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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Moro National Liberation Front'
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1
Anwar, Deka. "Path to Dominance - Disaggregating Intra-rebel Conflict between Parent and Splinter Group in Separatist Insurgency : Case Study of Moro National Liberation Front - Moro Islamic Liberation Front in the Philippines, and Karen National Union - Democratic Karen Buddhist Army in Burma." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-303345.
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Common beliefs posit that rebel fragmentation and the emergence of splinter groups are often associated with intra-rebel violence. However, empirical evidence suggests that it is not always the case: there are cases of non-lethal competition between parent and splinter groups across time and terrain. This study explores the cause of lethal and non-lethal conflict between parent and splinter group that represent ethno-nationalist identity. By using theories of rational choice and outbidding strategy, I argue that lethal intra-rebel conflict are less likely when there is a balanced distribution of power between parent and splinter groups, subsequent to organizational fragmentation. This is because intra-rebel conflict against formidable opponents is costly. Further, it presents an existential threat in the event of counterinsurgency or retaliation. Thus, it is expected that rebel groups are more likely to employ non-lethal outbidding strategy in order to become the sole representation of their ethnic group. Using the method of structured focused comparison, this hypothesis is tested by comparing Moro insurgencies in Philippines and Karen insurgencies in Burma. The main finding demonstrates partial support to the causality of distribution power to the lethality of outbidding strategies. In addition, the empirical analysis also shows state intervention and social ties as influencing lethal intra-rebel conflict.
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de, Leon Justin. "PHILIPPINE ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT AND PHILIPPINE MUSLIM UNREST." Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2008. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/4217.
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Muslim culture and society has been a part of the Philippine islands in spite of nearly ninety-five percent of the population being Christian (a majority Catholic), yet did not become a separatist movement until the 1970's. Since then, the two main separatist groups the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) have been battling the Philippine government. The parties entered truces in 1996 and 2001, yet there has been a cycle of violence continues. The Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG), linked to Al Qaeda, emerged in 1990 and has launched many attacks on the Christian Philippine majority. The prolonged Muslim unrest in the ARMM has left thousands dead and hundreds of thousands displaced. The main objective of this research paper is to examine Philippine economic and political development and its impact on Philippine Muslim unrest. This paper presents a critical analysis of the economic and political development and Philippine Muslim unrest by examining six major features of the Philippines; they are: The historical evolution, economic development, political development, socio-cultural setting, geographic setting, and the quality of life of the Filipino people. This research also examines Fareed Zakaria's illiberal democracies theory, liberal institutionalism, and the Marxist theory of class revolution and primarily relies on research conducted at the University of the Philippines and from Philippine and Asian scholars. By taking a holistic comprehensive approach and by using international relations theory, this research fills two gaps in the literature about Philippine Muslim unrest. The research concludes with a look at future challenges, both short term and long term that face the country, as well as, possible future scenarios. The findings of this research are that the economic and political development and the historical evolution, though major contributory factors, are not the sole reason for the prolonged Philippine Muslim unrest. The most pervasive causal factor to Muslim unrest was the socio-cultural setting. Because of the all-pervasive nature of culture; at first glance, the socio-cultural setting was not a major apparent cause. At almost all times examined throughout this research, certain cultural tendencies guided decisions and altered the course of events more so than any other single variable. Corruption, crony capitalism, patrimonialism, and irrational institutions all stem from the tendencies of Philippine culture must be addressed to find lasting peace in the country. A move toward rational legal institutions and liberal constitutionalism, will lead the way to the creation of a liberal democracy and break the cycle of violence occurring in the Philippines.M.A.
Department of Political Science
Sciences
Political Science MA
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Caculitan, Ariel R. "Negotiating peace with the Moro Islamic Liberation Front in the Southern Philippines." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/05Dec%5FCaculitan.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Stabilization and Reconstruction))--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2005.Thesis Advisor(s): Aurel Croissant, Michael Malley. Includes bibliographical references (p. 101-109). Also available online.
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Walgren, Scott A. "Explaining intervention in Southeast Asia : a comparison of the Muslim insurgencies in Thailand and the Philippines /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2007. http://bosun.nps.edu/uhtbin/hyperion-image.exe/07Dec%5FWalgren.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2007.Thesis Advisor(s): Malley, Michael. "December 2007." Description based on title screen as viewed on January 24, 2008. Includes bibliographical references (p. 69-75). Also available in print.
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Azerad, Jessica. "Negotiating Intersectionality: Women in the Civil Rights Movement and the Zapatista National Liberation Front." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1640.
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This thesis set out to determine the interaction between gender and social movement participation. In other words, it is answering the questions: how are women able to interact social movements and how do social movements enable women to be full participants in their struggle? It uses an intersectional framework to examine two social movements: the Black Civil Rights Movements that took place in the U.S. in the 1950s and 1960s, and the Zapatista National Liberation Front (EZLN) that began in Chiapas, Mexico in the 1980s and works to this day.
For the Civil Rights Movement, it finds that the major organizations did not enact any policies or make any structural changes to incorporate women more fully into the Movement. Furthermore, women that wanted leadership roles in the Movement often had to forge their own by means of grassroots organizing and local women-led political action groups.
For the EZLN, it finds that the organization gave women both leadership positions and military titles, passed the Women's Revolutionary Law that codified women's rights within the organization and the community, and lastly created autonomous municipal governance structures to enforce women's rights.
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Manalo, Eusaquito P. "The Philippine response to terrorism: the ABU Sayyaf Group /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Dec%5FManalo.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Security Building in Post Cinflict Environments)--Naval Postgraduate School, Dec. 2004.Thesis Advisor(s): Gaye Christoffersen. Includes bibliographical references (p. 83-91). Also available online.
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Eisner, Rivka Syd Matova Pollock Della. "Re-staging revolution and remembering toward change National Liberation Front women perform prospective memory in Vietnam /." Chapel Hill, N.C. : University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2008. http://dc.lib.unc.edu/u?/etd,1561.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2008.Title from electronic title page (viewed Sep. 16, 2008). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Communication Studies Performance and Cultural Studies." Discipline: Communication Studies; Department/School: Communication Studies.
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Telleria, Gabriel Martin. "From Vandals to Vanguard: Vanguardism through a Neoinstitutional Lens: Case Study of the Sandinista National Liberation Front." Diss., Virginia Tech, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/27137.
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The Sandinista Revolution is arguably the most significant event in Nicaraguan history. Because of its historical importance and distinctive socio-cultural context, the Sandinista Revolution offers significant opportunities for scholarly inquiry. The literature on the Sandinista Revolution is substantial. However, little is known about the organization Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) and how it evolved into the leader of the movement which sought to overthrow the 45-year Somoza dictatorship. In revolutionary literature, the concept of revolutionary vanguard or vanguard party is common. However, the notion of vanguardism as a process and what constitutes a vanguardist organization is yet to be explored. This study aims to provide such an investigation, through an examination of the insurrectional period (1974-1979) leading up to the Sandinista Revolutionary Victory in 1979. Grounded in Scottâ s (2008) institutional framework, this study describes the evolution of the FSLN into the vanguard of the anti-Somoza movement, identifying relationships between institutional elements involved in the FSLNâ s institutionalization process and progression into â leaderâ of the movement. Data from interviews, newspaper articles, and video documentaries were scrutinized in search of answers to the question: How do mechanisms, carriers, and agency as elements of institutions explain vanguardism in the case study of the FSLN? This research reveals critical mechanisms, carriers and agency in the vanguardism of the FSLN, and explains how these elements supported this process. In this sense, this research reveals distinctive characteristics in vanguardism as an institutional process, which differentiate vanguardism from other processes. This research presents an opportunity to learn about the FSLN-a vastly unique politico-military organization. Additionally, there is an opportunity to broaden our observational lens, taking a neoinstitutional approach, to illustrate new ways in which organizations evolve, change and adapt to their environments. Lastly, this study hopes to pave the way for future studies in organizational vanguardism.Ph. D.
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Roggeveen, Erica. "Revolutionary women in El Salvador the Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front, women's organizations, and the transformation of the position of women /." Diss., Connect to the thesis, 2003. http://thesis.haverford.edu/49/01/2003RoggeveenE.pdf.
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Lastimado, Antonio R. "The Armed Force of the Philippines and Special Operations /." Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Dec%5FLastimado.pdf.
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Moallic, Benjamín. "L'émergence des phénomènes associatifs en Amérique centrale (Nicaragua, Salvador. 1960-2009)." Thesis, Paris Sciences et Lettres (ComUE), 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PSLEH075.
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Au début des années 1990, au terme d’une décennie de guerres internes, le Salvador et le Nicaragua ont été les théâtres d’une multiplication sans précédent d’associations de développement et d’ONG humanitaires. Provenant des anciennes mouvances révolutionnaires du Front sandiniste de libération nationale au Nicaragua et du Front Farabundo Martí pour la libération nationale au Salvador, ces organisations nouvelles ont été le signe de l’apparition d’un militantisme professionnel et technicisé proche de « l’humanitaire-expert » et en rupture avec les engagements politico-militaires qui avaient jusqu’alors dominé les scènes militantes centraméricaines. Comment dès lors comprendre l’émergence de ces phénomènes associatifs ? Nés à la croisée de bouleversements sociaux et politiques majeurs, entre la fin des guerres, l’effondrement des gestes révolutionnaires et l’avènement de régimes démocratiques, ces faits associatifs ont d’abord été le fruit d’une conversion de leurs dirigeants. Anciens cadres révolutionnaires du parti-État sandiniste et des guérillas salvadoriennes, ceux-ci occupaient en effet déjà à la fin des années 1980 la tête des mouvances associatives du Front sandiniste et du Front Farabundo Martí. Or c’est là, au sein de ces nébuleuses, que ces acteurs se sont saisis de schèmes humanitaires nouveaux et de registres managériaux, entraînant dans leur sillage « l’ONGisation » de leurs organisations et l’investissement de causes féministes, indigénistes ou environnementalistes. De sorte que l’histoire de ces associations et de leur émergence est l’histoire de cette conversion. D’où le choix de ce travail de retracer le parcours de ces militants depuis leur basculement dans la lutte armée et les organisations révolutionnaires jusqu’à leur conversion à l’humanitaire-expert et leur insertion dans le monde des ONG. Ce faisant, ce travail met en résonance plusieurs analyses. Une réflexion d’abord sur les modalités de basculement dans la violence armée et d’incorporation aux organisations de guérillas. Une réflexion ensuite sur les logiques de conversion politique et de reconversion professionnelle des acteurs politico-militaires. Une réflexion enfin sur la naissance des milieux associatifs et la constitution de carrières militantes. Et au travers de ces analyses se dessine in fine une enquête plus générale sur la nature même des phénomènes associatifs au Salvador et au Nicaragua, leurs usages et leurs fonctions, et montrent le rôle de « supports » sociaux et politiques qu’ils jouent aujourd’hui dans les nouvelles démocraties centraméricainesAt the beginning of the 1990s and after a decade of internal wars, El Salvador and Nicaragua were the stages of an unprecedented growth of development’s organizations and humanitarian NGOs. Originating from the former revolutionary movements of Sandinista National Liberation Front in Nicaragua and from Farabundo Marti National Front in El Salvador, those new organizations were a sign of professional technologized militancy close to « expert humanitarian work » but also breaking with the military-political commitments which had preponderated over the Central American activist scene so far. How then can we understand the emergence of those voluntary phenomena? Resulting from major social and political disruptions, as well as the end of wars, the collapsing of revolutionary actions and the advent of democratic regimes, those voluntary actions first started with the conversion of their leaders. As former revolutionary officers of the Sandinista state-party and of the Salvadorian guerrillas, by the end of the 1980s those were already heads of the non-profit movements of Sandinista Front and Farabundo Marti Front. Yet this is in the middle of this political maze that those leaders seized upon a new humanitarian framework as well as managerial repertories, bringing in their wake the « NGOzation » of their organizations and their commitment to the feminist as well as indigenist and environmentalist causes. In this way, the history of the emergence of those organizations is actually the history of that conversion. Hence the choice that has been made to work on recounting the activists’ paths from the moment they turned into an armed conflict and revolutionary organizations to their actual conversion into expert humanitarian work and the world of NGOs. In order to do this work several analyses have been compared; first, a reflection about the ways and means of their changeover into armed violence and their enlistments in guerrillas’ organizations; then a thought about the mindset of political conversion and the career change of the military-political leaders; then finally a reflection about the birth of the non-profit domain and the development of activists’ careers. And so, through these analyses appears a more general study on the true nature of voluntary phenomena in El Salvador and Nicaragua, and on their practices and functions, that shows the roles they play as social, political supports in the new Central American democracies nowadays
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Hoppert-Flämig, Susan. "Striving for security : state responses to violence under the FMLN government in El Salvador, 2009-2014." Thesis, University of Bradford, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/15883.
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This research focuses on the provision of intrastate security and on the question how states in the global South do or do not provide security for their citizens and do or do not protect them from physical violence. This thesis argues that while institutional conditions are an important aspect of security provision in the global South, more attention needs to be paid to policy processes. Institution building as set out in the literature about Security Sector Reform and statebuilding assumes that it is possible to provide security to all citizens of a state by building democratic state security institutions. However, this is only possible if the state is the predominant force of controlling violence. Research showed that this is rarely the case in countries of the global South. This thesis contends that statehood in the global South is contested due to power struggles between multiple state and non-state elites. It argues that the analysis of security policy processes allows for an analysis of security provision in societies where no centralised control over violence exists. It contributes to a better understanding of the shortcomings of security provision in the global South because it shows the impact of societal and state actors on security policy making. Using the case of security policy making under the first FMLN (Frente Farabundo Martí para la Liberación Nacional, Farabundo Martí Front for National Liberation) government in El Salvador (2009-2014), the thesis shows that, in a contested state policy making does not result from a pact between the state and society or from a social consensus as envisaged by parts of the FMLN and other forces of the New Left in Latin America. Instead, policy making results from elite pacts and elite struggles. This is illustrated in the domination of an ad hoc decision-making mode which describes short-term decisions which are insufficiently implemented and easily reversed or replaced. Thus, security provision as a policy field remains focused on elite interests and does not include the interests of the broader population.
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Hoppert-Flämig, Susan. "Striving for security: State responses to violence under the FMLN government in El Salvador 2009-2014." Thesis, University of Bradford, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/15883.
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This research focuses on the provision of intrastate security and on the question how states in the global South do or do not provide security for their citizens and do or do not protect them from physical violence. This thesis argues that while institutional conditions are an important aspect of security provision in the global South, more attention needs to be paid to policy processes. Institution building as set out in the literature about Security Sector Reform and statebuilding assumes that it is possible to provide security to all citizens of a state by building democratic state security institutions. However, this is only possible if the state is the predominant force of controlling violence. Research showed that this is rarely the case in countries of the global South. This thesis contends that statehood in the global South is contested due to power struggles between multiple state and non-state elites. It argues that the analysis of security policy processes allows for an analysis of security provision in societies where no centralised control over violence exists. It contributes to a better understanding of the shortcomings of security provision in the global South because it shows the impact of societal and state actors on security policy making. Using the case of security policy making under the first FMLN (Frente Farabundo Martí para la Liberación Nacional, Farabundo Martí Front for National Liberation) government in El Salvador (2009-2014), the thesis shows that, in a contested state policy making does not result from a pact between the state and society or from a social consensus as envisaged by parts of the FMLN and other forces of the New Left in Latin America. Instead, policy making results from elite pacts and elite struggles. This is illustrated in the domination of an ad hoc decision-making mode which describes short-term decisions which are insufficiently implemented and easily reversed or replaced. Thus, security provision as a policy field remains focused on elite interests and does not include the interests of the broader population.
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Lastimado, Antonio R. "The Armed Forces of the Philippines and Special Operations." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/1227.
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Approved for public release; distribution in unlimited.Since World War II, the Philippines has confronted threats from communist insurgents, Muslim secessionists, and a few other agitators. Recently, however, a new threat has emerged-- this time coming from a terrorist organization known as the Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG). Although the ASG is a relatively small group, it has wrought great injury to the Philippine image as of late. Common among the groups presenting a threat to internal security are that their strategies and tactics tend to be unconventional and asymmetric. This thesis seeks to determine how special operations can improve the AFP's capability to address internal security threats. The study begins by examining the security environments in which the AFP currently operates, and then proceeds to study emerging security environments in which it will likely operate. The current special operations capability of the AFP is explored and assessed, while inquiring whether it needs enhancing. Case studies of past AFP special operations against groups which posed major internal threats are analyzed to determine whether or not the doctrine and strategy of the AFP was correct, especially regarding its use of Special Operations Forces (SOF). Furthermore, this study considers the United States (U.S.) model for special operations, namely the U.S. Special Operations Forces, in proposing a special operations strategy for the AFP that is feasible, suitable, and sustainable. It is suggested that such an examination will produce a strategy that is relevant, adaptable, and responsive to dealing with the internal security environments likely to be encountered by the Philippine government.
Major, Philippine Army
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Besnaci-Lancou, Fatima. "Les missions du Comité international de la Croix-Rouge (CICR) pendant la guerre d'Algérie et ses suites (1955-1963) en Algérie, au Maroc et en Tunisie." Thesis, Paris 4, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PA040229.
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Cette thèse porte sur les missions du Comité international de la Croix Rouge (CICR) pendant la guerre d’Algérie et ses suites. Le CICR intervient, d’une part, dans le cadre de guerres opposant des États et, d’autre part, en cas de conflit armé non international afin de tenter d’assurer le respect des règles humanitaires. Au cours des « évènements » algériens, les arrestations massives de membres et militants du Front de libération nationale (FLN) finissent par saturer les prisons et contribuent à la création de centres d’assignation. Par ailleurs, dès l’indépendance de l’Algérie, des milliers de supplétifs de l’armée française sont internés dans des camps, puis incarcérés pour nombre d’entre eux. L’objectif de ce travail doctoral est l’étude des principales initiatives entreprises par le CICR afin de faire appliquer quelques règles du droit humanitaire aux personnes concernées, pendant les sept années et demi de guérilla et après l’indépendance algérienne. Il est essentiellement question de prisons et de camps d’internement où les délégués contrôlent les conditions matérielles, le traitement et la discipline appliqués aux nationalistes et, plus tard, aux Européens pro-Algérie française arrêtés à partir du début de l’année 1961 ainsi qu’aux anciens supplétifs, de février à août 1963. Il s’agit également d’actions mises en place par le CICR afin d’accéder aux prisonniers français aux mains du FLN. Ce travail aborde également, dans une moindre mesure, diverses actions d’aide humanitaire en direction des populations réfugiées au Maroc ou en Tunisie et des personnes déplacées puis reléguées par l’armée française dans des camps de regroupementThis thesis examines the missions of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) during the Algerian War and its aftermath. The ICRC intervenes both in wars between states and in non-international armed conflicts, in an attempt to ensure the respect of humanitarian rules. During the “events” in Algeria, mass arrests of members and militants of the FLN (Algerian National Liberation Front) led to overcrowding in the prisons and was a factor in the establishment of internment camps. Immediately after independence, thousands of Muslim auxiliaries in the French army were interned in camps; many were subsequently imprisoned. This study looks at the main initiatives taken by the ICRC to ensure that the rules of humanitarian law were applied to the people involved during the seven and a half year of guerrilla warfare and after Algeria’s independence. It focuses on prisons and internment camps in which its delegates inspected material conditions and the treatment and discipline applied to nationalists and, later, to Europeans known to be pro French Algeria, who were arrested from the beginning of 1961, and former auxiliaries, interned between February and August 1963. It also examines initiatives taken by the ICRC to gain access to French prisoners in the hands of the FLN and, to a lesser degree, various humanitarian actions to help refugees in Morocco and Tunisia as well as people forcibly displaced by the French army and grouped together in camps
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Govender, Rajuvelu. "The contestation, ambiguities and dilemmas of curriculum development at the Solomon Mahlangu Freedom College, 1978-1992." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2011. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_6042_1320317218.
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The main problem being investigated is why there were such divergent views on the appropriate curriculum for ANC education-in-exile from within the ANC, and in the light of this contestation, what happened in reality to curriculum practice at the institutions. The arguments for Academic, Political and Polytechnic Education are contextualized in the curriculum debates of the times, that is, the 20th century international policy discourse, the African curriculum debates and Apartheid Education in South Africa. This study examines how Academic Education, despite the sharp debates, was institutionalised at the SOMAFCO High School. It also analyses the arguments for and various notions of Political and Polytechnic Education as well as what happened to these in practice at the school. The SOMAFCO Primary School went through three phases of curriculum development. The school opened in 1980 under a âcaretakerâ staff and without a structured curriculum. During the second phase 1980-1982 a progressive curriculum was developed by Barbara and Terry Bell. After the Bells resigned in 1982, a conventional academic curriculum was implemented by Dennis September, the new principal.
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Besnaci-Lancou, Fatima. "Les missions du Comité international de la Croix-Rouge (CICR) pendant la guerre d'Algérie et ses suites (1955-1963) en Algérie, au Maroc et en Tunisie." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 4, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PA040229.
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Cette thèse porte sur les missions du Comité international de la Croix Rouge (CICR) pendant la guerre d’Algérie et ses suites. Le CICR intervient, d’une part, dans le cadre de guerres opposant des États et, d’autre part, en cas de conflit armé non international afin de tenter d’assurer le respect des règles humanitaires. Au cours des « évènements » algériens, les arrestations massives de membres et militants du Front de libération nationale (FLN) finissent par saturer les prisons et contribuent à la création de centres d’assignation. Par ailleurs, dès l’indépendance de l’Algérie, des milliers de supplétifs de l’armée française sont internés dans des camps, puis incarcérés pour nombre d’entre eux. L’objectif de ce travail doctoral est l’étude des principales initiatives entreprises par le CICR afin de faire appliquer quelques règles du droit humanitaire aux personnes concernées, pendant les sept années et demi de guérilla et après l’indépendance algérienne. Il est essentiellement question de prisons et de camps d’internement où les délégués contrôlent les conditions matérielles, le traitement et la discipline appliqués aux nationalistes et, plus tard, aux Européens pro-Algérie française arrêtés à partir du début de l’année 1961 ainsi qu’aux anciens supplétifs, de février à août 1963. Il s’agit également d’actions mises en place par le CICR afin d’accéder aux prisonniers français aux mains du FLN. Ce travail aborde également, dans une moindre mesure, diverses actions d’aide humanitaire en direction des populations réfugiées au Maroc ou en Tunisie et des personnes déplacées puis reléguées par l’armée française dans des camps de regroupementThis thesis examines the missions of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) during the Algerian War and its aftermath. The ICRC intervenes both in wars between states and in non-international armed conflicts, in an attempt to ensure the respect of humanitarian rules. During the “events” in Algeria, mass arrests of members and militants of the FLN (Algerian National Liberation Front) led to overcrowding in the prisons and was a factor in the establishment of internment camps. Immediately after independence, thousands of Muslim auxiliaries in the French army were interned in camps; many were subsequently imprisoned. This study looks at the main initiatives taken by the ICRC to ensure that the rules of humanitarian law were applied to the people involved during the seven and a half year of guerrilla warfare and after Algeria’s independence. It focuses on prisons and internment camps in which its delegates inspected material conditions and the treatment and discipline applied to nationalists and, later, to Europeans known to be pro French Algeria, who were arrested from the beginning of 1961, and former auxiliaries, interned between February and August 1963. It also examines initiatives taken by the ICRC to gain access to French prisoners in the hands of the FLN and, to a lesser degree, various humanitarian actions to help refugees in Morocco and Tunisia as well as people forcibly displaced by the French army and grouped together in camps
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Huang, Chun-Jung, and 黃俊榮. "The Influence of the Sandinista National Liberation Front to the Political Development of Nicaragua (1990-2002)." Thesis, 2006. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/znncvk.
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碩士淡江大學
拉丁美洲研究所碩士班
94
On 19 July 1979, the Sandinista National Liberation Front（FSLN） overthrew the Anastasio Somoza regime; and through the election in 1984, the leader of the FSLN, Daniel Ortega Saavedra obtained the legitimacy and legality in power and became the Nicaraguan president. But during the time when he was in power, the measures he adopted, including the composite economic policy, nonalignment foreign policy, plural politics and land nationalization policy, conflicted with those with vested interests. In addition, Ortega himself was involved in the revolutionary movementss of other countries of Central America. This had not only resulted in an antipathy among his people, but also prompted U.S.A. to take necessary actions to safeguard the interests of Central America. During the general presidential election in 1990, the National Opposition Union obtained the victory. Chamorro, Violeta Barrios became the newly appointed president. Daniel Ortega transferred the regime peacefully; from then on, the FSLN became an opposition party. After going through the two general presidential elections in 1996 and 2001, the FSLN was still unable to win the elections and remained the biggest opposition party of Nicaragua. The aim of this thesis is to analyze the FSLN’s change as an opposition party and its contribution to the democratization of Nicaragua. Also, this thesis will investigate the reason why the once popularly-supported political party with ideals of reform was unable to obtain the Nicaraguan voter''s favor in the general elections in 1990, 1996 and 2001? In addition, what was the main contributing factor that had caused the FSLN to break its relationship with Nicaraguan Catholic Church? Were Nicaragua’s election results influenced by a U.S. intervention; or were they simply the outcome of the FSLN’s wrong election campaign tactics? Or was it simply because the ideas the FSLN had insisted were not shared by Nicaraguan voters? This study will analyze the public opinion polls of all previous general presidential elections and the transition of the FSLN; also, from the viewpoint of public opinion, this study will investigate the evolution of the FSLN since 1990s and its impact on the democratization process of Nicaragua.
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Houston, Gregory Frederick. "The United Democratic Front (UDF) : a case study of democratic organisation, 1983-1987." Thesis, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/10413/7634.
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This study, using the theoretical basis of the writings of Lenin and Gramsci
on revolutionary theory and praxis, traces the formation, policy and aims,
membership and structure, and practices of the United Democratic Front
(UDF) and selected affiliate organisations during the period 1983-1987. The
central problem investigated is the relation between revolutionary theory and
praxis and the aims, policies and practices of the UDF and its affiliates.
More particularly, in what respects does the formation of the UDF and
revolutionary developments thereafter meet the strategic and tactical
requirements of Lenin and Gramsci's theories of revolutionary strategy?
It is argued that the formation of the UDF, and revolutionary
developments during the period of review, conformed to the strategic and
tactical requirements of a Leninist-Gramscian model of revolutionary praxis in
the following way: the general drive to establish mass-based community
organisations (increasing the complexity of civil society by establishing mass
organisations); the formation of the UDF in August 1983 (creating a historical
bloc in opposition to the ruling bloc during the phase of democratic struggle);
and the development and spread of a common national political culture based
on resistance to apartheid (expanding the revolutionary consciousness of the
masses).
During the period under review, the UDF-Ied opposition to apartheid
resulted in the organisational and ideological penetration of the Front into
almost every major sector of black civil society. The major forces behind the
increasing political and ideological leadership of the UDF were the affiliated
civic associations, trade unions, student/youth and women's organisations.
These organisations played a central role in mass mobilisation and
organisation and the spread of revolutionary consciousness throughout black civil society.Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of Natal, Durban, 1998.
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Chamorro, Elizondo Luciana Fernanda. "‘Love is stronger than hate’: authoritarian populism and political passions in post-revolutionary Nicaragua." Thesis, 2020. https://doi.org/10.7916/d8-113x-x138.
Full textAbstract:
In 2007, revolutionary commander Daniel Ortega returned to power in Nicaragua, claiming to enact the “second phase” of the Sandinista Popular Revolution (1979-1990). However, this was not a return to revolution as Nicaraguans had come to know it. The Ortega regime established timely alliances with former adversaries, including the leadership of the Catholic Church as well as the nation’s business elites. Moreover, Sandinismo was recast from the figures of revolutionary militancy and the disciplined party-state to a personalistic vision of the loving patriarch, disseminating a kitsch-ified, religiously inflected doctrine of ‘love’ to the neoliberalized masses. Though Ortega was elected without a majoritarian mandate, his regime quickly grew in popularity while also consolidating an authoritarian political project that dismantled incipient liberal-democratic institutions and constitutional guarantees in the name of ‘the people.’
Based on 24 months of participant-observation research between 2014 and 2018 in the peripheries of a city located in the urban pacific of Nicaragua, a traditional Sandinista stronghold, this dissertation investigates the Ortega regime’s capacity to hail Nicaraguans into relation with Sandinismo and the FSLN party in the post-revolutionary moment. I argue that the material exchanges that are most often taken to explain the mobilizing capacities of authoritarian populism must be analyzed in conjunction with the economy of affects that circulate in and through exchanges, which issue powerful forms of identification that help sustain people’s attachments to the FSLN even when redistributive politics fades away.
For historical militants and other Sandinistas that lived through the 1980’s, attachments to the FSLN are structured by way of a ‘revolutionary a structure of feelings’ that continues to be reproduced in the contemporary moment. For my interlocutors, the gift of being a Sandinista, narrated as a political birth, brought with it an unpayable debt that produces obligations to Sandinismo. It is this very structure of feeling that enables militants to cope with multiple injuries to which the party routinely subjects them, which I argue come to be experienced as sacrifices on Sandinismo’s behalf. Moreover I suggest that being wounded by the FSLN itself might afford pleasure, and that it might be the site of production of a victimized identity, one dependent on attachment to that which injures.
Finally, I argue that for a younger generation, Sandinismo has also produced strong forms of identification in the absence of historically structured attachments. This time, attachments are predicated not on the notion of a revolutionary inheritance, but on Sandinismo as a patriarchal family which rewards its members with a sense of mediatized recognition, righteousness, and power in exchange not for sacrifices, but for following the injunction to ‘produce prosperity’ as good neoliberal subjects aspiring to gain access to a range of consumer pleasures. It is these affective excesses that sharpen the boundaries of the political community and invest it with a vibrance it could not otherwise achieve, inviting and enabling those that are part of it to the often violent, permanent defense of Sandinismo.
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Mangani, Dylan Yanamo. "Changes in the Conception of Nationalism in Zimbwabwe: A Comparative Analysis of ZAPU and ZANU Liberation Movements 1977-1990." Thesis, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/11602/1525.
Full textAbstract:
PhD (Political Science)Department of Development Studies
No serious study into the contemporary politics of Zimbabwe can ignore the celebrated influence of nationalism and the attendant role of elite leaders as a ‘social force’ in the making of the nation-state of Zimbabwe. This study analyses the role played by nationalism as an instrument for political mobilisation against the white settler regime in Rhodesia by the Zimbabwe African People Union (ZAPU) and the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU). Therefore, of particular importance is the manner in which the evolution and comprehensive analysis of these former liberation movements, in the political history of Zimbabwe have been viewed through the dominant lenses of nationalism. Nationalism can be regarded as the best set of beliefs and the worst set of beliefs. Being an exhilarating force that led to the emergence of these nationalist movements to dismantle white minority rule, nationalism was also the same force that was responsible for dashing the dreams and hopes associated with an independent Zimbabwe. At the centre of this thesis is the argument that there is a fault line in the manner in which nationalism is understood as such it continued to be constructed and contested. In the study, nationalism has been propagated as contending political narratives, and the nationalist elite leaders are presented as a social force that sought to construct the nation-state of Zimbabwe. Thus, the study is particularly interested in a comparative analysis of the competing narratives of nationalism between ZAPU and ZANU between the period of 1977 and 1990. This period is a very important time frame in the turning points on the nationalist political history of Zimbabwe. Firstly, the beginning of this period saw the struggle for the liberation of Zimbabwe climax because of concerted efforts by both ZAPU and ZANU. Secondly, the conclusion of this period saw the death of ZAPU as an alternative to multi-party democracy within the nationalist sense and the subsequent emergence of a dominant socialist one-party state. Methodologically, a qualitative approach has been employed where the researcher analysed documents.
NRF
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Muller, Miriam Manuela. "Between Interest and Interventionism : Probing the Limits of Foreign Policy along the Tracks of an Extraordinary Case Study : The GDR's Engagement in South Yemen." Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/5908.
Full textAbstract:
This case study is the first comprehensive analysis of the German Democratic Republic’s activities in South Yemen, the only Marxist state in the Arab World and at times the closest and most loyal ally to the Soviet Union in the Middle East during the Cold War. The dissertation analyzes East German Foreign Policy as a case of Socialist state- and nation-building and in doing so produces one major hypotheses: The case of South Yemen may be considered both, an ‘exceptional case’ and the possible ‘ideal type’ of the ‘general’ of East German foreign policy and thus points to what the GDR’s foreign policy could have been, if it hadn’t been for the numerous restraints of East German foreign-policy-making. The author critically engages with the normative and empirical dimensions of the ‘Limits of Foreign Policy’ by including a constructivist perspective of foreign policy. Apart from the case study itself, the dissertation provides the reader with a thorough overview of forty years of East German foreign policy with a focus on the interests and influence of The Soviet Union as well as the first introduction and methodological approach to East Germany's foreign policy in the Middle East. The empirical side of the analysis rests on archival documents of the German Foreign Office, the German National Archive and the former Ministry of State Security of the GDR. These documents are reviewed and published for the first time and are complemented by personal interviews with contemporary witnesses. The interdisciplinary approach integrates and expands methods of both History and Political Science, applicable to other cases. Conducted research is intended to contribute to academic discourse on South Yemen’s unique history, divided Germany’s role in the Cold War, East German foreign policy, but also the long-term impact of Socialist foreign-policy-making in the Global South which so far has been neglected almost completely in academia.Graduate
miriam.mueller@fu-berlin.de
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Robins, Daniel. "Melbourne's Maoists : the rise of the Monash University Labor Club, 1965-1967." Thesis, 2005. https://vuir.vu.edu.au/30211/.
Full textAbstract:
The rise of the Monash University Labor Club to the most prominent radical student
group in Australia by 1967 was the result of those radicalising events and ideologies
that had been emerging internationally, nationally and locally during 1965-67. Events
such as the escalation of the Vietnam War and the emergence of the Cultural
Revolution in China were particularly influential upon the student movement in
Australia during this period. Arguably the most influential ideological force upon the
Monash Labor Club during this period was the idea of Marxism-Leninism, or
Maoism, articulated by the Chairman of the Chinese Communist Party, Mao TseTung.
It is this radicalising role of Maoism upon the 1960's student movement in
Melbourne that will be the core concern of this thesis. Past studies concerned with the
Monash Labor Club in 1965-67 have tended to downplay the role of Maoist ideas at
Monash during this period. However, this thesis will attempt to show that it was the
Maoist ideas of Labor Club leaders like Albert Langer that allowed the club to rise to
such prominence in 1967. Furthermore this thesis will show how the connections
achieved by Langer with the Communist Party of Australia (Marxist-Leninist), and
certain Maoist-led Unions in Melbourne, played a significant role in the successful
aims, actions and campaigns carried out by the Labor Club in 1967.