistic diversity, 4) attitudes towards other cultures, and 5) intercultural citizenship and intercultural identity. Finally, it shows new open fields or gaps that are identified in the literature reviewed, and suggests ideas and strategies to strengthen intercultural research in the near future.
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Kareem, Al-Jayikh Ali. "Making History Usable: Al-Andalus as a Site of Identity Construction in Arab American Women’s Narratives." Gender Studies 16, no. 1 (December 1, 2017): 18–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/genst-2018-0003.
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AbstractIn ethnic literature, the historical and cultural past constantly haunt the present, producing contemporary narratives which emphasize how the heritage plays an essential role in preserving ethnic identity. From a trans-historical perspective, Arab American women’s narratives tend to turn the history of Al-Andalus (Medieval Moorish Spain) into cultural memory as a way of coping with the threats to their existence in the United States, particularly post-9/11, as well as of resisting the hegemonic culture. The aim of this paper is to investigate how Al-Andalus is intended to be seen as a construct of cultural memory and how this site of memory has the power to reshape individual and collective identity.
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Sierra, María, and Juan Pro. "Gypsy Anarchism: Navigating Ethnic and Political Identities." European History Quarterly 52, no. 4 (September 28, 2022): 593–612. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02656914221097011.
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One of the many stereotypes included in the generally negative – occasionally Romantic – representations and discourses that have burdened the Romani people is the alleged existence of a natural link between the ‘Gypsy’ way of life and anarchism. This article studies the extent of an actual historical relationship between anarchism as a political worldview and the ‘Gypsy’-Roma ethnic status beyond reductionist stereotypes. It investigates, on the one hand, the agency of Romani subjects in the labour movement and anarchism by means of a case study of Spain in the interwar years, and, on the other, it examines the cases of a number of European emigrants who chose to closely link anarchism as a political option to a Romani identity in their struggle against capitalism and fascism. Both sets of case studies are used to reflect on the political nature of racial-ethnic identity constructions, to question the dilemmas of cultural appropriation and to propose a dense analysis that reveals the historicity of identities of this type.
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Gnes, Alexandre. "Festival Culture as a Means of Preserving Vital Differences in the Ideologically Equalised World." Beacon: Journal for Studying Ideologies and Mental Dimensions 2, no. 2 (November 25, 2019): 020310005. http://dx.doi.org/10.55269/thebeacon.2.020310005.
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The Europeans are now exposed to ideological influence that liberates them of all forms of official collective identity: religious, ethnic, national, and recently even gender one. National cultures are gradually disappearing and giving way to sub-ethnic cultures, e.g. the Basques in Spain, Alemanni and Frisians in Germany, Székely in Hungary and Romania. The author proves that developing festival culture in modern Europe may provide an effective means of preserving vital national differences. Without recognising these national cultural differences, the European civilisation is doomed in the globalised world.
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Lee, Jisun, and Joonho Kim. "Ethnic Musical Elements of Andalusia, Spain, Reflected in Turina’s Piano Dance Music." Korean Society of Culture and Convergence 44, no. 12 (December 31, 2022): 413–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.33645/cnc.2022.12.44.12.413.
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This study investigated the ethnic musical elements of Andalusia, southern Spain, reflected in Turina’s piano dance pieces. Turina integrated the traditional music style and impressionism music technique in Paris with the national music of Andalusia, implementing it in piano music. Turina, a composer who occupies a major position in Spanish nationalist piano music, produced the most piano works of any Spanish composers of his time. The dance suite, a large portion of his piano work list, preserves the identity of flamenco as a complex art with dance, a representative music of the Andalusia, and recreates it within the framework of traditional European music. This study analyzed Andalusian national music elements in Turina’s piano dance pieces by dividing into melodic, harmonic, and rhythmic elements. Turina’s piano dance have gained musical universality by fusion with the mainstream music trends of Western Europe beyond the limits of Andalusia, Spain.
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Soto-Márquez, José G. "“I’m Not Spanish, I’m from Spain”: Spaniards’ Bifurcated Ethnicity and the Boundaries of Whiteness and Hispanic Panethnic Identity." Sociology of Race and Ethnicity 5, no. 1 (April 20, 2018): 85–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2332649218766388.
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This study counters potentially premature demographic and sociological claims of a large-scale Hispanic transition into mainstream whiteness. Via in-depth interviews and ethnographic observations of recently arrived Spanish immigrants in the United States, it presents a distinctive shift in American categorization logic, whereby race and ethnicity switch in order of everyday importance. Despite Spanish immigrants’ direct links to Europe and few structural social boundaries between them and mainstream U.S. whites, their everyday experience is of a largely “symbolic whiteness” that is subservient to the more consequential and essentialist Hispanic panethnic identity. Forced to maneuver this unique “bifurcated ethnicity,” Spaniards highlight a theoretically important deviation from the established ethnic options for European coethnics in the United States. Overall, Spaniards’ ethnoracial adaptations and their identity vary by institutional sites, by social settings, and along gender lines. Their ethnic bifurcation brings into question the overall logic and stability of the U.S. Hispanic/white boundaries.
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Vicens, Belen. "Jessica A. Coope. The Most Noble of People: Religious, Ethnic, and Gender Identity in Muslim Spain." American Historical Review 124, no. 1 (February 1, 2019): 313–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhy562.
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Berend, Nora. "The Most Noble of People: Religious, Ethnic, and Gender Identity in Muslim Spain By Jessica A. Coope." Journal of Islamic Studies 30, no. 1 (April 23, 2018): 115–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jis/ety024.
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Herrero López, Isis. "Rewrapping Indianness for Spain: The Peritextual Representation of Native North American Identity in Literary Translations1." Territoires, histoires, mémoires 28, no. 1-2 (October 23, 2017): 39–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1041649ar.
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When literature gets translated and published in the target market, the peritextual elements of the books get modified and updated because of commercial and aesthetic issues. If the translation involves identities very different from that of the target culture, then the peritexts offer a great amount of information about the ethnic representations that are accepted, welcome and customary as for the identities of the source culture and its members. This paper analyzes such a situation in relation to the Spanish translations of Native American written literature. By means of examining the peritexts of the available renditions in Spain, it is possible to establish if the publishing houses share a common image of Indianness, how it and its alternatives are used linguistically and visually, and what are the consequences of those cultural representations. This paper also includes a revision of the convergence of Translation Studies, Native American Studies and Imagology Studies in researching these renditions, and it stresses the importance of using this multidisciplinary point of view on the research materials.
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Baranov, A. V. "The Catalan crisis 2012-2017: political, institutional and ethnopolitical aspects." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no. 1 (March 28, 2019): 7–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2019-1-7-12.
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The relevance of the study: attempts to secede of Catalonia from Spain in 2012–2017 are a characteristic manifestation of the crisis of the national states in the context of globalization. The objective of the study is to determine the politicalinstitutional and ethno-political parameters of the Catalan crisis of 2012–2017 in the context of the interactions of the Spanish state of autonomies and their autonomous communities. The research materials are normative juridical acts of the Kingdom of Spain and the Autonomous Community of Catalonia, resolutions of political parties, statements of political leaders, results of opinion polls, statistical data of population censuses. Research methods: neoinstitutionalism, constructivist paradigm in ethnopolitology. The results of the investigation. The Catalan crisis of 2012–2017 confirmed the decrease in confidence in the state of autonomy and the party system of the country, caused by a deficit of democracy. The main factors in the fragmentation of the state are: the unfinished nation-building; weak national identity compared to regional and ethnic identity; import of secession institutes and technologies. The conflict is not resolved and requires a radical reform of Spain’s political system based on dialogue and constitutional reform.
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Nissimi, Hilda. "Religious Conversion, Covert Defiance and Social Identity: A Comparative View." Numen 51, no. 4 (2004): 367–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568527042500122.
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AbstractThis article examines the special contribution of forced conversion to the formation of a new social identity. Groups that were forced to convert while struggling to maintain a former-covert religious identity, such as the Moriscos of Spain, the Spanish and Portuguese Jews, and the Huguenots of France, shaped social identities with common traits, despite differences in social, political and religious environments. These groups stressed memory practices, strengthened familistic values, and regendered social roles. Each of these practices set them apart from both of the faith communities they belonged to: the old and the new, the open and the secret. The Mashhadis of Iran are offered as a control group to test this argument, as their community is the farthest in time and space while conforming to the same pattern of social mechanisms. The evolution of the new social-cultural and even ethnic identity was a process whereby religious motifs generated cultural cohesion, and communal ties facilitated both. Thus, even when danger was over a new community was born, more self-conscious, and stronger than before.
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ECHEVERRIA, BEGOÑA. "Language ideologies and practices in (en)gendering the Basque nation." Language in Society 32, no. 3 (June 2003): 383–413. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047404503323048.
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This article argues that an androcentric Basque nationalist pedagogy is enacted in secondary schools in San Sebastian (Donostia), Spain. Textbooks present men as the exemplary Basque speakers and cultural agents by erasing women's contributions to Basque language and culture. Schools also contribute to a recursive language ideology, linking “authentic” ethnic identity, “naturalness,” and solidarity with vernacular Basque, of which the most pragmatically salient marker is the familiar form of address hi. Hi, in turn, indirectly indexes male speakers and masculinity, thereby creating an iconic relationship between authentic Basque identity, Basque culture, and masculinity. However, many women in Basque society have challenged this male privilege in various domains, thereby opening up the possibility of a Basque nation that embraces its female as well as its male members. As such, the Basque case has interesting implications for theorizing the relationships among language, gender, and nation.
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Prokhorenko, I. L. "The “memory wars” in divided societies: the case of Spain." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos 9, no. 3 (April 3, 2022): 67–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-3-67-78.
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The author, using the identity approach and discourse analysis explores a serious political conflict in today’s Spain about historical memory, threatening solidarity and civilian identity of the Spaniards and also political stability in the society, divided on a variety of characteristics – economic, social, territorial, cultural, value, ethnic, linguistic, etc., which have acquired or are acquiring a political dimension. The alternative politics of memory, which are declared and carried out by different competing actors of political process at the country level, first of all being government and opposition parties, are analyzed in the article. The expression of authorities’ discourse of the present left coalition government on the issues of Spanish past in the country’s mediasphere is considered to understand the extent and depth of public and political debate on key problems of Spanish history and memory. The author uses a historical metaphor of conflict of the “two Spains” to assess “memory wars” in Spanish society, multicultural and divided on various grounds, identifying short-term (with a view of forthcoming general parliamentary elections, which will take place in 2022) and long-term strategic risks for inclusive nation-building and sustainable development of the country. A conclusion is made that a division based on party ideological principles is axial (dominant) in “memory wars”, despite the remaining sharpness of the vertical conflict between center and some particularist regions (primarily Catalonia); within the frame of this conflict there are attempts to reassess, anonymize, and get a hold of or mythologize various historic events and personas. Nowadays the dispute between “rightists” and “leftists” in assessment of Second Spanish Republic, number of victims on both sides during the civil war, Francoist regime, success of democratic transition in post-Francoist period and other “difficult” questions across Spanish past becomes more emotionally charged, deep and aggressive.
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Martínez-Ariño, Julia. "“Being Jew is like Travelling by Bus”: Constructing Jewish Identities in Spain between Individualisation and Group Belonging." Journal of Religion in Europe 9, no. 4 (November 30, 2016): 324–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18748929-00904002.
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Individualisation theory has mainly focused on the deregulation of religion and dissolution of traditional majority churches, but there is less evidence of its appropriateness for religious minorities. In this paper I contribute to this debate by analysing how Jews in Spain construct their Jewish sense of belonging in the context of a diverse, traditionally Catholic society. My main argument is that Jews, as a small and invisible minority, confronted by the exigencies of a secular and plural context, combine notions of religious choice and ethnic ascription in narrating their individual and collective identities. Consequently, while the theory of individualisation partly accounts for this identity construction, the specificities of the context and the minority condition require additional conceptual tools about collective identities and symbolic boundaries.
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Pruttskov, Grigory, and Igor Govriakov. "The Catalans National Identity Through the Prism of Science-Based Journalism: a Bibliography Study." Theoretical and Practical Issues of Journalism 9, no. 4 (December 23, 2020): 700–712. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2308-6203.2020.9(4).700-712.
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In the context of the recent years’ events, the problem of Catalonia’s national identity is relevant not only for Spain but for Europe in general. The long-lasting academic debate between supporters of Catalonia’s independence and those who advocate its integration with the titular people of Spain has led to emergence of a large number of researches and journalistic works that analyze nationalism, inter-ethnic cooperation, public relations, features of propaganda and crowd manipulation, and other important issues. The article describes and analyzes the various approaches to studying the problem of the Catalans’ national identity, the dynamic of the thought and its national features in Spanish academic discourse in the period from early 2000s to the present. In that period, Spanish academic community formed several schools of thought focusing on the problem of national identity of particular regions. Although the schools have opposing views on the problem, they all take into account political, economic, social, cultural and linguistic factors that are able to generate scenarios of the nation’s development and face modern challenges. What makes the approaches different is interpretation of the ways and models of people unification, and analysis of the centuries-old traditions. The division of the research works on Catalan’s nationalism by the language criteria into Spanish-written and Catalan-written ones is almost equal. However, there is a stable trend to political or ideological biasing of academic texts, which results in them acquiring elements of journalistic style.
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Knoope, Peter, and Saré Knoope. "The Breakdown of State-building: From the Nation to Radicalisation." Security and Human Rights 28, no. 1-4 (April 1, 2018): 145–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18750230-02801001.
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This article attempts to explore the nexus between exclusionary state-building practices, inter-ethnic relations and Violent Extremism and Radicalisation that Lead to Terrorism (verlt). The current focus on individual trajectories has left the social context in which individuals radicalise underexplored. By taking a birds-eye view, this article aims to untangle the ways in which particular historic conditions and perceptions of discrimination and marginalisation following state-building practices feed specifically into the radicalisation of minority communities. Following a comparison between state-building practices in Turkey, China and Spain and the impact on Kurdish, Uyghur and Basque identity construction respectively, the authors argue that the failure to include minority groups into the identity of the state is one of the key reasons for the politicisation of minority identities. This implies the need for inclusionary policies as a response to verlt. It is exactly through the promotion, facilitation and execution of inclusive policies that the osce can make an important contribution.
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Nosenko-Stein, Elena. "A Review of G. S. ZELENINA, OGNENNYY VRAG MARRANOV: ZHIZN I SMERT POD NADZOROM INKVIZITSII [The Fiery Enemy of the Marranos: Life and Death under the Supervision of the Inquisition]. Moscow; St Petersburg: Center for Humanitarian Initiatives Press, 2018, 396 pp." Antropologicheskij forum 17, no. 49 (June 2021): 223–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.31250/1815-8870-2021-17-49-223-232.
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The book by the well-known historian and anthropologist Galina Zelenina deals with some problems of the historical experience of baptized Jews in the Pyrenean peninsula. The scholar explores some issues of life under the severe control of the Inquisition and social surroundings through the perspective of cultural anthropology, stressing the problems of the “silent majority” and its identity. Zelenina emphasizes that conversos were located between two worlds whilst being Others to both, relativists and multiculturalists of the period. She also stresses the ethnic and racial aspects of enmity towards Marranos in Spain and Portugal. This ethnic component of anti-Jewish attitudes were, according to the author, first signs of the racial anti-Semitism of the 19th–20th centuries. Drawing on various sources, Zelenina considers different issues of the life and experiences of crypto-Jews under circumstances of control and hatred. Among these were rites of passage, rituals which canceled baptism, the role of women in the rituals of “new Christians”, general gender aspects of the culture of conversos, food practices of Marranos, and the specific “competition” of narratives about sanctity between Christians and crypto-Jews. The scholar pays attention to the specifics of the bloody libel against “new Christians” in Spain and deviant sexuality which was often connected with Jews and Marranos. Concluding her book, Zelenina returns to the racial aspect of many accusations against Jews of the period under investigation and considers them from an anthropological perspective.
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Habimana-Jordana, Teresa, and Dan Rodríguez-García. "Mixedness and Intersectionality: The Use of Relief Maps to Understand the Experiences of Multiracial Women of African Descent in Spain." Genealogy 7, no. 1 (January 3, 2023): 6. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/genealogy7010006.
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This article analyzes the experiences of multiracial women of African descent in Catalonia, Spain—looking at their identity processes, social relations, experiences of racialization and discrimination, and strategies of resistance—using a novel qualitative research method called “Relief Maps,” a very useful tool for the study of social inequalities from an intersectional and multilocational perspective. Relief Maps are a data collection tool and a means of visualizing and analyzing data—providing a graphical representation of interviewee narratives that discuss processes of social inclusion and exclusion. The maps represent three dimensions of experience: (1) psychological (indicating the respondent’s level of discomfort or well-being); (2) geographical (including at least five physical or experiential locations: e.g., home, street, work, school); and (3) social (examining seven social variables or aspects of identity: i.e., gender, ethnicity/skin color, age, sexual orientation, social class, physical appearance, and religion). In this way, the maps show where greater or lesser well-being or discomfort is experienced by the respondent based on each aspect of identity, thus indicating personal places of oppression, places of controversial intersections, neutral places, and places of relief. We argue that this supplementary investigative technique is highly relevant to research in the social sciences, particularly in the field of mixed-race, critical race, and ethnic studies, as it provides an intersectional, reflective, nuanced, and contextual lens for understanding complex social phenomena, leading to information of greater analytical strength.
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Balteiro, Isabel. "Beswick, Jaine E. 2007. Regional Nationalism in Spain. Language Use and Ethnic Identity in Galicia. Clevedon, Buffalo, Toronto: Multilingual Matters Ltd." Revista Alicantina de Estudios Ingleses, no. 21 (November 15, 2008): 205. http://dx.doi.org/10.14198/raei.2008.21.12-1.
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Conversi, Daniele, and Matthew Machin-Autenrieth. "The Musical Bridge—Intercultural Regionalism and the Immigration Challenge in Contemporary Andalusia." Genealogy 4, no. 1 (December 30, 2019): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/genealogy4010005.
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The ideals of tolerance and cultural exchange associated with the interfaith past of Muslim Spain (al-Andalus) have become a symbol for Andalusian regionalism and for the integration of Moroccan communities. Nowhere is this more keenly felt than in the context of music. In cities such as Granada, Moroccan and Spanish musicians actively promote the ideals of intercultural dialogue through the performance of repertoires such as flamenco and Arab-Andalusian music that allegedly possess a shared cultural history. In this article, we examine the interrelationship between music and ‘intercultural regionalism’, focusing on how music is used by public institutions to ground social integration in the discourse of regionalism. Against a backdrop of rising Islamophobia and the mobilization of right-wing populist and anti-immigration rhetoric both within Spain and internationally, the authors consider how music can be used to promote social integration, to overcome Islamophobia and to tackle radicalization. We advance two arguments. First, we argue that the musical interculturalism promoted by a variety of institutions needs to be understood within the wider project of Andalusian regionalism. Here, we note that musical integration of Spain’s cultural and historical ‘Other’ (Moroccans) into Andalusian society is promoted as a model for how Europe can overcome the alleged ‘death of multiculturalism’. The preferential way to achieve this objective is through ‘intercultural regionalism’, envisioned as the combination of regional identity-building and intercultural interactions between communities that share a common cultural heritage. Second, we assess some of the criticism of the efficacy of al-Andalus as a model for contemporary intercultural exchange. Combining approaches in political science and ethnomusicology, we focus on one case study, the Fundación Tres Culturas (FTC). Through interviews with figures within the FTC, we examine why this model has become partly insufficient and how it is borne out in the sorts of musical activities programmed by FTC that seek to move beyond the ‘andalusí’ myth. We conclude by recognizing the continuing regional and international importance of this myth but we question its integrating capacity at a time of radical political, economic and environmental upheaval.
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Bartolomé, Edurne, Hermann Dülmer, and Lluís Coromina. "Social sustainability and social (Dis)trust in outgroups: Evidence from Germany and Spain using the Factorial Survey." Cuadernos Europeos de Deusto, no. 64 (May 14, 2021): 81–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.18543/ced-64-2021pp81-109.
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In the short to medium term, ethnic diversity tends to reduce trust. This negative relationship can be explained by social identity theory and integrated threat theory. The latter theory distinguishes realistic (socio-economic) threat perceptions from symbolic (cultural) ones. Huntington believes that with the end of the Cold War, conflicts shifted from being primarily economic to cultural, mainly religious ones. The goal of this article is to disentangle for the first time the impact of different sources of perceived threat as well as of in-group/out-group–based differences on trust by using a factorial survey conducted in Bilbao (Spain) and Cologne (Germany). Our main findings are that although both towns differ in religious and socio-economic composition, their citizens possess a similar level of generalised trust and perceive socio-economic threat as being much stronger than cultural threat. Weak evidence is also found for in-group/out-group–based differences in particularised trust.
Recibido: 03 February 2021Aceptado: 10 March 2021
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Lasala-Blanco, Narayani, Laura Morales, and Carles Pamies. "Forging Political Identities and Becoming Citizens: The Political Preferences and Engagement of South American Immigrants in the United States and Spain." American Behavioral Scientist 65, no. 9 (March 3, 2021): 1265–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764221996752.
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Research in the United States has emphasized the importance of anti-immigrant and anti-Hispanic hostility to galvanize shared identities and a sense of linked fate that is electorally mobilized around the pan-ethnic Latino identity. With survey data on the electoral behavior of South American immigrants in the United States and Spain spanning a decade (2006-2018), this article gauges how critical hostility is for electoral mobilization. The findings suggest that—despite very different institutional settings, hostility levels, elite strategies, and political mobilization patterns—South American immigrants are forging remarkably similar patterns of political preferences and engagement across both sides of the Atlantic. The overtime and comparative perspective calls into question that hostility is the main driving force behind Latino electoral participation and block voting in the United States and prompts greater attention to the socioeconomic status of Latinos and mobilization by political parties.
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Quan, Tracy. "Language Learning while Negotiating Race and Ethnicity Abroad." Frontiers: The Interdisciplinary Journal of Study Abroad 30, no. 2 (April 27, 2018): 32–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.36366/frontiers.v30i2.410.
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Despite institutional and national focus on the importance of study abroad (SA) in U.S. higher education, the number of students of color abroad is still disproportionately low (Institute of International Education, 2017). Moreover, there is limited literature examining how race and ethnicity shapes experiences abroad, despite SA research highlighting how identity negotiation influences language learning in the SA context (Kinginger, 2013). This study presents the cases of two U.S. students —an Iranian-American and an African-and Mexican-American —studying in Spain. Through journals, interviews, surveys, and the Versant for Spanishoral test, this study illustrates how these participants rejected negative racial and ethnic positionings by withdrawing from host country nationals and eventually re-evaluating experiences to align with their desired identities. Both learners improved their Versantpost-SA but their linguistic confidence in their Spanish language capabilities did not increase. The study concludes with implications for creating more inclusive and supportive SA programs.
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Solymosi, Katalin. "Landscape Perception in Marginalized Regions of Europe: The Outsiders' View." Nature and Culture 6, no. 1 (March 1, 2011): 64–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/nc.2011.060104.
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Using the concept that landscapes are ideas formed by viewers about their physical surroundings, this article examines visitors' landscape perceptions of two peripheral regions of Europe: Gyimes in the Romanian Eastern Carpathians, and Las Hurdes in the Northern Extremadura of Spain. Both are characterized by exceptional, historically-evolved cultural landscapes and a population that culturally or ethnically differs from the national mainstream surrounding them. Based on literature review, expert consultations, and a questionnaire survey conducted in the research areas, I conclude that due to historical developments, socio-economic settings, and ethnic differences, the outsiders' view of these landscapes can be strongly distorted. In the tourist, misinformation and wishful thinking create a “mental map” that does not represent reality. I also note that along with having a possible impact on inhabitants' landscape perception and their strong regional identity, the outsiders' view might influence policy decisions and therefore the general development of a region.
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Plaza del Pino, Fernando Jesús, Oscar Arrogante, Juana Inés Gallego-Gómez, Agustín Javier Simonelli-Muñoz, Gracia Castro-Luna, and Diana Jiménez-Rodríguez. "Romani Women and Health: The Need for a Cultural-Safety Based Approach." Healthcare 10, no. 2 (January 30, 2022): 271. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/healthcare10020271.
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The Romani are the main European ethnic minority. The Romani people’s situation of social vulnerability and their difficulties accessing the health system make their health indicators worse than those of the non-Romani population. The present study will delve into health beliefs, and experiences with health services and professionals, through the perspectives of Romani women. In this qualitative study, 16 women of different ages were interviewed in a city located in the South of Spain. Four themes emerged from the analysis of the data: the construction of the identity of Romani women, difficulties in life, health and disease beliefs and barriers to accessing the health system. We conclude that every project for the improvement of the health of the Romani community must take into account the active participation of Romani women and must consider the principles of Cultural Safety, by delving into the intercultural training of health professionals and addressing the social determinants of health which affect the Romani collective.
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Atran, Scott. "Psychology of Transnational Terrorism and Extreme Political Conflict." Annual Review of Psychology 72, no. 1 (January 4, 2021): 471–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-psych-010419-050800.
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Fear of transnational terrorism, along with a revitalization of sectarian nationalism, is sundering social and political consensus across the world. Can psychology help? The focus of this review is on the psychological and related social factors that instigate and sustain violent extremism and polarizing group conflict. I first describe the changing global landscape of transnational terrorism, encompassing mainly violent Islamist revivalism and resurgent racial and ethnic supremacism. Next, I explore the psychosocial nature of the devoted actor and rational actor frameworks, focusing on how sacred values, identity fusion, and social network dynamics motivate and maintain extreme violence. The psychology of the will to fight and die is illustrated in behavioral and brain studies with frontline combatants in Iraq, militant supporters in Morocco, and radicalizing populations in Spain. This is followed by a consideration of how to deal with value-driven conflicts and a discussion of how the Internet and social media encourage the propagation of polarized conflict.
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Rouse, Roger. "Mexican Migration and the Social Space of Postmodernism." Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 1, no. 1 (March 1991): 8–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/diaspora.1.1.8.
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In a hidden sweatshop in downtown Los Angeles, Asian and Latino migrants produce automobile parts for a factory in Detroit. As the parts leave the production line, they are stamped “Made in Brazil.” In a small village in the heart of Mexico, a young woman at her father’s wake wears a black T-shirt sent to her by a brother in the United States. The shirt bears a legend that some of the mourners understand but she does not. It reads, “Let’s Have Fun Tonight!” And on the Tijuana-San Diego border, Guillermo Gómez-Peña, a writer originally from Mexico City, reflects on the time he has spent in what he calls “the gap between two worlds”: “Today, eight years after my departure, when they ask me for my nationality or ethnic identity, I cannot answer with a single word, for my ‘identity’ now possesses multiple repertoires: I am Mexican but I am also Chicano and Latin American. On the border they call me ‘chilango’ or ‘mexiquillo’; in the capital, ‘pocho’ or ‘norteno,’ and in Spain ‘sudaca.’… My companion Emily is Anglo-Italian but she speaks Spanish with an Argentinian accent. Together we wander through the ruined Babel that is our American postmodemity.”
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Balcells, Laia. "Dynamics of internal resettlement during civil war." Journal of Peace Research 55, no. 2 (February 12, 2018): 236–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343317750464.
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This article explores the dynamics of internal resettlement in times of civil war by using a novel dataset of all municipalities of Catalonia during the Spanish Civil War (1936–39), which includes information on the total number of internally displaced from other parts of Spain that sought refuge in Catalan localities during the civil war. The dataset, which also incorporates information on relevant covariates, is built with a combination of primary (i.e. archival) and secondary sources. The results of the multivariate analyses indicate that political identities have a significant impact on resettlement: people tend to relocate to places where they can find others who share their political and/or ethnic identity; we see this reflected in political and ethnic alignments at the municipal level. In addition, the article uncovers a relevant dynamic in the diffusion of violence at the local level: the arrival of internal refugees in a new locality may have the unintended effect of increasing levels of direct violence due to its role in disseminating credible news of atrocities committed by the other side. The implications of this study go beyond the Spanish case and make a contribution to unpacking dynamics of violence and internal displacement in civil wars. The article also sheds light on some of the mechanisms by which refugee flows can play a role in the diffusion of violence throughout a given country.
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Grad Fuchsel, Hector, and Luisa Martín Rojo. "“Civic” and “ethnic” nationalist discourses in Spanish parliamentary debates." Journal of Language and Politics 2, no. 1 (December 31, 2002): 31–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.2.1.04gra.
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Parliamentary debates on the definition of the nation-state and national identities are a very revealing discursive domain of tracing the cues of the social construction of this category. Integrating social-psychological and discourse analyses, this article studies how Spanish nationalism interacts with the most influential regional (Catalonian and Basque) nationalisms in the Spanish Parliament in Madrid, and in the regional Parliaments of Catalonia and the Basque Country. The study is based on a two-dimensional framework, which characterises nationalist cultures in terms of their Institutional Status (“established” vs. “rising” nationalism), and in terms of the Basic Assumptions (“civic” vs. “ethnic” aspects in the social representation of the nation — Smith, 19986, 1991). According to the conceptual framework, each of these nationalisms represents a different combination of “established” (Spanish) or “rising” (Basque and Catalonian) Institutional Status as well as of “civic” (in Catalonia) or “ethnic” (Spanish and the Basque) Basic Assumptions (Grad, 1999). The study shows that, in these parliamentary contexts, the Institutional Status and the Basic Assumptions not only configure different nationalist positions, but also configure distinct “discursive formations” — reflected in interactional dynamics (of inclusion vs. exclusion, compatibility vs. incompatibility, and consensus vs. conflict relations) — between the different national projects and identities. These discourses belong to an “enunciative system” including systematic subject (the dominant national identity), system of references (or referential) terms to denote national categories or supra-regional — Spain, Spanish State, Basque Country, Catalonia — that serve to distinguish between national in-group and out-group, and clearly differ in extent and connotations in established and rising national codes), as well as associated fields (more ascriptive membership criteria, rigid group boundaries, requirement of internal homogeneity, restrictive referent and extension of the “us” in the ethnic than in civic codes), and materiality (strategies of discursive polarisation, especially salient in the Basque Country parliamentary discourse, which both indicate less compatibility between identities and aim to delegitimise dissent with regard to national referents and goals). Finally, in parliaments where ethnic codes are confronted (Spanish and Basque) politeness is impaired, there is a higher degree of controversy, and the strategies of delegitimisation constitute strong face-threatening acts which endanger the “tacit contract” of the parliamentary interactions. In this regard, ethnic centralist and independentist political positions make harder the compatibility between national identities than civic regional-nationalist and federal proposals. Recent confrontations between Spanish and Basque national positions seem to confirm the patterns found in this analysis.
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Bobowik, Magdalena, Anna Wlodarczyk, and Siu Lay-Lisboa. "Dark and Bright Side of Claiming Discrimination: Making Attributions to Prejudice and Social Wellbeing among Immigrants in Spain." Universitas Psychologica 16, no. 5 (January 29, 2018): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.11144/javeriana.upsy16-5.dbsc.
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Research on the consequences of making attributions to prejudice for the psychological functioning of minority groups is still scare and rather inconsistent. In this study we set out to examine the consequences of making attributions to prejudice in response to social rejection for social wellbeing among immigrants in Spain. We tested this relationship and the mediating effects with representative samples of 1250 foreign-born immigrants who had lived for at least six months in the Basque Country, having been born in Bolivia, Colombia, Morocco, Romania, or Sub-Saharan African countries. The sample was drawn from public records and obtained through a probability sampling procedure by ethnicity with stratification by age and sex. We conducted mediation analyses using structural equation modeling (SEM) to verify whether the perceived ethnic discrimination effect on the five dimensions of social wellbeing was partially or completely explained by the attributions to prejudice. Our results indeed partially revealed that making attributions to prejudice protect social wellbeing form negative consequences of personal discrimination only the dimension of social contribution. In turn, attributions to prejudice explained the negative relationship between perceived discrimination and social acceptance and social actualization: that is, these dimensions of social wellbeing that reflect social trust. We discuss the results integrating social identity, social stigma, and positive psychology framework, through inclusion of societal aspects of wellbeing for measuring immigrants’ adaptation in the host society.
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Fortuna, L. R., K. Álvarez, Z. Ramos Ortiz, Y. Wang, X. Mozo Alegría, B. L. Cook, and M. Alegría. "Mental health, migration stressors and suicidal ideation among Latino immigrants in Spain and the United States." European Psychiatry 36 (August 2016): 15–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.eurpsy.2016.03.001.
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AbstractBackgroundImmigration stress appears to augment the risk for suicide behaviors for Latinos. Yet, specific risk factors that contribute to suicidal ideation (SI) among diverse Latino immigrant populations are not well established.MethodsData were collected in Boston, Madrid and Barcelona using a screening battery assessing mental health, substance abuse risk, trauma exposure, demographics, and sociocultural factors. Prevalence rates of lifetime and 30-day SI were compared across sites. Logistic regression modeling was used to identify sociodemographic, clinical, and sociocultural-contextual factors associated with 30-day SI.ResultsFive hundred and sixty-seven Latino patients from primary care, behavioral health and HIV clinics and community agencies participated. Rates of lifetime SI ranged from 29–35%; rates for 30-day SI were 21–23%. Rates of SI were not statistically different between sites. Factors associated with SI included exposure to discrimination, lower ethnic identity, elevated family conflict, and low sense of belonging (P < 0.01). In the adjusted model, higher scores on depression, posttraumatic stress disorder, and trauma exposure were significantly associated with 30-day SI (OR = 1.14, 1.04, and 7.76, respectively). Greater number of years living in the host country was significantly associated with increased odds of having SI (OR = 2.22) while having citizenship status was associated with lower odds (OR = 0.45).ConclusionLatinos suffering depression, trauma exposure, and immigration stressors are more likely to experience SI. Despite differences in country of origin, education, and other demographic factors between countries, rates of SI did not differ. Recommendations for prevention and clinical practice for addressing suicidal ideation risk among Latino immigrants are discussed.
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Martinez-Serna, Gabriel. "Jesuit Missionaries, Indian Polities, and Environmental Transformation in the Lagoon March of Northeastern New Spain." Journal of Early American History 3, no. 2-3 (2013): 207–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18770703-00303008.
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The introduction of European agriculture and livestock transformed the natural and human landscape of the Americas profoundly. In the borderlands of the continent, it was often missionaries who introduced these practices to areas where mobile Indians groups had adapted their cultures to an environment that was irrevocably changed. Transforming a landscape usually doomed a mobile ethnic group to forced adaptation, migration or extinction, but could also prove a catalyst to an ethnogenesis that could not have occurred without the effects the Columbian Exchange brought about by the missionaries. The so-called Lagoon March (Comarca Lagunera) of the northeastern borderlands of New Spain experienced perhaps the most dramatic of these episodes in this story of Colonial North America. This region was home to the Lagunero Indians, the most populous pre-contact group in the borderlands, and as late as the last decade of the sixteenth century it was a lush lagoon environment surrounded by wooded mountains. The Jesuits founded the Parras mission there in 1598, and within two generations, the Laguneros had largely disappeared, and the area was transformed into an archipelago of highly productive oasis surrounded by scrub barely suitable for livestock. Viticulture made the area the richest non-mining region of the entire frontier, and a magnet for population. Tlaxcalan (Nahua) colonist that had lived in the mission and survived the Lagunero extinction became a borderlands community intrinsically attached to viticulture and communal rights to water from the region’s only major spring, giving them a legal status that distinguished them from other Indian groups (including other Tlaxcalans) and underlining a social cohesion that lasted until the Independence period. Thus, the unintended effects of the Jesuit presence transformed the Parras environment and the way Indian identity related to it.
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Volkova, G. I. "About One Memorable Date in the History of Spain." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 6(39) (December 28, 2014): 92–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-6-39-92-100.
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In 1714 the Catalans, being in the camp of the losers in the War of the Spanish Succession, finally lost any hope to gain independence. 300 years later, nationalists, who are in power now in Catalonia, want to take advantage of that memorable date by organizing a regional referendum in order to choose their own path of development. In the aggravating conflict of interests between Madrid and Barcelona both parties use not only political and propaganda measures, but also financial leverages of influence. The ethnonational issue in the multiethnic Spain is far from being solved, because for centuries the process of forming a unified Spanish state was characterized by political union of several genetically related (except Basque) ethnic communities, although with significant socio-cultural and linguistic differences among them. It is not coincidental that regional identity in Spain is still extremely strong, while the interethnic consolidation of the Spanish nation can be characterized as incomplete, which can be seen, particularly, in the intensification in recent decades of radical nationalist and separatist sentiments in Catalonia, the Basque Country and some other autonomies. Among reasons which escalated confrontation between supporters and opponents of Catalonian independence, we should mention the global financial crisis that hit the regions of Spain as well as the overall national economy. The separatists have many barriers on their way, starting from the constitutional provisions proclaiming Spain a united and indivisible state which impede to carry out regional plebiscites, and ending by an ambiguous attitude towards the hypothetical independence of Catalonia by both the residents of the region and in other parts of the country. It is important to keep in mind that in today's world the possibility of breaking large multiethnic state into ethnically constituting elements is more possible than 40-50 years ago. Disintegration of Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union and the emergence on the world political map of Abkhazia, South Ossetia, and most recently of the Republic of Crimea - confirm this. The Catalonian nationalists in their arguments in favor of the sovereignty of Catalonia refer to the arbitrariness of the borders formed in the past between separate European countries and the regions. Modern state boundaries indeed are not the result of rational planning, democratic arrangements or consideration of the local population's opinion. In many ways, the current borders are the result of historical processes, often - of bloody wars and territorial annexations. In other words, they are the result of actions which are contrary to current international law and moral norms of behavior. Independent Catalonia is still a hypothesis, but under certain conditions and, more importantly, as a result of concerted efforts of regional nationalists it could become a reality.
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Vidosavljevic, Milena. "The Sephardic Jewish community of Nis." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 159-160 (2016): 995–1011. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn1660995v.
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In 1492, Sephardic population was expelled from Spain, which spurred a great migration and caused them to seek refuge in other countries. One of these places of refuge was the city of Nis. Having arrived in the city on the Nisava River, a new phase of life for Sephardim began in the 17th century. They slowly built their society, taking a good care of their culture, language, customs, traditions, religion, in a word, of their ethnic identity. In this regard, the objective of this paper is to point to the existence and importance of a small community of Sephardic Jews in the city of Nis and its vital existence from the Turkish time until the beginning of World War II. This community was very active in the city, and it spawned great merchants, bankers, craftsmen, and individuals who participated in wars and thus helped local Serbian population. This community also invested in education of the youth and the creation of Jewish societies, whose role was to provide assistance to all members of the community. The desire for survival and creation was unshakeable, but inhumane events in 1941, when a large number of Jews were killed, stopped the Sephardic community in its intents and dealt a severe blow to this nation.
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Tumin, Aleksandr D. "The Modern Rationale for the Spanish National Idea of Espaholidad and the Problem of Spanish “Historical Nationalities”." Imagologiya i komparativistika, no. 16 (2021): 174–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/24099554/16/11.
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The main particularity of the Spanish civic collective identity is that its doctrine, Espanolidad, was initially formulated as theocratic, proclaiming the unity of the Spanish nation under the aegis of the Spanish Empire. However, after the Spanish War of Independence of 1808-1814, Espanolidad became the banner of opposite political forces: conservative on the one hand and liberal on the other. Espanolidad as the basic factor of the formation of the Spanish civic collective identity in the course of the 19th century favored Castelano-centrismo, which consisted in the centralization of the Spanish economy around Madrid and in the cultural Castilization of the Spanish state, the principal mechanism of which was the universal introduction of the Castilian language. Basque and Catalan regional nationalists being partial towards Castelanocentrismo considered the federalization of the Spanish state as an alternative to it already at the beginning of the 20th century. Conservative elements of Espanolidad received their distinct shape in the Francoist cultural doctrine of Nacionalcatolicismo, which had to justify the Spanish monoethnic state resting on the Christian unity. The Spanish “transition to democracy” is the transformation of the Francoist monoethnic state into the Spanish State of Autonomous Communities. Nevertheless, the rejection of Nacionalcatolicismo, symbolized by the slogan Spain is difference, put the unity of the Spanish nation into question and led to the intensification of regional separatist movements (Catalan and Basque). The criticism of the principle of ethnic nationalism, partly related to Nacionalcatolicismo, fostered the adoption of Constitutional Patriotism as the dominant Spanish cultural strategy. While postulating unity in variety, Constitutional Patriotism gives new breath to the old Espanolidad asserting national unity through the State of Autonomous Communities. The equal legal status of Spanish regions resting on the principles of solidarity and economic utility is upheld by the leveling of the inequalities of economic development between the rich and the poor autonomous communities.
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Hrubov, Volodymyr, and Serhii Danylenko. "THE ECONOMIC KEYNOTE OF THE MODERN WAVE OF SEPARATISM IN THE EUROPEAN UNION." Politology bulletin, no. 83 (2019): 51–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2415-881x.2018.83.51-59.
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Separatism has long been present in Western Europe as a political and social phenomenon. In the 21st century, it is the most manifest in the most affluent and successful countries in the European Union, including the United Kingdom, Spain, Italy, Germany, and Belgium. The paradox of this phenomenon is that the political aspect of the issue, which represents the confrontation between the newly emerged elite of «disobedient territories» and the central authorities, is closely intertwined with the economic factor of regional inequality, which has historically been present in those countries. The objective of the article is, therefore, to elucidate the economic factor in the separatist sentiments in the countries of Old Europe and the role of regional political elites in the formation of separatist sentiments. The methodology used in the course of research includes a number of scientific methods. The historical method helped reveal the features of separatist sentiments in specific EU countries and the internal and external factors that have transformed these sentiments into a commonplace public stance. The comparative method allowed clarifying the peculiarities of separatist movements in particular countries and the intentions of the political discourse in the political and legal field which they produce in order to support the view that secession is more beneficial to all than remaining within the ineffective state system. Finally, the dialectical method made it possible to identify political contradictions between governments and regions within their common history with delicate and contestable moments that secessionists seek to use in their struggle for independence. The manifestation of separatism and secessionist policies by opposition forces has been analysed in Spain, Germany, and the United Kingdom. It is noted that in the United Kingdom, where the rich province of Britain seeks to keep its political influence over the poorer provinces, separatist sentiments in Catalonia (Spain), Bavaria (Germany), South Tyrol (Italy), in Flanders and Wallonia (Belgium) are more akin to whims of human rationality, seeking for even more material possessions for already economically successful provinces with broad autonomy. Based upon the analysis conducted, the following findings have been arrived at. First, European separatism is not a one-dimensional phenomenon and includes economic as well as political, ethnic and national motives. Second, European separatism varies from country to country: in the UK, it is categorical for long-term purposes and historically caused by the negative effects of colonization policies by the British in other provinces; in Spain, it is nationally and culturally specific, based on identity and history; and in Germany, it is «soft» in form and restrained in manifestation, with autonomy and federalization not destroying the state.
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Hrubov, Volodymyr, and Serhii Danylenko. "THE ECONOMIC KEYNOTE OF THE MODERN WAVE OF SEPARATISM IN THE EUROPEAN UNION." Politology bulletin, no. 83 (2019): 51–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2415-881x.2019.83.51-59.
Full textAbstract:
Separatism has long been present in Western Europe as a political and social phenomenon. In the 21st century, it is the most manifest in the most affluent and successful countries in the European Union, including the United Kingdom, Spain, Italy, Germany, and Belgium. The paradox of this phenomenon is that the political aspect of the issue, which represents the confrontation between the newly emerged elite of «disobedient territories» and the central authorities, is closely intertwined with the economic factor of regional inequality, which has historically been present in those countries. The objective of the article is, therefore, to elucidate the economic factor in the separatist sentiments in the countries of Old Europe and the role of regional political elites in the formation of separatist sentiments. The methodology used in the course of research includes a number of scientific methods. The historical method helped reveal the features of separatist sentiments in specific EU countries and the internal and external factors that have transformed these sentiments into a commonplace public stance. The comparative method allowed clarifying the peculiarities of separatist movements in particular countries and the intentions of the political discourse in the political and legal field which they produce in order to support the view that secession is more beneficial to all than remaining within the ineffective state system. Finally, the dialectical method made it possible to identify political contradictions between governments and regions within their common history with delicate and contestable moments that secessionists seek to use in their struggle for independence. The manifestation of separatism and secessionist policies by opposition forces has been analysed in Spain, Germany, and the United Kingdom. It is noted that in the United Kingdom, where the rich province of Britain seeks to keep its political influence over the poorer provinces, separatist sentiments in Catalonia (Spain), Bavaria (Germany), South Tyrol (Italy), in Flanders and Wallonia (Belgium) are more akin to whims of human rationality, seeking for even more material possessions for already economically successful provinces with broad autonomy. Based upon the analysis conducted, the following findings have been arrived at. First, European separatism is not a one-dimensional phenomenon and includes economic as well as political, ethnic and national motives. Second, European separatism varies from country to country: in the UK, it is categorical for long-term purposes and historically caused by the negative effects of colonization policies by the British in other provinces; in Spain, it is nationally and culturally specific, based on identity and history; and in Germany, it is «soft» in form and restrained in manifestation, with autonomy and federalization not destroying the state.
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Golemo, Karolina. "Imigranci w Hiszpanii w dobie kryzysu. Reakcje hiszpańskiej opinii publicznej i prasy w okresie 2008-2011." Sprawy Narodowościowe, no. 44 (December 15, 2014): 46–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sn.2014.005.
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Immigration in Spain in times of crisis. Spanish public opinion and press reactions in the period from 2008 to 2011In recent decades immigrants considerably influence the social and cultural landscape of Spain. The immigration brings a new dimension of multiculturalism phenomenon and enriches the hybrid (ethnic, regional, linguistic) Spanish identity. All immigrant communities are factors of cultural change in different levels of social life. Their impact on the receiving society can be both measured through the “hard” statistical data and described from the subjective perspective focusing on the social representations, expectations, fears, lifestyle and mentality changes, cultural closeness and remoteness, etc. Over the last years the global crisis has been a idée fixe of the socio-economic (but also cultural) discourse in many parts of the world. Spain was placed among countries most affected by the recession. Its economic downturn and social impasse led to internal political crisis (the accelerated general elections in 2011) and to appearance of the protest movement Indignados fighting for better conditions for life. Immigrants have become one the most relevant participant of the social changes in times of recession and conflicts. The intent of this article is to present the situation of the immigrant community in Spain in the period from 2008 to 2011, in reference to statistical reports, public opinion surveys and selected comments of Spanish press. Imigranci w Hiszpanii w dobie kryzysu. Reakcje hiszpańskiej opinii publicznej i prasy w okresie 2008-2011Imigranci są od kilku dekad bardzo istotnym elementem hiszpańskiego społeczeństwa. Ich obecność w Hiszpanii to stosunkowo nowe oblicze wielokulturowości, współistniejące (nie zawsze zgodnie) z innymi składnikami złożonej hiszpańskiej tożsamości: etnicznej czy regionalnej. Społeczności imigranckie są często nośnikiem zmiany kulturowej na różnych poziomach życia społecznego. Bywają motorem przemian zarówno w sensie obiektywnym, co pokazuję „twarde” dane (wpływ na rynek prac i strukturę zatrudnienia, system edukacji, czy kierunek polityki społecznej), jak i w wymiarze bardziej subiektywnym, dotyczącym społecznych wyobrażeń, oczekiwań, niepokojów (przemiany stylu życia, mentalności, dynamika tolerancji vs. zamknięcia kulturowego, poczucie nowych zagrożeń w społeczeństwie przyjmującym etc.).W ostatnich latach tematem przewodnim debaty społeczno-ekonomicznej, ale także kulturowej, stał się postępujący kryzys dotykający zachodnie społeczeństwa. Hiszpania to jeden z tych krajów, w których ten impas przyjął szczególnie wyrazistą formę. Świadczyły o tym m.in. zawirowania na wewnętrznej scenie politycznej (przyspieszone wybory parlamentarne w 2011 r.), czy powstające ruchy społeczne walczące o poprawę warunków życia: Indignados. Imigranci stali się ważnymi uczestnikami wydarzeń i przemian społecznych zachodzących w dobie recesji i konfliktów. Celem artykułu będzie próba przedstawienia sytuacji społeczności imigranckich w Hiszpanii w latach 2008-2011, w odwołaniu do raportów statystycznych i sondaży opinii publicznej w Hiszpanii oraz wybranych komentarzy hiszpańskiej prasy.
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Stavig, Ward. "Continuing the Bleeding of These Pueblos Will Shortly Make Them Cadavers: The Potosi Mita, Cultural Identity, and Communal Survival in Colonial Peru." Americas 56, no. 4 (April 2000): 529–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003161500029837.
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The exploitation of Andean villagers under the forced labor regime for the mines of Potosi is almost as infamous as the silver they extracted from the cerro rico is famous. Established by Viceroy Toledo in the 1570s, the mita, as the system of forced labor was known, remained in place until the smoke and shot of Latin American independence struggles were in the air. For over two centuries, Spain forced thousands upon thousands of naturales (a common colonial term for indigenous people) from communities throughout the southern Andean highlands to lend their muscle and sweat, and all too often their blood and their lives, to keep Potosi's veins open and flowing. Through this work the mitayos and their communities not only drove the colonial economy, but also were a major force in sustaining the Spanish empire and in helping forge the modern world's dominant economic system. Conversely, mita exploitation threatened the very survival of the communities subject to it. The mita was so onerous that virtually all indigenous peoples subject to the labor draft, regardless of ethnicity or class, raised an almost continuous voice of protest from their communities against the mita and its abuses. Tensions created by the mita also severely strained the bonds that linked community, curaca, and the state, which were primary ingredients in the social glue that kept colonial Andean society from coming apart. To avoid descending into the mines, and to escape such horrors as laboring over mercury vapors, many people permanently fled their communities, giving up the status of originarios (community members with rights such as access to land and subject to state obligations) to become forasteros (indigenous person not living in community of origin, or descendant of the same, without communal rights but exempt from many state obligations). In this way the mita, one of the few forces that had potential for uniting Andean peoples in opposition to the state also fractured them. Communal solidarity was severely strained and neither the shared experience of the mita nor the commonality of experience in Potosi created sufficient cohesion to overcome the ethnic and regional differences that divided them.
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Baranov, A. V. "2021 regional elections in Catalonia: new trends in political participation." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos 9, no. 3 (April 3, 2022): 35–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-3-35-49.
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In this article, the author identifies new trends in political participation in the elections of deputies to the Parliament of Catalonia (February 2021). Political participation in Catalonia is of interest from the perspective of changes in the identity and party orientations of voters, transformations of the Spanish and Catalan party systems. The analysis of territorial differences in political participation is promising in terms of clarifying their factors and dynamics. System analysis, synchronous comparative analysis, secondary analysis of the results of questionnaires are applied hereinunder. Political participation in the Catalan community is autonomous, it corresponds to the civic type of political culture, due to informatization of society and the pandemic, forms of online involvement in political activity prevail. The community is segmented along linguistic, ethnic and ideological lines, which increases the volatility and pluralization of the party system. New trends in political participation in the elections in Catalonia (2021) have manifested themselves in a significant decrease in voter turnout, preference for online forms of voting and political discussion, which is caused by the coronavirus pandemic. It has been proven that the public opinion of Catalan voters maintains a low level of trust in state institutions, despite improvements in economic situation. The paradox is explained by the long-term orientations and attitudes of political culture. The degree of awareness of electoral orientations (according to the self-esteem of the respondents) is high, the sources of formation of their orientations are, first of all, television and the Internet. The electorate is divided into supporters of state unity and secession, republic and monarchy. Increased support for secessionism is evident among the voters with a high level of income and education, among the inhabitants of the foothill and mountain areas. The Catalan elections in 2021 confirmed a moderate rise in secessionist sentiment. The left trend of changes in political participation in Catalonia is opposite to that of Spain as a whole, the results of regional elections in Madrid and the Basque Country.
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Агрба, Амина, and Amina Agrba. "Characteristics of Russian and Spanish National Language World Pictures in the Context of Modern Globalization Processes." Scientific Research and Development. Modern Communication Studies 7, no. 1 (February 2, 2018): 40–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/article_5a65a27dd0de22.60711706.
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The article compares Russian and Spanish language world pictures in order to understand the deep national origins transmitted through the national culture and language, forming a worldview and influencing communication process with representatives of other nations and ethnoses. National language pictures of the world are a set of ideas about the world, the worldview basis of any nation, since language expresses not only reality, but also cultural archetypes that concentrate the mentality of the nation, which affects virtually all aspects of society and individual life. An attempt has been made to analyze the national language world pictures of Spain and Russia through the study of linguistic and cultural differences and similarities in order to comprehend existing cultural boundaries that are treated more broadly than purely linguistic ones. Intercultural and linguocultural features that emphasize the characteristics of the Spanish and Russian language world pictures are also analyzed, in consequence of which it was revealed that in addition to notable differences in the level of the lexico-grammatical and semantic structures of the language, a certain similarity can be traced between the Spanish and Russian linguocultures, mainly at the level of the most significant value bases. All this allows, first, to substantiate the high probability of forming a common field of argumentation, which constructs the prospect of a positive dialogue between these cultures; second, to suggest the possibility of optimizing the process of intercultural interaction through the strengthening of mutual understanding; thirdly, to show the real significance of linguocultural research from an applied point of view. As a result of the analysis, we came to the conclusion that the continuing cultural and linguistic diversity allows us to maintain the historical balance in the world, which is the basis for the development of mankind, the core of the vitality and identity of peoples and ethnic groups, and the understanding of the originality of national world pictures may in the future become an indispensable condition for preservation of the civilized world and a pledge of sustainable, harmonious development.
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Cioancă, Costel. "Pentru o istorie socială a basmului fantastic românesc: marginali, minoritari, excluși." Anuarul Muzeului Etnograif al Transilvaniei 33 (December 20, 2019): 68–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.47802/amet.2019.33.05.
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It is known that, over time and for various reasons, part of a community chooses, expresses or accentuates a certain status (political, economic, religious, sexual etc.), gradually losing its general-community identity and individualizing one's own. Viewed and perceived as new socio-cultural constructions within the basic structure (community matrix), both inter-dependently and dependent on the majority, this minority acquires (or will be assigned!) new directions of evolution/involution, far away from the general pattern, in time stalking or even posturing a new identity and consciousness. Charged or fined by the majority community, sometimes tolerated, sometimes categorically rejected. There are many cases, both old and new, of such segmentations, enclavings or exclusions with an economic, cultural or racial nature, generated by the imagination and/or authoritarianism of the majority: homo sapiens will use slowly but surely and irreversibly the tyranny of the majority and progress on less advanced technological-cognitive relatives, neanderthals and denisovans (plus several other subspecies of hominids, contemporary with homo sapiens); over the time, Christians will anathematize, enclave and/or kill the Jews for improbable deeds or on the basis of arrogant ethical/moral superiorities; the ancient or feudal masters disposed of the lives and possessions of the slaves they had, as they pleased; those who did not conform to official dogmas became instantly heretics and liable to all sorts of punishments (see the actions and justifications of the Inquisition); the prejudices regarding skin color, sexual orientation, ethnic or political affiliation, sometimes aggressively (apartheid in South Africa or racial segregation in the US) have determined certain defensive behaviors of these minorities, marginalized or excluded. Examples can easily be multiplied (talking about minors, the marginalized or excluded ones culturally, economically, racially, medically etc. for almost every country), but this is not the desideratum of the present study. Functionally and adaptively, the norms of a traditional community such as the Romanian one, repeatedly violated and corroborated with the refusal of alterity, led to a cultural-negative perception and to the location outside of the limits set by the community of such socio-cultural categories. Such marginals (called gueux in France, rogue in England, abenteurer in Germany, or picaras in Spain) are often mentioned at the level of fantastic Romanian fairy tale even if the details are meteoric or extremely lapidary. As the fantastic Romanian fairy tale illustrates, it is established and legitimated first of all the ideal of purity, beauty and superiority (social, economic, moral); still there are mentions of the problematical interethnic relations, cultural conflicts, failures of social adaptation to the generally accepted system; finally, as we do not have such a study about these social categories, I find it appropriate to approach this topic. My approach will be a structural-functional one, dialectically speaking, most of the mentions about these social categories being found in the anthologies of fairy tales, juxtaposing, overlapping or complementing the three categories (marginal, minority, excluded) conceptually.
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Checa-Olmos, Juan Carlos, and Ángeles Arjona-Garrido. "Spaniards’ Perspective of Immigration. The Role of the Media." Comunicar 19, no. 37 (October 1, 2011): 141–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.3916/c37-2011-03-06.
Full textAbstract:
With the transformation of Spain into an immigration country, society has become a major change by setting up a social space characterized, increasingly, by cultural, ethnic and religious diversity. In this new frame is interesting to investigate the overall value of diversity into the Spanish society. The two aims for of this paper are, on one hand, to process feedback on Spanish opinion on immigration between 1996 and 2007, and, on the other hand, to find out the role of the media in the construction of that opinion. For the first aim, an index of anti-foreigner sentiments was constructed using data provided by the national survey on opinions and attitudes on immigration, published annually by ASEP. For the second, an analysis, using the Agenda-Setting Theory, of articles published on immigration that appeared in the newspapers, «El País» and «El Mundo». The results show that a negative sentiment towards the outgroup has increased over time. The main variables explaining these trends are a sense of threat, to the population and to identity, and competition for resources and political decisions in integration – legalisation. The media analysis has six dimensions, the main ones refer to the illegality of the phenomenon, linking immigration to crime, and the social integration policies, highlighting the role of the media in creating public opinion. Con la transformación de España desde hace unas décadas en país de inmigración, la sociedad ha experimentado un importante cambio configurando un espacio social caracterizado, cada vez más, por la diversidad cultural, étnica y religiosa. En este escenario novedoso es de gran interés indagar sobre la valoración que de dicha diversidad tiene la sociedad española. El objetivo de este artículo es doble, por un lado, conocer la opinión que tienen los españoles sobre la inmigración entre 1996 y 2007. Por otro, comprobar el papel que juegan los medios de comunicación en la configuración de ese sentir. Para el primer objetivo se ha construido el índice de sentimiento anti-inmigrante, a partir de los datos ofrecidos por la encuesta nacional sobre opiniones y actitudes ante la inmigración, administrada, anualmente, por ASEP. Para el segundo, se analizan, utilizando la teoría de la «Agenda Setting», las noticias publicadas por los periódicos «El País» y «El Mundo» sobre inmigración. Los resultados muestran que el sentimiento negativo hacia el exogrupo se va incrementado con el paso del tiempo. Las principales variables que explican esa tendencia son: el sentimiento de amenaza –poblacional e identitaria–, competencia por los recursos y decisiones políticas en el proceso de integración –regularización–. Del análisis de los medios resultan seis encuadres, los principales hacen referencia a la irregularidad del fenómeno, a la vinculación inmigración y delincuencia y a las políticas de integración social. Por tanto, se pone de manifiesto el papel que juegan los medios de comunicación a la hora de crear opinión.