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Journal articles on the topic 'Moro National Liberation Front'
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1
Firmanzah, Firmanzah. "Dinamika Gerakan Pembebasan Muslim Moro di Filipina Selatan: Studi Terhadap Moro National Liberation Front (1971-1996)." INTELEKTUALITA 6, no. 1 (July 5, 2017): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.19109/intelektualita.v6i1.1299.
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Muslim Filipina harus berjuang dari penindasan pemerintah Filipina dan melawan kelompok-kelompok Kristen yang lebih diakui pemerintah Filipina. Beberapa tahun setelah kemerdekaan Republik Filipina, masyarakat Muslim Moro menjalani hidup penuh kemiskinan, penuh diskriminasi dan tidak diperhatikan pemerintah Filipina. Gerakan pembebasan Moro National Liberation Front, diketahui bahwa lahirnya Moro National Liberation Front setelah peristiwa yang tidak berperikemanusiaan yaitu Tragedi Jabidah atau Jabidah Masarce di mana pembantaian pemuda muslim di pulau Corregidor karena menolak operasi merdeka mengambil Sabah dari wilayah territorial Malasyia. Muslim Moro di Filipina Selatan merasakan pemerintah Filipina yang berpusat di Manila melakukan penindasan dan kezaliman kepada mereka. Karena tujuan pemerintah bertujuan untuk pemerataan tanah Muslim di Filipina Selatan demi kepentingan ekonomi dan politik. MNLF mempunyai strategi dan kegiatan yang diperjuangkan MNLF sebagai bentuk pembebasan umat Islam dari segala hegemoni dan segala kolonialisme baik secara fisik maupun penyadaran umat Islam untuk kembali memperjuangkan hak-hak Muslim Moro.
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Molloy, Ivan. "The decline of the Moro national liberation front in the Southern Philippines." Journal of Contemporary Asia 18, no. 1 (January 1988): 59–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00472338880000051.
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Sahrasad, Herdi, Adhe Nuansa Wibisono, and Al Chaidar Al Chaidar. "Moro Muslims In Southern Phillippines: The Rise of Abu Sayyaf and the Genealogy of Conflict In Southeast Asia." Ulumuna 22, no. 2 (December 31, 2018): 378–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.20414/ujis.v22i2.340.
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The main problem of Moro Muslims in Southern Philippines are now the right to self-determination but it also include poverty, underdevelopment, low education, unemployment, discrimination, and violent conflict. Upon the Spanish colonization for more than three centuries (1521-1898), the Moros were controlled by the United States for almost five decades (1898-1942). Japan colonised them for three years before they were integrated to the Republic of Philippines in 1946. Their struggle for independence still continues today represented by the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF), establihsed in the late 1960s and led by Nur Misuari, and by the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) led by Salamat Hasyim in 1981. The birth of the MILF was a response to dissatisfaction with the MNLF that was considered less assertive in fighting for Bangsamoro's rights and too accommodative to the Philippine government. In early 1990s, Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG) led by Abdulrajak Janjalani emerged to respond the situation. In later development, it rises to become a prominent group involved in a long-standing conflict and terror in this landmark of Southeast Asia region.
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Angeles, Vivienne SM. "WOMEN AND REVOLUTION: PHILIPPINE MUSLIM WOMEN'S PARTICIPATION IN THE MORO NATIONAL LIBERATION FRONT." Muslim World 86, no. 2 (April 1996): 130–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1478-1913.1996.tb03280.x.
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Taya, Shamsuddin, Rusdi Omar, Che Mohd Aziz Yaacob, and Abdul Lantong. "Peacebuilding Model of Third-Party Mediation in the Philippines: Comparing Malaysia and the OIC." Journal of Social Sciences Research, SPI6 (December 30, 2018): 1151–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.32861/jssr.spi6.1151.1157.
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Many nation-states have increasingly found themselves in a situation where they are unable to sort out their domestic conflicts without third party mediation. This is particularly true for a country like the Government of the Philippines (GPH) who has been fighting violent protracted internal conflicts for many decades against Bangsamoro revolutionary groups. Therefore, with respect to the above, the purpose of this article is to compare peacebuilding models of third party mediation to the Bangsamoro conflicts with particular focus between Malaysia and the Organization of Islamic Conference, presently Cooperation (OIC). Its approach is primarily an eclectic, by concentrating on the strengths and weaknesses of the peacebuilding models of the third party mediation as employed by both Malaysia and OIC. The article is divided into two major parts. The first part discussed both Malaysia and OIC’s diplomatic approaches in dealing with the Bangsamoro conflict, while the second part explained inclusivity versus exclusivity of both Malaysia and the OIC respectively. The study found that Malaysia’s model is more durable and successful when compared to OIC’s. In fact, Malaysia’s quiet diplomacy and less confrontational approach with greater inclusivity were more effective compared to elitist and confrontational approach of the OIC’s mediation to the Bangsamoro conflicts. Indeed, the Government of the Philippines and Moro Islamic Liberation Front (GPH-MILF) peace process is one of the most inclusive peace processes in the world. It may have some who were left out in the peace process, but they were all consulted by both Manila and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) as opposed to OIC mediated Government of the Republic of the Philippines and the Moro National Liberation Front (GRP-MNLF) peace negotiations. Therefore, it is pertinent to conclude that there is nothing that resembles the inclusivity of the GPH-MILF peace process that characterized the exclusivity of the GRP-MNLF peace process.
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Kadir, Dr Norizan. "Perjanjian damai Filipina-Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) dan komitmen Presiden Benigno Aquino III." International Journal of Interdisciplinary and Strategic Studies 1, no. 1 (October 18, 2020): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.47548/ijistra.2020.2.
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Komitmen dan kepimpinan Presiden Benigno Aquino III menjadi titik tolak penting kepada termeterainya perjanjian damai antara Republik Filipina dengan Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) bermula dari tahun 2012 hingga berakhir tempoh pentadbirannya sebagai Presiden Filipina pada bulan Jun 2016. Sikapnya yang terbuka, lebih bertolak ansur dan memahami keadaan rakyatnya membolehkan beliau mengadakan siri rundingan dan perjanjian dengan MILF bagi mengembalikan keamanan di Selatan Filipina. Berbanding dengan presiden-presiden sebelumnya, Presiden Aquino dilihat memiliki karisma dan kemahiran kepimpinan yang tinggi sehingga berupaya merencana dan mempertahankan perjanjian damai yang ditandatangani demi mewujudkan Bangsamoro Autonomous Region. Ia merupakan satu pencapaian terbesar yang telah dicapai Filipina menerusi kepimpinan Aquino setelah 17 tahun berhadapan dengan pelbagai bentuk halangan dan kegagalan dalam merealisasikan perjanjian damai yang efektif dengan MILF dan Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF). Di tahun terakhir pentadbiran Aquino, perjanjian damai dan Bangsamoro Basic Law (BBL) berada dalam fasa terakhir untuk dilaksanakan sehinggalah kepimpinannya Aquino diambil alih oleh Presiden Rodrigo Duterte pada bulan Jun 2016. Justeru, artikel ini bertujuan untuk menilai komitmen Presiden Aquino dalam menggerakkan proses rundingan damai selain turut menganalisis Comprehensive Bangsamoro Agreement (CAB) dan Bangsamoro Basic Law (BBL) dalam aspek-aspek terpilih. Analisis dalam kajian ini menggunakan rekod-rekod daripada sumber primer dan sekunder meliputi akhbar, laporan, dokumen perjanjian, bil senat, buku dan artikel jurnal. Kata Kunci: perjanjian damai, komitmen, kepimpinan, rundingan, Bangsamoro
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PEREZ, Jose Mikhail. "THE PHILIPPINES: THE CHALLENGES OF MORO AND LUMAD POWER-SHARING IN THE BANGSAMORO." Conflict Studies Quarterly 35 (April 2021): 70–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/csq.35.5.
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Two self-ascribed ethnic groups—Moro and Lumad—are native to Mindanao in the southern Philippines. Both groups share a common history of oppression from Western colonialism, Christian resettlement, and capitalist interests where the former has waged a more organized insurgency against the Philippine government in the late twentieth century. Due to the political superiority of the Moros, the Lumads are often left marginalized in the various peace processes in Mindanao due to their accommodation to the Moro’s call for the creation of anautonomous region under an internal power-sharing agreement. This form of double marginalization against the Lumad promotes a sense of internal colonialism where such arrangements are only left between the Bangsamoro regional government and the Philippine national government, thereby forcing the latter to accommodate to Moro interests. Analyzing the text of the recent peace agreements between the Republic of the Philippines and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (GRP-MILF), the article attempts to understand the conflict dynamics between Moros and Lumads under power-sharing and power-dividing measures. The article concludes that consociationalismin ethnically divided societies often lead to more ethnic cleavages if done haphazardly to favor certain interests while leaving ethnic minorities at a disadvantage. Keywords: Moro, Lumad, Mindanao, Bangsamoro, consociationalism, identity politics.
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Badu, Muhammad Nasir, Syafhendry Syafhendry, and Christine B. Tenorio. "Successes and failures of conflict governance: Lessons from Aceh, Indonesia and Moro, Philippines." Otoritas : Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan 13, no. 3 (December 30, 2023): 500–510. http://dx.doi.org/10.26618/ojip.v13i3.12991.
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The purpose of this study is to analyze ethnic conflict management in Aceh (Indonesia) and Moro (Philippines) conflicts. The Aceh conflict was considered resolved after the signing of the Helsinki agreement, which was mediated by the Crisis Management Initiative (CMI), an international NGO based in Finland, on 15 August 2005 between Indonesian government and the Free Aceh Movement (Gerakan Aceh Merdeka, GAM). Meanwhile, the Moro (Philippines) conflict is still ongoing despite the TRIPOLI agreement signed and mediated by the OIC (Organization of Islamic Conference) between the Philippine government and the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) on 23 December 1976 and also with the MILF in 2001. This research method uses a qualitative approach. Primary data was obtained through interviews with figures who were considered competent in the Aceh conflict and the Moro conflict. The results of this study show that CMI in Aceh has succeeded in changing the situation of ethnic conflict into a situation that can reduce and reduce escalation and direct conflict actors towards conflict resolution. Peacemaking, peacekeeping and peace building have been played well by CMI involving the international community such as ASEAN and the European Union to manage the conflict. Meanwhile, in Moro the OIC failed to bring the conflict actors to solve their problems. The Philippine government lacks a robust vision, framework, and the necessary political will to effectively address the Moro conflict, which is of concern to the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC).
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Williams, Timothy. "The MoA-AD Debacle – An Analysis of Individuals’ Voices, Provincial Propaganda and National Disinterest." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 29, no. 1 (March 2010): 121–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810341002900106.
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For nearly forty years a violent conflict has been raging in Mindanao where the Moros are fighting for independence from the Philippine state. On August 5th 2008 the peace negotiation panels of the Government of the Philippines and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front were set to sign a Memorandum of Agreement on Ancestral Domain (MoA-AD), a final stepping stone on the way to a comprehensive peace agreement. However, a well-organised wave of protest swept from Christian settlers in Mindanao to the Supreme Court in Manila which declared the agreement unconstitutional. This paper presents a chronology of events surrounding the debate, analyses the arguments used in support and opposition of the MoA-AD and searches for causes of its demise, before looking at lessons to be learned for the future, especially regarding what President Arroyo can achieve before leaving office this year and what will be left to her successor.
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Galeriana, Imma Concepcion, and Primitivo III Ragandang. "Philippines: In Search for Self-Determination. The Political History and Armed Struggle of the Moro National Liberation Front in Mindanao." Conflict Studies Quarterly, no. 24 (July 5, 2018): 12–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/csq.24.2.
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Perret, Françoise, and François Bugnion. "Between insurgents and government: the International Committee of the Red Cross's action in the Algerian War (1954–1962)." International Review of the Red Cross 93, no. 883 (September 2011): 707–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1816383112000227.
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AbstractThe French government and an armed insurrectionary movement – the National Liberation Front (FLN) – confronted each other for over seven years in the Algerian War, which would become the archetype of wars of national liberation. It brought the new conditions of struggle in revolutionary warfare to a convulsive climax characterized by terrorist attacks, underground warfare, and repression. On the humanitarian front, the challenge of ensuring respect for humanitarian rules in asymmetric warfare was posed more bluntly than in any previous conflict. The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) faced the triple challenge of offering its services to a government facing an armed insurgency that it claimed to be able to bring under control through police action alone, of entering into contact with a liberation movement, and of conducting a humanitarian action in the context of an insurrectionary war.
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Ghais, Suzanne. "Consequences of Excluding Armed Groups from Peace Negotiations: Chad and the Philippines." International Negotiation 24, no. 1 (March 7, 2019): 61–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718069-24011163.
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Abstract This article examines the relationship between inclusion/exclusion of armed groups and the achievement of durable peace, using process tracing in two case studies: the peace process between the government of Chad and the rebel group Movement for Democracy and Justice in Chad, and the one between the government of the Philippines and the Moro National Liberation Front. The cases support theoretical arguments that excluded armed actors are more likely to renew armed confrontation after the peace accord. The study further elaborates the causal link: included armed rebels tend to negotiate for private benefits such as government posts and amnesty but also moderate their stances and emerge committed to the agreement; excluded armed actors lack any such commitment and still have unresolved grievances. They are thus more likely to renew armed action against the government.
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Mayasa, Samsiya, Abdulmanan Manalasal, Margie Fiesta, and Omar Butuan. "THE IMPLEMENTATION OF AUTONOMOUS REGION IN MUSLIM MINDANAO (ARMM) PROGRAMS AND PROJECTS FOR MORO NATIONAL LIBERATION FRONT (MNLF) COMMUNITY IN MAGUINDANAO PROVINCE." Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal 8, no. 7 (July 19, 2021): 192–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.87.10441.
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This study aims to determine the ARMM programs and projects implementation to MNLF identified communities in the province of Maguindanao during the year periods of 2013 to 2017. Specifically, this study attempts to determine the programs and projects of ARMM to MNLF identified communities; how the implementing offices and agencies of ARMM implement these programs and projects to the MNLF-respondents; the extent of benefits do MNLF respondents have obtained from these programs and projects in terms of: (a) Livelihood (b) Health and (c) education; the problems encountered by the MNLF-respondents during the implementation of these programs and projects; and the prepared alternatives/solutions to these problems. This study further used the combination of “Quantitative and Qualitative” analysis of data. The respondents were the MNLF-Field Commanders and identified MNLF community leaders in Maguindanao Province. The Purposive Sampling was used because only One Hundred Fifty-Six (156) MNLF Commanders and Leaders under Prof. Nur Misuari were used as sample respondents. The findings show that there are serious problems that need to be addressed by the national government on the implementation of the MOU signed by the OIC-GPh-MNLF tripartite process structure to monitor the implementation of the 1996 Peace Agreement and the security, governance, economic activities, including the delivery of social services in the conflict-affected areas. Thus, the government specially, ARMM is tasked to formulate and oversee programs and projects implementation in the cities, provinces and municipalities to improve the lives of the Moros and MNLF combatants regardless of race, tribes and group or faction organization affiliation. Hence as concluded further, various socio-economic activities of the ARMM government found out failed or maybe failed again.
Keywords: Implementation, Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM), Programs and Projects, Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF), Maguindanao Province
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Sallata, Ilir. ""BALKAN HEADQUARTER" IN THE OPTIC OF ALBANIAN COMMUNISTS IN THE 1939-1944 YEARS." Knowledge International Journal 34, no. 5 (October 4, 2019): 1499–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij34051499s.
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This paper aims to present the features of the Balkan cooperation of the left political forces during the years of World War II, respectively the project of the Balkan Headquarters, in the view of the Albanian communists. The idea of Balkan co-operation spread to all communist movements in the Balkan countries, the most active was the Yugoslav Communist Party, which aimed to create a "Balkan Headquarter" under the conditions of war and a "Balkan Federation" after its end. At the end of 1942, the Yugoslav Communist leadership established contacts with the Communist Parties of Bulgaria, Greece and Albania to coordinate actions in the fight against Nazi fascist forces. Taking in consideration that the Albanian communists had the orientation compass in those years the Yugoslavs, under their influence, tried to achieve the objectives of this project as far as possible. Thus within the anti-fascist alliance but also under the Yugoslav directives, especially during the German occupation, the links and cooperation between the Albanian national liberation movement and the liberation movements of Yugoslavia and Greece intensified, especially in the border areas. With the EAM and the National Liberation Army of Greece (ELAS), an important area of cooperation was the Konispol region and generally Cameria. Pursuant to the agreement reached between the General Council of the Albanian National Liberation Army and the Greek National Liberation Front, they were sent to these representative areas on both sides to propagate the common war goals in the population and to mobilize them in the mutual partisan formations. But it should be noted that the Albanian National Liberation Army combative co-operation with ELAS was limited. Within the framework of cooperation with the Yugoslav National Liberation Army, several joint operations have been undertaken, especially in border areas. The fact that Kosovo Albanians are engaged in the national liberation movement, which has contributed to the increase of cooperation in these areas, should be considered. Cooperation between the two liberation movements has been more visible in Macedonia's area.This paper aims to present the features of the Balkan cooperation of the left political forces during the years of World War II, respectively the project of the Balkan Headquarters, in the view of the Albanian communists. The idea of Balkan co-operation spread to all communist movements in the Balkan countries, the most active was the Yugoslav Communist Party, which aimed to create a "Balkan Headquarter" under the conditions of war and a "Balkan Federation" after its end. At the end of 1942, the Yugoslav Communist leadership established contacts with the Communist Parties of Bulgaria, Greece and Albania to coordinate actions in the fight against Nazi fascist forces. Taking in consideration that the Albanian communists had the orientation compass in those years the Yugoslavs, under their influence, tried to achieve the objectives of this project as far as possible. Thus within the anti-fascist alliance but also under the Yugoslav directives, especially during the German occupation, the links and cooperation between the Albanian national liberation movement and the liberation movements of Yugoslavia and Greece intensified, especially in the border areas. With the EAM and the National Liberation Army of Greece (ELAS), an important area of cooperation was the Konispol region and generally Cameria. Pursuant to the agreement reached between the General Council of the Albanian National Liberation Army and the Greek National Liberation Front, they were sent to these representative areas on both sides to propagate the common war goals in the population and to mobilize them in the mutual partisan formations. But it should be noted that the Albanian National Liberation Army combative co-operation with ELAS was limited. Within the framework of cooperation with the Yugoslav National Liberation Army, several joint operations have been undertaken, especially in border areas. The fact that Kosovo Albanians are engaged in the national liberation movement, which has contributed to the increase of cooperation in these areas, should be considered. Cooperation between the two liberation movements has been more visible in Macedonia's area.As would be seen from the subsequent actions of the Yugoslav leadership, during the Nazi-occupation period it prepared the ground for the post-war devastation of Albania within the Yugoslav Federal Republics, despite their failure to achieve this objective. During the research work of this case study, the qualitative method was generally applied by conducting a research: collecting, descriptive and explanatory, based mostly on historical facts and literature analysis.
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Vladimirovna, Anfilova Natalia. "Governmental Capacity and Statehood in the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao." JURNAL VENUS 6, no. 12 (April 15, 2021): 152–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.48192/vns.v12i06.392.
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During the process of achievement of autonomy through peaceful negotiation, started in the 1970s, such political formation as the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) was established. Nevertheless, this process was accompanied by inner disturbances: clashes, popular unrest and terrorist attacks. The politically active part of the Moro people was divided into groups consisted of supporters of various measures - from moderately liberal to extremely radical. Although nowadays the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) 1 and Abu Sayyaf 2 represent diametrically opposed positions, since MNLF is a Philippine government‘s ally, while Abu Sayyaf is a terroristic group, they originated from common source and share the discontent around the existing order towards the Moro people in the Philippines. In spite of the fact that autonomy of ARMM was extended, the significant part of its Moro population is still seeking for an ultimate separation from the Philippines. On the one hand, decentralization and autonomy includes a number of benefits, e.g. , ―increased public sector efficiency, accountability, and effectiveness, increased citizen participation, local ownership, and durable peace‖ 3. On the other hand, an abrupt separation can lead to institutional disarray, economic decline, deterioration of social problems, and even anarchy, unless the separated territory is prepared to the self-government. In that context ―being prepared‖ implies conforming the criteria of the state (or approaching to them) and having corresponding own institutions to manage the political formation self-sufficiently. Depending on the approach of understanding of the state, the last condition can be included in its criteria.
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YOU, Ji. "The People’s Liberation Army in the South China Sea Dispute: Institutional Role and War Preparation." East Asian Policy 07, no. 03 (July 2015): 86–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930515000306.
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The People’s Liberation Army (PLA) plays a central role in China’s overall South China Sea (SCS) affairs in general and in its front-line command and control in particular. This centrality is rooted in the fact that SCS affairs were historically exclusive military affairs and militarisation of territorial disputes has been intensified in recent years. SCS affairs are thus viewed more as a national security challenge than one of diplomacy, legality and even sovereignty. The PLA’s responsibility is thus more crucial in Beijing’s maritime right-maintenance.
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Permono, Prakoso. "Abu Sayyaf Group di Filipina Selatan setelah Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao." Jurnal Global & Strategis 13, no. 2 (November 25, 2019): 109. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/jgs.13.2.2019.109-122.
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Filipina awal tahun 2019 diwarnai referendum di Filipina Selatan yang mengantarkan pada dibentuknya Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (BARMM). Konflik, instabilitas kawasan, dan perkembangan ancaman terorisme di Filipina Selatan khususnya dan umumnya di seluruh Filipina diharapkan berakhir dengan sebuah konsensus damai dan demokratis seiring terbentuknya pemerintahan transisi di BARMM. Harapan terciptanya perdamaian dengan keberadaan BARMM dalam tulisan ini dikaji secara spesifik dari salah satu kelompok teror yang berkembang di kawasan Filipina Selatan, Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG). Keberadaan ASG pada mulanya merupakan dampak kekecewaan usaha perjanjian damai yang diinisiasi pemerintah dan kelompok teror terbesar saat itu Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF), seiring dengan perkembangan waktu kelompok ASG bertransformasi menjadi sebuah kelompok kriminal dengan modus operandi penculikan dan permintaan tebusan, sekalipun tidak sepenuhnya meninggalkan posisi awalnya sebagai kelompok teror dengan kehendak separatis ideologis. Penelitian ini berusaha menjawab potensi dampak yang muncul pada ASG dengan dibentuknya BARMM di kawasan Filipina Selatan. Sayangnya opsi-opsi melemah dan bubarnya ASG yang disebabkan oleh keberadaan BARMM hanya dapat terjadi bila tercipta good governance dan penyelesaian persoalan dasar seperti kemiskinan dan potensi radikalisasi yang terus berkembang. Jawaban dari masa depan ancaman teror ASG di Filipina Selatan akhirnya tergantung seberapa besar penguasaan wilayah, penegakan hukum, dan pengentasan kemiskinan di Filipina Selatan. Kata-kata kunci: Abu Sayyaf Group, Filipina Selatan, Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao. Early 2019 in the Philippines was marked by a referendum in Southern Philippines which led to establishment of Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (BARMM). Conflict, regional instability, and terrorism threats development especially in Southern Philippines and generally in all over Philippines are expected to end with a peaceful and democratic consensus as transitional government has formed already in the BARMM. The hope of creating peace with the presence of BARMM in this paper is specifically examined from one of terror group in the Southern Philippines region, the Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG). The existence of the ASG was initially a result of disappointment caused by peace agreement efforts initiated by Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) the largest terror group at that time, along with its development the ASG Group transforming into a criminal group with kidnapping and ransom as their main modus operandi, but not completely abandoned its initial position as a ideological terror group with separatism agenda. This research seeks to address the potential impacts of BARMM establishment in the Southern Philippines region to the development of ASG Group. Unfortunately, the options to weaken and to liquidate ASG caused by the presence of BARMM can only occur if good governance is created and the basic problems such as poverty in the region are resolved. The answer to the future of ASG terror threat in the Southern Philippines ultimately depends on how much territorial control, law enforcement, and poverty alleviation process in the Southern Philippines. Keywords: Abu Sayyaf Group, Southern Philippines, Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao.
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Tatara, Beny Abukhaer, Titis Margiyati, and Fauzia Gustarina Cempaka Timur. "Ancaman Terorisme dan Strategi Penanganannya: Studi Pustaka Strategi Kontra-Terorisme di Kamboja." JSHP : Jurnal Sosial Humaniora dan Pendidikan 7, no. 1 (January 31, 2023): 91–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.32487/jshp.v7i1.1638.
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Various counter-terrorism efforts have been carried out by the Cambodian government, resulting in Cambodia being ranked 135th on the Global Terrorism Index as a country affected by terrorist action with a score of 0.00, meaning there are no more threats or acts of terrorism in Cambodia. This research aims to analyze the counter-terrorism efforts that have been carried out by the Government of Cambodia. This research uses a qualitative research method with a literature study approach. The results of the research show that in Cambodia, there are 7 (seven) terrorist groups, both domestic and foreign, namely: the Khmer Rouge; Cambodian Freedom Fighters /CFF; Khmer Front Movement; the Khmer National Unity Front / KNUF; Khmer National Liberation Front / KNLF; Empire Movement, and the Jemaah Islamiah / JI through the Om Al Qura Foundation. The strategy taken by the Government of Cambodia to address terrorism includes: the formation of counter-terrorism laws, the formation of special counter-terrorism forces and closing access to terrorism financing. In addition, at the ASEAN regional level, the Cambodian government has established cooperation with ASEAN countries in addressing terrorism through information exchange, joint training, and extradition. Meanwhile, at the international level, Cambodia also cooperates in counter-terrorism with the United States and Australia.
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Lee, Myung Hwa. "Characteristics and Achievements of the Women’s Independence Movement in the Chungcheong Province." Yu Gwan sun Research Senter 28, no. 2 (December 31, 2023): 123–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.56475/ygsrc.2023.28.2.123.
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The history of the Korean women’s independence movement was not only an anti-Japanese independence movement that sought national independence, but also a human liberation movement that sought to break away from feudalism within the nation. Ironically, it was only during the independence movement when the country was taken away that awareness of Gender Equality began to take root in society. In the course of Korea’s modern history, women’s activities have achieved remarkable growth compared to the previous era, but research results are still insufficient to give meaning.
In modern times, the Christian gospel brought about an awakening that women had not experienced in the pre-modern feudal era. Since the Bible women educated by Christian missionaries had a greater ability to spread the gospel than any other missionaries, the Bible women can be evaluated as the leading figures who achieved great results in the Christian gospel and women's liberation in the Chungcheong Province.
Women in Chungcheong Province were able to learn the Korean alphabet and overcome illiteracy by studying the Bible with female missionaries and Bible women from the Southern Methodist Church. Memories of learning and strong faith brought awareness and strengthened women’s inner self, giving them the strength to overcome any adversity.
Feudalism persisted in the Chungcheong Province for a long time compared to other regions, and women were dismissed as socially inferior and in need of education. It can be said that the process of enlightenment and modernization for women in Chungcheong was more painful than any other region due to the dominance of the patriarchal idea that women are subordinate to men. This is because the long tradition of Confucianism, which was built as a moral system, and the wall of conservatism were that thick. Modern enlightened women had the dual task of reforming feudal society internally and opposing the Japanese imperialist invasion force externally, but women who did not enjoy the benefits of education remained stuck in medieval thinking even into modern times. Nevertheless, in the colonial system, women fought for the value of national liberation above their own liberation, and entered the independence movement with the determination that women's liberation could never be achieved without national liberation.
Rather than staying in the Chungcheong province, women in Chungcheong left traces of an active independence movement by moving to other regions or abroad. Therefore, the Chungcheong region could not create an ecosystem for the independence movement where the women's movement could develop. At the time of the National Debt Compensation Movement in 1907, national debt compensation organizations were created by women in various regions, but they were not found in any of them in the Chungcheong Province. In addition, although the Geunwoohoe(근우회), which was founded in 1927 as the women’s only unified cooperative front organization, developed into a national organization, the fact that no branches were established in the South Chungcheong rigion speaks for this phenomenon.
Although the proportion of women who participated in the March 1st Movement and the student movement is significantly lower than in other regions, we can see that awareness of women in gender and class discrimination is changing significantly as we witness the dedication and sacrifice of Chungcheong women who led the March 1st Movement. Along with these changes of the times, women’s worldview and historical awareness also changed significantly, leading to the realization that an intact community could not be maintained without women’s participation. In this way, the vision of building an independent nation-state without gender discrimination could finally be unified.
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Salomon, Elgin Glenn R. "Legitimising Martial Law: Framing The 1974 Battle of Jolo (Sulu, Philippines) in the Bulletin Today Newspaper." International Journal of Asia Pacific Studies 19, no. 2 (July 31, 2023): 59–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.21315/ijaps2023.19.2.3.
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After President Ferdinand Marcos declared martial law on 21 September 1972, the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF), a Muslim secessionist rebel group based in the Mindanao and Sulu archipelago waged war against the Manila-based government leading to armed clashes with the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP). One of their most violent battles happened on 7 February 1974, after rebels invaded the town of Jolo, the provincial capital of Sulu in the southern Philippines. With the help of state-controlled media like Bulletin Today, this battle became an avenue for the Marcos dictatorship to legitimise its authoritarian rule. Analysing frames of the Bulletin Today newspaper on the 1974 Battle of Jolo, this study argues that in an authoritarian regime where the government controlled the flow of information, media framing played a crucial role in suppressing the rebellion which aimed to generate support from the public. Through a close reading of Bulletin Today newspaper issues from February to April 1974, this study unpacks how the Marcos-controlled media filtered, fabricated, and censored news and editorial articles to frame the 1974 Battle of Jolo to strengthen the dictator Marcos’ authoritarian legitimacy and image-making project. This study suggests that the Marcos government discredited the MNLF by labelling them as Maoist Muslims. Attaching such connotations to the secessionist group, the regime framed the group as bearers of harmful behaviour and a threat to the goals and values that Filipino society upholds. The Bulletin Today also underlined the competence of the Philippine military and the constabulary in dealing with the crisis. However, the regime also censored pertinent information about the battle, including their role in the bombing and burning of Jolo.
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Abdi, Taha, and Barbara E. Harrell-Bond. "The Plight of the Oromo Refugees in the Horn of Africa." Refuge: Canada's Journal on Refugees 6, no. 4 (May 1, 1987): 7–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.25071/1920-7336.41233.
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The History of the Oromo people of Ethiopia is one of colonization, subjugation and decimation. In fact, the first refugees on record in the Horn were Oromos who left their homeland during the early period of Ethiopian occupation. Annexation by Ethiopia meant the loss of their main source of livelihood, the land, and the denial of the most basic human and national rights. The situation prompted frequent armed uprisings, which have become more organized in recent years. Confilict, political persecution, and the inept and destructive policies of the Ethiopian government have now displaced hundreds of thousands of Oromos. These people live either in the safe area within the Oromos' region, occupied by the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), or in the neighbouring states of Somalia, Djibouti, Kenya, the Sudan and beyond.
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Drew, Allison. "A Gendered Approach to the Yu Chi Chan Club and National Liberation Front during South Africa's Transition to Armed Struggle." International Review of Social History 67, S30 (March 10, 2022): 179–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002085902100047x.
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AbstractSouth Africa's anti-apartheid struggle reflected an ideal of heroic masculinity that ignored and depreciated women as active political agents. This has contributed to a post-apartheid social order that accepts formal gender equality but that perpetuates gender inequality by discounting women's experiences. This article examines the little-known and short-lived Yu Chi Chan Club (YCCC) and National Liberation Front (NLF). Tiny Cape Peninsula-based breakaways from the Non-European Unity Movement – an African National Congress rival – the YCCC and NLF were exceptional amongst early 1960s underground groups in their systematic attempts to theorize guerrilla struggle and assess its applicability to South African conditions and, in the NLF's case, to build a cell structure through political education. Although the NLF's idealized notion of revolutionary life was premised on an abstract individual with traits then associated with public and vocal male activists, nonetheless women participated as equal abstract individuals. The NLF's relatively horizontal cell structure, small cell size, and lack of hierarchy made participation easier for both women and men, allowing women to operate equally within the political space. From their gendered upbringing and early experiences in hierarchical organizations to their brief experience of equality within the YCCC and NLF, the women were then forced into a prison system with an extremely rigid and unequal gender divide. Subjected to the state's regendering project, the political space available to the NLF's women prisoners shrank far more than it did for their male comrades, whose prison experiences became the measure of anti-apartheid politics.
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Tetelepta, Dio Boy, Arman Anwar, and Richard Marsilio Waas. "Pemindahan Penduduk Secara Paksa Dalam Konflik Bersenjata Di Filipina Dan Akibat Hukumnya Menurut Hukum Humaniter Internasional." TATOHI: Jurnal Ilmu Hukum 2, no. 10 (December 20, 2022): 987. http://dx.doi.org/10.47268/tatohi.v2i10.1438.
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Introduction: Population transfer or displacement is the movement of a large group of people from one area to another, In armed conflict it is often a form of forced migration carried out by state policy or international authorities and most often on ethnic or religious grounds.Purposes of the Research: The purpose of this study is to determine and analyze the regulations prohibiting the forcible transfer of civilians in International Humanitarian Law. To know and analyze the legal impact of forcible transfer of civilians in International Humanitarian Law. Methods of the Research: The research method used in this research is normative juridical. This type of research is descriptive analytical. The sources and legal materials used are primary legal materials, secondary legal materials and tertiary legal materials. The technique of collecting legal materials through literature studies which are then processed and analyzed qualitatively.Results of the Research: The results show that the transfer of civilians in armed conflict to be used as hostages or for the purpose of winning the war at the expense of the civilian population as a living shield is a form of forced migration that is prohibited either by expulsion or other coercive actions from the area where they live without being given a reason permitted by international law. The word coercion here is not limited to physical coercion, but can include threats of violence or psychological pressure (8 paragraph (2) letters (a) and (b) of the Rome Statute and Geneva Convention IV on the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War). Forced population transfer or migration carried out by the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) to make civilians as hostages and shields in the non-international armed conflict in the Philippines.
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WANTCHEKON, LEONARD. "Strategic Voting in Conditions of Political Instability." Comparative Political Studies 32, no. 7 (October 1999): 810–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414099032007003.
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This article presents a game theoretic model to explain the broad electoral support for the extreme right-wing party, the Nationalist Republican Alliance (ARENA), in the 1994 elections in El Salvador. Making use of poll data, the author shows that the deciding factor in this electoral outcome was not the procedural defects, the apathy of the electorate, or the disorganization of the opposition parties but, instead, uncertainty about the peace process. The model helps to explain why during the political campaign, ARENA played the “fear card” and why the peasants voted in such great numbers for a party opposed to the land reform that would greatly benefit them. The author argues that the Farabundo Marti National Liberation Front (FMLN) participated in the election not just to win but more to provide legitimacy for the new democratic process. The article concludes by discussing implications of the findings for the prospects for democratic consolidation in El Salvador.
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De La Cruz, Rachael. "Revolutionary Refugee Policy: Salvadorans and Statecraft in Sandinista Nicaragua (1979–1990)." Americas 80, no. 1 (January 2023): 101–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2022.92.
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AbstractDuring the 1980s, more than 20,000 Salvadorans fleeing the violence of the Salvadoran Civil War entered the neighboring country of Nicaragua. Their flight was part of a larger multidirectional migration out of El Salvador in which Salvadorans sought refuge across Central and North America. In response to this unprecedented influx of Salvadoran refugee men, women, and children, the Nicaraguan government—newly under the control of the revolutionary Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN)—declared that all refugees would be permitted “the opportunity to survive and produce.” This article argues that the timing of the refugees’ arrival proved mutually beneficial for both the Salvadorans and the FSLN by illustrating how Sandinista officials sought to further agrarian reform projects via refugee integration into agricultural cooperatives. As such, Nicaraguan refugee policy functioned as an integral part of Sandinista statecraft. Through an analysis of refugee-produced sources, government and UNHCR documents, and news reports, this article sheds new light on the entwined histories of Salvadoran refugees and the Sandinista state in the transnational context of the late Cold War period in Central America.
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Dobie, Madeleine. "Politics and the Limits of Pluralism in Mohamed Arkoun and Abdenour Bidar." Review of Middle East Studies 54, no. 2 (December 2020): 252–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rms.2021.20.
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One of the striking features of the literary culture of the modern Maghreb is the profusion of works that undertake to identify the essential features of the region – exercises in definition that almost always emphasize plurality. Philosophers, social scientists, and literary writers have highlighted the Maghreb's multilingualism – the coexistence of different forms of Arabic, Tamazight, French, and Spanish – the varied and hybrid cultural legacies of conquest and colonialism, and the effects of the region's geographical proximity to other parts of Africa, Europe, and the Middle East. It would be hard to find a more ubiquitous theme of francophone Maghrebi literature than cultural diversity, and the subject is by no means absent from Arabic-language literature. This preoccupation with plurality can be seen as a response to a history of colonization and decolonization with particular ideological features. In their efforts to build “l'Algérie française,” the French colonial authorities suppressed Arabic as a language of culture and government. In response, anticolonial nationalists called for the replacement of French with Arabic. “Islam is my religion, Arabic is my language, Algeria is my nation” – the catchphrase of Abdelhamid Ben Badis's Jam'iyat al-'Ulama [Association of Muslim Ulema], an Islamic reform movement of the 1930s and 1940s – later became a slogan of the nationalist movement, the Front de libération nationale (FLN) [National Liberation Front]. Since the 1980s, a similar call to restore Arabic and eliminate French has been issued by the Islamist opposition to the corrupt and undemocratic FLN government and at times by officials in that same government seeking to restore their legitimacy. In emphasizing linguistic and cultural diversity, writers and scholars have tried to tender an alternative to these recurrent efforts to delimit the region's identity.
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LALKOVIČ, Tomáš. "GEOGRAPHY AND INSURGENT STRATEGY IN SRI LANKA AND THE PHILIPPINES." Obrana a strategie (Defence and Strategy) 22, no. 1 (June 15, 2022): 003–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.3849/1802-7199.22.2022.01.003-020.
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The article analyses the influence of geography on the strategy of insurgent groups in Sri Lanka and the Philippines. It uses the conceptualization of geography created by David Galula to examine the influence of 8 distinct categories of geography on the strategy of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front. The analysis shows that while the geography of Sri Lanka was a driving force that enabled many of the LTTE successes, it had a divisive effect in the Philippines and heavily contributed to the military failures of the Moro independence movement.
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Zosidze, Nugzar. "THE FINAL STAGE OF THE FIRST WORLD WAR AND THE POLITICAL SITUATION IN GEORGIA IN 1917." ინოვაციური ეკონომიკა და მართვა 10, no. 2 (August 3, 2023): 194–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.46361/2449-2604.10.2.2023.194-204.
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Nugzar Zosidze
Email:n.zosidze@bsu.edu
Associate Professor, Batumi Shota Rustaveli State University
Batumi, Georgia
https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2613-3365
Abstract. 1914-1921 is one of the most difficult periods in the history of Georgia. During this most difficult period, the country endured the stormy days of the Russian February Revolution of 1917 and the October revolutions. But with self-sacrificing battles and courageous actions of national forces, independence was restored. These years were even more painful from the point of view that certain regions of the country experienced the occupation of foreign countries several times.
The topic of the history of the research period has become especially relevant since the beginning of the 90’s of the twentieth century. However, many details and features of these relationships have not yet been fully investigated, fully studied and scientifically substantiated.
After the heavy political battles that developed in the Russian Empire in 1917, the social democrats became the vanguard of the national liberation struggle in Georgia, but at first they did not raise the issue of restoring national sovereignty. This could be due to the fact that at that time the political parties operating in Georgia had difficulty making independent decisions. It is true that the revolution forced Russia to give up active foreign policy, but it tried to interfere in the affairs of Transcaucasia.
This is what led to the fact that social democrats and social federalists did not fight for national independence, but were satisfied only with broad autonomy, the legalization and practical implementation of which should be decided by the constituent assembly of the Russian Provisional Government. We share with the famous researcher of Georgian history historian Z. Avalishvili's opinion that at that stage, "no one thought of severing the state connection with Russia; Just as they didn't think about it in Estonia, Latvia and other parts of Russia. In this regard, it can be said that Georgia was on par with others’’.
The small group of Georgian intellectuals, which was formed into the National Democratic Party in 1917, represented an important force in the national liberation struggle. They directly continued the program of the previous national liberation movement called „Tergdaleulebi“ and considered the 1783 treaty as the basis of the relationship. (G. Dekanozishvili, T. Sakhokia, P. Surguladze, L. Kereselidze, G. Machabeli and others).
In connection with the mentioned issue, Professor Sh. Vadachkoria thinks that it is the correct political orientation of the social democrats that led to the restoration of Georgia's state independence. "Georgia's independence, renewal and perfection of its statehood and Georgian social democracy are inseparable from each other". We partially agree with the above-mentioned opinion and consider that it is wrong to ignore the contribution of the Social Democratic Party in this case.
On October 25, 1917, the Bolsheviks overthrew the Provisional Government in the capital of the empire. On October 26, members of the Provisional Government, including Kerensky, were arrested in the Winter Palace. A Soviet government was established in Russia. After this coup d'état, the Transcaucasian de facto government, "Ozakom", lost its purpose. The missions of the Entente states wanted to create a government independent from Bolshevik Russia in Transcaucasia.
We think that the creation of the Transcaucasian Commissariat was a politically correct step, since Transcaucasia was officially separated from Soviet Russia by the creation of a new regional body, but only until the restoration of the legal authority of Russia, which was an indication that Transcaucasia would not be declared an independent state. It was not favorable for Transcaucasia to remove the Caucasus Front, because otherwise it might lead to the strengthening of aggression from Turkey, and the forced occupation of Transcaucasia countries.
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Lindemann, Stefan. "The Ethnic Politics of Coup Avoidance: Evidence from Zambia and Uganda." Africa Spectrum 46, no. 2 (August 2011): 3–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203971104600201.
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Though military interventions seem endemic in sub-Saharan Africa, more than a third of all countries have been able to avoid military coups. To solve this puzzle, this article relates the likelihood of military coups to the degree of ethnic congruence between civilian and military leaders, arguing that coup avoidance is most likely when government and army either exhibit the same ethnic bias or are both ethnically balanced. This argument is illustrated by a comparison of the diverging experiences of Zambia and Uganda. While Zambia is among Africa's coup-free countries, Uganda's vulnerability to military intervention has varied over time – with four coups under Obote and the Uganda National Liberation Front (UNLF) but no coups under Amin and Museveni. Drawing on original longitudinal data on the ethnic distribution of political and military posts, the article shows that the absence of military coups in Zambia goes back to the balanced composition of government and army. In Uganda, coup avoidance under Amin and Museveni can be linked to the fact that government and army exhibited the same ethnic bias, whereas the coups against the Obote and UNLF regimes reflected either ethnic incongruence between civilian and military leaders or the destabilising combination of a similarly polarised government and army.
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Alunaza SD, Hardi, and Dewa Anggara. "Peran Indonesia dalam Upaya Penyelesaian Konflik antara Pemerintah Filipina dan Moro Nationalism Liberation Front (MNLF)." Indonesian Perspective 3, no. 1 (September 6, 2018): 52. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/ip.v3i1.20178.
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The Moro Nationalism Liberation Front (MNLF) has long been perceived by the Philippine government as a threat. The continuity of this conflict resulted in the instability of the Philippine state which also affects its relations with other countries. Indonesia as a neighboring country and one region with the Philippines helped to resolve the conflict between the Philippine government and MNLF. The presence of Indonesia became a history of Indonesian diplomacy for the world peace struggle contained in Indonesia’s Preamble of the 1945 Constitution. This paper is attempts to answer that question using conflict theory from Max Weber which focuses on interaction in conflict resolution. The results of this paper indicates that Indonesian’s role in mediating the conflict resolution process resulted in a Final Peace Agreement which is the final peace agreement between the Philippine Government and MNLF.Keywords: Moro Nationalism Liberation Front (MNLF), Philippine, Indonesia, conflict resolution, Final Peace Agreement, mediation
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Arnett, Peter. "The National liberation Front." Current History 93, no. 579 (January 1, 1994): 42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.1994.93.579.42.
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Ahmed, Hussein. "Archival Sources on the Yemeni Arabs in Urban Ethiopia: The Dessie Municipality." History in Africa 27 (January 2000): 31–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3172105.
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During the summer of 1998 I undertook a preliminary survey of archival materials relating to the Yemeni Arab residents of Dessie kept in the town's municipality. Until 1969, when the Arab immigrants in the entire country were subjected to a state-orchestrated public call for their expulsion—a call which manifested itself in a wave of anti-Arab demonstrations triggered by a bomb explosion on an aircraft belonging to the national carrier at Frankfurt Airport in which the Syrian Front for the Liberation of Eritrea was implicated—Dessie was the home of a large, relatively prosperous, and conspicuous Yemeni community, whose members were concentrated in several distinct quarters, one of which is still popularly known as Arab Ganda. The other areas are Sharf Tara, Taqa Tara, and Mugad, near the main daily market of Arada.The archive of the Municipality (or Town Council) of Dessie, capital of South Wallo administrative zone in northern Ethiopia, is perhaps unique among other town archives in the country, including that of the capital, Addis Ababa, in terms of the care and sense of duty that the office has shown towards preserving materials pertaining to expatriate residents. Until recently, the vast majority of these had been of Yemeni and Hadrami origin, although there were also some Hijazis and Libyans, and a significant number of non-Arabs: Italians, Greeks, Americans, Englishmen, Indians, and Czechs/Slovaks.I consulted all but two of the existing registers entitled Yawuch Agar Zegoch Mazgab (Register of Foreign Nationals), which seem more likely to have been misplaced than lost altogether, perhaps during the move of the Municipality to its present premises.
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Abuza, Zachary. "The Moro Islamic Liberation Front at 20: State of the Revolution." Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 28, no. 6 (November 2005): 453–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10576100500236881.
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Macasalong, Marjanie Salic. "Mindanao Conflict and Islamic Revivalism: The Moro Islamic Liberation Front's Approach." ICR Journal 4, no. 2 (April 15, 2013): 250–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.52282/icr.v4i2.476.
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The Moros, or Muslims in the southern part of the Philippines, have struggled for self-determination since the 16th century, when Spanish colonial domination arrived in the islands that came to be known as the Philippines. Centuries later, when “the Philippines” gained complete independence from an imperial United States, the newly independent nation inherited longstanding grievances of the Moro people, who continued their armed-struggle to regain their right for self-determination, through long and drawn out warfare that involved the whole population of the Philippines. This conflict was never simply about the Manila government and Moro rebel groups, but was always a complex, deep-rooted and multifaceted one that began during Spanish colonisation. The Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF), is today a mass-based organisation in Mindanao, having organised millions of people from all walks of life through a powerful social justice program with an emphasis on Islam as the ultimate goal. It advocates liberating the Moro homeland through establishing Islamic Sharia in the region. The MILF’s revivalist and Islamisation programs have shored up the notion of self-reliance among the “Bangsamoro” people and planted an Islamic way of life in their communities and religious, social, economic, and military structures, through schools, madrasah, mosques, sharia courts, and multi-purpose cooperatives. The way forward today lies in the recognition of the legitimate rights of the Moros for self-determination and, from the Moros, respect for the territorial integrity of the Philippines.
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Hicken, Allen. "The Philippines in 2008: Peace-building, War-fighting, and Crisis Management." Asian Survey 49, no. 1 (January 2009): 193–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2009.49.1.193.
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In 2008 the big developments in the Philippines were the signing of a historic and controversial agreement with Muslim rebels, the subsequent scuttling of that agreement by the Supreme Court, and a resumption of hostilities between the government and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF). Meanwhile, the embattled Arroyo government worked to respond to a series of economic and natural disasters.
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PEREZ, Jose Mikhail. "PHILIPPINES: DIASPORA AND HOMELAND CONFLICT. LOCATING THE MORO DIASPORA IN THE MINDANAO INSURGENCY." Conflict Studies Quarterly, no. 46 (January 15, 2024): 55–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/csq.46.4.
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An ever-expanding body of literature suggests the possible link between diasporas and the exacerbation of civil wars in their home countries. One of the most notable findings on the link between diaspora and armed conflict is derived from a set of arguments known as the Greed and Grievances Thesis. According to the said framework, a higher diasporic support to a homeland conflict is positively correlated with a higher incidence of civil war intractability. Applying this framework to the data on external support to the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) insurgency from 1990–2008, the study notes that there is a lack of support from the Moro diaspora which forced the MILF to secure peace with the Philippine government. On the contrary, the increase in conflict activities during the insurgency can be qualitatively attributed to the economic and political support from hostile states and international terrorist networks that support the Moro insurgents against the Philippine government. The study concludes that there is an absence of substantial evidence on the role of the Moro diaspora in funding the insurgents due to other factors such as internal financing for the rebellion and the role of international actors in prolonging the Moro conflict. Keywords: Moro Muslims, diaspora, civil war, homeland conflict, the Philippines.
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Buendia, Rizal G. "Looking into the Future of Moro Self-Determination in the Philippines." Philippine Political Science Journal 29, no. 1 (September 6, 2008): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2165025x-02901001.
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This paper examines the concept, theory, and practice of the right to self-determination as applied in some countries. The secessionist movement in the Philippines led by the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) has focused and relied on the international community to support its struggle for a Bangsa Moro (Moro Nation) right to self-determination. However, the reality in the world state system is the protection of the state’s territorial integrity rather than its impairment. The paper argues that the internationally-recognized right to self-determination is a shaky promise of independence to nations and peoples who seek independence from the state. Unless the state addresses the fundamental grievances of Muslims in the Philippines in appropriate, relevant, and timely policies that substantially and tangibly work toward greater democracy, deeper participation, and better governance, secessionism as a political alternative cannot be completely disregarded as a final option.
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Huezo, Stephanie M. "Remembering the Return from Exodus: An Analysis of a Salvadoran Community’s Local History Reenactment." Journal of Latino/Latin American Studies 11, no. 1 (January 1, 2021): 56–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.18085/1549-9502.11.1.56.
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Abstract On June 20, 1986, amid the 12-year civil war in El Salvador (1980–1992), a group of displaced Salvadorans from the northern department of Chalatenango declared San José las Flores their home. As the war between the Salvadoran army and the Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front (FMLN) intensified in rural areas, many people left to find refuge in other parts of the country. Since the FMLN had an active presence in Chalatenango, the Salvadoran military bombed this region frequently, which transformed las Flores into a ghost town by 1984. Those Salvadorans who decided to hide instead of leaving the country or even the region faced treacherous conditions as they trekked through the mountainous terrain of Chalatenango fleeing from military operations. By 1986, many of these Salvadorans emerged from their precarious living to demand their right to live in San José las Flores. More than three decades after the repopulation of the town, and more than two decades since the signing of the peace accords, residents of las Flores continue to celebrate their history, without fail, every year, bearing witness to a reenactment of the events that led to their town’s repopulation. This article examines these anniversaries, especially its 30th anniversary in 2016, to understand how the town remembers, interprets, and transforms their local history. What prompts residents of las Flores to relive these events? How is social memory and trauma transmitted to the diverse audience in attendance? What does reenactment have to do with collective memory? This article argues that the performance of the repopulation of las Flores, enacted by former guerrilla soldiers, survivors of the war, and their children and grandchildren, demonstrates how the history, memories, and values of this town are transmitted from generation to generation. In Diana Taylor’s words, they remember their collective suffering, challenges, and triumphs through both archival and embodied memory.
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Galsim, Miguel. "Legitimacy, Syncretism, and Bangsamoro Jihad: Discourses of Struggle and Community within the Moro Islamic Liberation Front." International Journal of Islam in Asia 2, no. 1 (October 19, 2022): 15–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25899996-20221022.
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Abstract Islam’s influence in nationalism and political legitimacy is frequently studied, but diversity across the umma warrants continued investigation into how Islamic tradition shapes its style, content, and potency. Investigating the discourse of 1980s Mindanao’s Moro Islamic Liberation Front, this article adopts a syncretic approach for understanding encounters between Islamic traditions, particularly jihad, and nationalist symbols. Through discourse analysis, this article creates a textured understanding of the power of Islamic-nationalism, focusing on both intellectual genealogy and textual practice. It concludes that in this instance, Islamic-nationalism can be an inherently legitimising phenomenon, animated by the uniquely moral, temporal drive of jihadi tradition.
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Goldmann, Kerry L. "Keepers of the Culture at 3201 Adeline Street." California History 98, no. 1 (2021): 98–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ch.2021.98.1.98.
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This article examines how the increase in the numbers of black-operated theaters between the 1960s and 1980s molded the character of black cultural and social movements in the West and nationally. The emphasis placed on institutionalizing black theater demonstrated a significant cultural front within the larger social, political, and economic conflicts of this era. These theatrical institutions were physical manifestations of the heart of Black Power campaigns, facilitating community outreach and sovereignty through separatism. Black theaters reflected local distinctions in leadership and ideology but within a broader, national call for black liberation and black autonomy. Professional theater impresarios Nora and Birel Vaughn began laying the foundations for their theater, the Black Repertory Group, in Oakland, California, in 1964. A repertory theater company performing in a fixed location, Black Rep would cycle through a repertoire of black-culture-specific plays, providing black performers and playwrights both recognition and income. Operating in a black-owned space gave Black Rep control over its productions and performance. Giving neighbors and community leaders the opportunity to participate behind the scenes or even perform in Black Rep theatrical productions endeared the troupe to its supporters, enmeshing Black Rep as a valued communal institution. Black Rep opened its space as an autonomous black community center, running voter registration drives, social and political gatherings, and classes in black culture and history that spread the values of the Black Arts and Black Power movements. In the right place at the right time, Black Rep led a black repertory theater movement that spanned the nation. More importantly, Black Rep survives to this day. It stands as a testament to the strength and vision of the women leaders of black theater, and to the values of coalition building, economic self-sufficiency, and community-based activism that guided its founders.
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Lam, Peng ER. "Japan's Peace-Building in Mindanao: Partnering Malaysia, the Philippines and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front." Japanese Studies 28, no. 1 (May 2008): 45–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10371390801939096.
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Podder, Sukanya. "Legitimacy, Loyalty and Civilian Support for the Moro Islamic Liberation Front: Changing Dynamics in Mindanao, Philippines." Politics, Religion & Ideology 13, no. 4 (December 2012): 495–512. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21567689.2012.725663.
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Çolak, Yunus. "A Farewell to Arms in the 21st Century: The Case of the Moro Islamic Liberation Front." Siyasal: Journal of Political Sciences 32, no. 2 (November 3, 2023): 279–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.26650/siyasal.2023.32.1249989.
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Brehony, John Albert Noel. "Explaining the triumph of the National Liberation Front." Middle Eastern Studies 53, no. 1 (November 22, 2016): 35–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263206.2016.1196670.
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Finden, Alice. "Active Women and Ideal Refugees: Dissecting Gender, Identity and Discourse in the Sahrawi Refugee Camps." Feminist Review 120, no. 1 (November 2018): 37–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41305-018-0139-2.
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Since the Moroccan invasion in 1975, official reports on visits to Sahrawi refugee camps by international aid agencies and faith-based groups consistently reflect an overwhelming impression of gender equality in Sahrawi society. As a result, the space of the Sahrawi refugee camps in Algeria and, by external association, Sahrawi society and Western Sahara as a nation-in-exile is constructed as ‘ideal’ (Fiddian-Qasmiyeh, 2010, p. 67). I suggest that the ‘feminist nationalism’ of the Sahrawi nation-in-exile is one that is employed strategically by internal representatives of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Saguia el-Hamra and Río de Oro (POLISARIO), the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR) and the National Union of Sahrawi Women (NUSW), and by external actors from international aid agencies and also the colonial Moroccan state. The international attention paid to the active role of certain women in Sahrawi refugee camps makes ‘Other’ Sahrawi invisible, such as children, young women, mothers, men, people of lower socio-economic statuses, (‘liberated’) slave classes and refugees who are not of Sahrawi background. According to Elena Fiddian-Qasmiyeh ( ibid.), it also creates a discourse of ‘good’, ‘ideal’ refugees who are reluctant to complain, in contrast to ‘Other refugees’. This feminisation allows the international community not to take the Sahrawi call for independence seriously and reproduces the myth of Sahrawi refugees as naturally non-violent (read feminine) and therefore ‘ideal’. The myth of non-violence accompanied by claims of Sahrawi secularity is also used to distance Western Sahara from ‘African’, ‘Arab’ and ‘Islamic’, to reaffirm racialised and gendered discourses that associate Islam with terrorism and situate both in the Arab/Muslim East. These binaries make invisible the violence that Sahrawis experience as a result of the gendered constructions of both internal and external actors, and silence voices of dissent and frustration with the more than forty years of waiting to return home.
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Nara Indra, Putu Agung. "Maute Group dan Jaringan Keluarga dalam Kelompok Islam Radikal di Filipina Selatan." Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional 13, no. 2 (October 22, 2017): 187. http://dx.doi.org/10.26593/jihi.v13i2.2719.187-200.
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<p><strong>Abstrak</strong></p><p>Perjalanan konflik antara pemerintah Filipina dengan kelompok-kelompok separatis di Filipina Selatan memunculkan beragam kelompok militan Islam seperti MILF, Abu Sayyaf, dan yang paling mutakhir, Kelompok Maute. .Banyaknya kelompok militan yang muncul berawal dari perpecahan-perpecahan di dalam kelompok-kelompok militan tradisional di Filipina Selatan khususnya MNLF dan MILF. Fenomena perpecahan ini akhirnya memunculkan kelompok-kelompok sempalan yang kerap terlibat pertempuran di antara mereka sendiri. Di sisi lain, kelompok-kelompok tersebut justru memiliki latar belakang ikatan keluarga yang sangat erat. Tulisan ini menyoroti tentang peranan jaringan keluarga di dalam keberadaan kelompok-kelompok militan di Filipina Selatan khususnya Kelompok Maute. Kelompok Maute dapat berkembang pesat karena pendiri dan sebagian besar anggotanya memiliki hubungan keluarga dengan kelompok Moro Islamic Liberation Front. Ikatan keluarga ini akhirnya menjadi pelindung sekaligus faktor penting bagi berkembangnya radikalisme Kelompok Maute.</p><p>Kata kunci: <em>Filipina Selatan, kelompok radikal Islam, MILF, Kelompok Maute, ikatan keluarga.</em></p><p> </p><p><strong>Abstract</strong></p><p>The history of conflict between Philippines government and separatist group in Southern Phillipines area has formed many radical Islamic groups such as, MILF, Abu Sayyaf, and Maute group. The emergence of these groups was caused by the schism in the older militant groups such as MNLF and MILF. However, the disunity of the older militant groups and the emergence of the so called “splinter groups” finally created conflicts among them. On the other hand, those groups bear resemblance in their family origins. This article highlighted the family networking inside the radical Islamic groups especially the Maute group. This group can grow rapidly because of the family bond between their founders and members with the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF). The family bond became their protector and also vital point for the rise of radicalism in the Maute group.</p>Keyword: <em>Southern Philippines, radical Islamic groups, MMILF, Maute group, family bond. </em>
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Carolan, Gene. "Solving the Moro problem: legalizing the Bangsamoro peace process." Journal of Aggression, Conflict and Peace Research 8, no. 3 (July 11, 2016): 212–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jacpr-02-2016-0214.
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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to highlight the structural features that are proving central to the stability of the 2014 Comprehensive Agreement on the Bangsamoro between the Government of the Philippines and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front, and those features that were detrimental to its predecessors. Design/methodology/approach – This paper adopts a legalization framework derived from the model presented by Abbott et al. The simplicity of Abbott et al.’s theory allows for variation in the agreements’ text to be easily measured and compared. The inherent advantages of this model offset the difficulties in characterizing peace agreements under traditional legal methodologies, and reiterate the importance of legalized agreements in a conflict resolution context. Findings – This paper finds that a more highly legalized approach to peace-making has resulted in greater agreement stability in the Philippines. More precise in detail and inclusive in scope, the legal nature of the 2014 Comprehensive Agreement has made it more responsive to the root causes of the conflict, and resilient to incidents that threatened to derail the peace process. Practical implications – This case study bears valuable lessons for conflict zones the world over, particularly the troubled negotiations on Syria, and the crisis in Ukraine. The study: lends tentative support to Gopalan’s claim that agreements that exemplify hard legalization are much more sustainable in the long run; stresses the advantages of inclusivity in agreement sustainability and stability; reiterates the importance of addressing the key issues relevant to the conflict if the process is to be sustainable, and; notes the limitations of the legalization framework, but presents the Philippine example as a blueprint for addressing various aspects of the Syrian and Ukrainian conflicts. Originality/value – This is the first peer-reviewed analysis to explore the 2014 Comprehensive Agreement as a highly legalized conflict resolution instrument, and an adaptable template for peace agreement design generally.
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Söderberg Kovacs, Mimmi, Kristine Höglund, and Mélida Jiménez. "Autonomous Peace? The Bangsamoro Region in the Philippines Beyond the 2014 Agreement." Journal of Peacebuilding & Development 16, no. 1 (January 24, 2021): 55–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1542316620987556.
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What kind of peace has emerged in the Bangsamoro region in the Philippines after the 2014 peace agreement? And how does it matter for the prospects of sustainable peace and development? The peace deal between the government of Philippines and the armed group Moro Islamic Liberation Front builds on the establishment of a new autonomous region. The new autonomy has the potential to end a prolonged cycle of armed rebellions. But if it fails to deliver the expected peace dividends, it could also lead to escalating violence. This article uses the Peace Triangle as a conceptual tool to analyse the current status of peace in Bangsamoro. As such, it advances a theoretical understanding of peace that focuses on how autonomy solutions impact on conflict issues, violent behaviour, and conflict attitudes and aid an assessment of the longer term prospects of peace in the wake of autonomy.
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Arcala Hall, Rosalie. "The Civil Society-Military Interface in the Protection of Civilians: the Bangsamoro Case." Journal of International Peacekeeping 26, no. 2-3 (November 2, 2023): 168–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18754112-26020005.
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Abstract The peace process between the Philippine government and the separatist Moro Islamic Liberation Front provided breathing space for many communities and opportunities for calibrated civilian protection practices by the military and non-governmental organisations (ngo s). While the principle of non-intervention largely kept the imprint of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (asean) to a minimum, Indonesian and Malaysian brokering enabled the establishment of bridging mechanisms such as ceasefire monitoring committees to moderate the armed violence. A more permissive environment allowed ngo s to deliver humanitarian aid and acquire improved capacities for risk mitigation in the Bangsamoro region, aided in part by a shift in the Philippine military’s approach toward putting a premium on civilian consultation and dialogue. Despite these normative gains, the uptick in horizontal violence among rival clans and the military’s preference for the use of artillery fire as a conflict de-escalation strategy create enduring challenges for civilian protection on the ground.
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ALLISON, MICHAEL E. "Why Splinter? Parties that Split from the FSLN, FMLN and URNG." Journal of Latin American Studies 48, no. 4 (July 26, 2016): 707–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x1600136x.
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AbstractFollowing the ends to the civil wars in Nicaragua, El Salvador and Guatemala, the revolutionary coalitions that had led the fight against authoritarian regimes began to fracture. However, none of the splinter parties that broke from the Sandinista National Liberation Front, Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front, and Guatemalan National Revolutionary Unit has succeeded on their own as political parties. In this article, I argue that there is no single reason to explain the poor performances of the Democratic Party (PD), the Renovating Movement (MR), and the Democratic Front Party (FDR) in El Salvador, the Sandinista Renovation Movement (Renovate-MRS) and the Movement to Rescue Sandinismo (Rescue-MRS) in Nicaragua, and the New Nation Alliance (ANN) in Guatemala. However, their limited financial resources, alliances with non-revolutionary centrist and centre-right parties, and voter tendency to overlook internal ideological and personal debates within the original political parties, especially the FSLN and FMLN, have not helped.