Relevant bibliographies by topics / Moro National Liberation Front

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Moro National Liberation Front'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 30 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Moro National Liberation Front"

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Firmanzah, Firmanzah. "Dinamika Gerakan Pembebasan Muslim Moro di Filipina Selatan: Studi Terhadap Moro National Liberation Front (1971-1996)." INTELEKTUALITA 6, no. 1 (July 5, 2017): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.19109/intelektualita.v6i1.1299.

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Muslim Filipina harus berjuang dari penindasan pemerintah Filipina dan melawan kelompok-kelompok Kristen yang lebih diakui pemerintah Filipina. Beberapa tahun setelah kemerdekaan Republik Filipina, masyarakat Muslim Moro menjalani hidup penuh kemiskinan, penuh diskriminasi dan tidak diperhatikan pemerintah Filipina. Gerakan pembebasan Moro National Liberation Front, diketahui bahwa lahirnya Moro National Liberation Front setelah peristiwa yang tidak berperikemanusiaan yaitu Tragedi Jabidah atau Jabidah Masarce di mana pembantaian pemuda muslim di pulau Corregidor karena menolak operasi merdeka mengambil Sabah dari wilayah territorial Malasyia. Muslim Moro di Filipina Selatan merasakan pemerintah Filipina yang berpusat di Manila melakukan penindasan dan kezaliman kepada mereka. Karena tujuan pemerintah bertujuan untuk pemerataan tanah Muslim di Filipina Selatan demi kepentingan ekonomi dan politik. MNLF mempunyai strategi dan kegiatan yang diperjuangkan MNLF sebagai bentuk pembebasan umat Islam dari segala hegemoni dan segala kolonialisme baik secara fisik maupun penyadaran umat Islam untuk kembali memperjuangkan hak-hak Muslim Moro.
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Molloy, Ivan. "The decline of the Moro national liberation front in the Southern Philippines." Journal of Contemporary Asia 18, no. 1 (January 1988): 59–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00472338880000051.

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Sahrasad, Herdi, Adhe Nuansa Wibisono, and Al Chaidar Al Chaidar. "Moro Muslims In Southern Phillippines: The Rise of Abu Sayyaf and the Genealogy of Conflict In Southeast Asia." Ulumuna 22, no. 2 (December 31, 2018): 378–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.20414/ujis.v22i2.340.

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The main problem of Moro Muslims in Southern Philippines are now the right to self-determination but it also include poverty, underdevelopment, low education, unemployment, discrimination, and violent conflict. Upon the Spanish colonization for more than three centuries (1521-1898), the Moros were controlled by the United States for almost five decades (1898-1942). Japan colonised them for three years before they were integrated to the Republic of Philippines in 1946. Their struggle for independence still continues today represented by the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF), establihsed in the late 1960s and led by Nur Misuari, and by the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) led by Salamat Hasyim in 1981. The birth of the MILF was a response to dissatisfaction with the MNLF that was considered less assertive in fighting for Bangsamoro's rights and too accommodative to the Philippine government. In early 1990s, Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG) led by Abdulrajak Janjalani emerged to respond the situation. In later development, it rises to become a prominent group involved in a long-standing conflict and terror in this landmark of Southeast Asia region.
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Angeles, Vivienne SM. "WOMEN AND REVOLUTION: PHILIPPINE MUSLIM WOMEN'S PARTICIPATION IN THE MORO NATIONAL LIBERATION FRONT." Muslim World 86, no. 2 (April 1996): 130–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1478-1913.1996.tb03280.x.

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Taya, Shamsuddin, Rusdi Omar, Che Mohd Aziz Yaacob, and Abdul Lantong. "Peacebuilding Model of Third-Party Mediation in the Philippines: Comparing Malaysia and the OIC." Journal of Social Sciences Research, SPI6 (December 30, 2018): 1151–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.32861/jssr.spi6.1151.1157.

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Many nation-states have increasingly found themselves in a situation where they are unable to sort out their domestic conflicts without third party mediation. This is particularly true for a country like the Government of the Philippines (GPH) who has been fighting violent protracted internal conflicts for many decades against Bangsamoro revolutionary groups. Therefore, with respect to the above, the purpose of this article is to compare peacebuilding models of third party mediation to the Bangsamoro conflicts with particular focus between Malaysia and the Organization of Islamic Conference, presently Cooperation (OIC). Its approach is primarily an eclectic, by concentrating on the strengths and weaknesses of the peacebuilding models of the third party mediation as employed by both Malaysia and OIC. The article is divided into two major parts. The first part discussed both Malaysia and OIC’s diplomatic approaches in dealing with the Bangsamoro conflict, while the second part explained inclusivity versus exclusivity of both Malaysia and the OIC respectively. The study found that Malaysia’s model is more durable and successful when compared to OIC’s. In fact, Malaysia’s quiet diplomacy and less confrontational approach with greater inclusivity were more effective compared to elitist and confrontational approach of the OIC’s mediation to the Bangsamoro conflicts. Indeed, the Government of the Philippines and Moro Islamic Liberation Front (GPH-MILF) peace process is one of the most inclusive peace processes in the world. It may have some who were left out in the peace process, but they were all consulted by both Manila and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) as opposed to OIC mediated Government of the Republic of the Philippines and the Moro National Liberation Front (GRP-MNLF) peace negotiations. Therefore, it is pertinent to conclude that there is nothing that resembles the inclusivity of the GPH-MILF peace process that characterized the exclusivity of the GRP-MNLF peace process.
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Kadir, Dr Norizan. "Perjanjian damai Filipina-Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) dan komitmen Presiden Benigno Aquino III." International Journal of Interdisciplinary and Strategic Studies 1, no. 1 (October 18, 2020): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.47548/ijistra.2020.2.

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Komitmen dan kepimpinan Presiden Benigno Aquino III menjadi titik tolak penting kepada termeterainya perjanjian damai antara Republik Filipina dengan Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) bermula dari tahun 2012 hingga berakhir tempoh pentadbirannya sebagai Presiden Filipina pada bulan Jun 2016. Sikapnya yang terbuka, lebih bertolak ansur dan memahami keadaan rakyatnya membolehkan beliau mengadakan siri rundingan dan perjanjian dengan MILF bagi mengembalikan keamanan di Selatan Filipina. Berbanding dengan presiden-presiden sebelumnya, Presiden Aquino dilihat memiliki karisma dan kemahiran kepimpinan yang tinggi sehingga berupaya merencana dan mempertahankan perjanjian damai yang ditandatangani demi mewujudkan Bangsamoro Autonomous Region. Ia merupakan satu pencapaian terbesar yang telah dicapai Filipina menerusi kepimpinan Aquino setelah 17 tahun berhadapan dengan pelbagai bentuk halangan dan kegagalan dalam merealisasikan perjanjian damai yang efektif dengan MILF dan Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF). Di tahun terakhir pentadbiran Aquino, perjanjian damai dan Bangsamoro Basic Law (BBL) berada dalam fasa terakhir untuk dilaksanakan sehinggalah kepimpinannya Aquino diambil alih oleh Presiden Rodrigo Duterte pada bulan Jun 2016. Justeru, artikel ini bertujuan untuk menilai komitmen Presiden Aquino dalam menggerakkan proses rundingan damai selain turut menganalisis Comprehensive Bangsamoro Agreement (CAB) dan Bangsamoro Basic Law (BBL) dalam aspek-aspek terpilih. Analisis dalam kajian ini menggunakan rekod-rekod daripada sumber primer dan sekunder meliputi akhbar, laporan, dokumen perjanjian, bil senat, buku dan artikel jurnal. Kata Kunci: perjanjian damai, komitmen, kepimpinan, rundingan, Bangsamoro
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PEREZ, Jose Mikhail. "THE PHILIPPINES: THE CHALLENGES OF MORO AND LUMAD POWER-SHARING IN THE BANGSAMORO." Conflict Studies Quarterly 35 (April 2021): 70–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/csq.35.5.

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Two self-ascribed ethnic groups—Moro and Lumad—are native to Mindanao in the southern Philippines. Both groups share a common history of oppression from Western colonialism, Christian resettlement, and capitalist interests where the former has waged a more organized insurgency against the Philippine government in the late twentieth century. Due to the political superiority of the Moros, the Lumads are often left marginalized in the various peace processes in Mindanao due to their accommodation to the Moro’s call for the creation of anautonomous region under an internal power-sharing agreement. This form of double marginalization against the Lumad promotes a sense of internal colonialism where such arrangements are only left between the Bangsamoro regional government and the Philippine national government, thereby forcing the latter to accommodate to Moro interests. Analyzing the text of the recent peace agreements between the Republic of the Philippines and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (GRP-MILF), the article attempts to understand the conflict dynamics between Moros and Lumads under power-sharing and power-dividing measures. The article concludes that consociationalismin ethnically divided societies often lead to more ethnic cleavages if done haphazardly to favor certain interests while leaving ethnic minorities at a disadvantage. Keywords: Moro, Lumad, Mindanao, Bangsamoro, consociationalism, identity politics.
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Badu, Muhammad Nasir, Syafhendry Syafhendry, and Christine B. Tenorio. "Successes and failures of conflict governance: Lessons from Aceh, Indonesia and Moro, Philippines." Otoritas : Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan 13, no. 3 (December 30, 2023): 500–510. http://dx.doi.org/10.26618/ojip.v13i3.12991.

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The purpose of this study is to analyze ethnic conflict management in Aceh (Indonesia) and Moro (Philippines) conflicts. The Aceh conflict was considered resolved after the signing of the Helsinki agreement, which was mediated by the Crisis Management Initiative (CMI), an international NGO based in Finland, on 15 August 2005 between Indonesian government and the Free Aceh Movement (Gerakan Aceh Merdeka, GAM). Meanwhile, the Moro (Philippines) conflict is still ongoing despite the TRIPOLI agreement signed and mediated by the OIC (Organization of Islamic Conference) between the Philippine government and the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) on 23 December 1976 and also with the MILF in 2001. This research method uses a qualitative approach. Primary data was obtained through interviews with figures who were considered competent in the Aceh conflict and the Moro conflict. The results of this study show that CMI in Aceh has succeeded in changing the situation of ethnic conflict into a situation that can reduce and reduce escalation and direct conflict actors towards conflict resolution. Peacemaking, peacekeeping and peace building have been played well by CMI involving the international community such as ASEAN and the European Union to manage the conflict. Meanwhile, in Moro the OIC failed to bring the conflict actors to solve their problems. The Philippine government lacks a robust vision, framework, and the necessary political will to effectively address the Moro conflict, which is of concern to the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC).
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Williams, Timothy. "The MoA-AD Debacle – An Analysis of Individuals’ Voices, Provincial Propaganda and National Disinterest." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 29, no. 1 (March 2010): 121–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810341002900106.

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For nearly forty years a violent conflict has been raging in Mindanao where the Moros are fighting for independence from the Philippine state. On August 5th 2008 the peace negotiation panels of the Government of the Philippines and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front were set to sign a Memorandum of Agreement on Ancestral Domain (MoA-AD), a final stepping stone on the way to a comprehensive peace agreement. However, a well-organised wave of protest swept from Christian settlers in Mindanao to the Supreme Court in Manila which declared the agreement unconstitutional. This paper presents a chronology of events surrounding the debate, analyses the arguments used in support and opposition of the MoA-AD and searches for causes of its demise, before looking at lessons to be learned for the future, especially regarding what President Arroyo can achieve before leaving office this year and what will be left to her successor.
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Galeriana, Imma Concepcion, and Primitivo III Ragandang. "Philippines: In Search for Self-Determination. The Political History and Armed Struggle of the Moro National Liberation Front in Mindanao." Conflict Studies Quarterly, no. 24 (July 5, 2018): 12–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/csq.24.2.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Moro National Liberation Front"

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Anwar, Deka. "Path to Dominance - Disaggregating Intra-rebel Conflict between Parent and Splinter Group in Separatist Insurgency : Case Study of Moro National Liberation Front - Moro Islamic Liberation Front in the Philippines, and Karen National Union - Democratic Karen Buddhist Army in Burma." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-303345.

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Common beliefs posit that rebel fragmentation and the emergence of splinter groups are often associated with intra-rebel violence. However, empirical evidence suggests that it is not always the case: there are cases of non-lethal competition between parent and splinter groups across time and terrain. This study explores the cause of lethal and non-lethal conflict between parent and splinter group that represent ethno-nationalist identity. By using theories of rational choice and outbidding strategy, I argue that lethal intra-rebel conflict are less likely when there is a balanced distribution of power between parent and splinter groups, subsequent to organizational fragmentation. This is because intra-rebel conflict against formidable opponents is costly. Further, it presents an existential threat in the event of counterinsurgency or retaliation. Thus, it is expected that rebel groups are more likely to employ non-lethal outbidding strategy in order to become the sole representation of their ethnic group. Using the method of structured focused comparison, this hypothesis is tested by comparing Moro insurgencies in Philippines and Karen insurgencies in Burma. The main finding demonstrates partial support to the causality of distribution power to the lethality of outbidding strategies. In addition, the empirical analysis also shows state intervention and social ties as influencing lethal intra-rebel conflict.
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de, Leon Justin. "PHILIPPINE ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT AND PHILIPPINE MUSLIM UNREST." Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2008. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/4217.

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Muslim culture and society has been a part of the Philippine islands in spite of nearly ninety-five percent of the population being Christian (a majority Catholic), yet did not become a separatist movement until the 1970's. Since then, the two main separatist groups the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) have been battling the Philippine government. The parties entered truces in 1996 and 2001, yet there has been a cycle of violence continues. The Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG), linked to Al Qaeda, emerged in 1990 and has launched many attacks on the Christian Philippine majority. The prolonged Muslim unrest in the ARMM has left thousands dead and hundreds of thousands displaced. The main objective of this research paper is to examine Philippine economic and political development and its impact on Philippine Muslim unrest. This paper presents a critical analysis of the economic and political development and Philippine Muslim unrest by examining six major features of the Philippines; they are: The historical evolution, economic development, political development, socio-cultural setting, geographic setting, and the quality of life of the Filipino people. This research also examines Fareed Zakaria's illiberal democracies theory, liberal institutionalism, and the Marxist theory of class revolution and primarily relies on research conducted at the University of the Philippines and from Philippine and Asian scholars. By taking a holistic comprehensive approach and by using international relations theory, this research fills two gaps in the literature about Philippine Muslim unrest. The research concludes with a look at future challenges, both short term and long term that face the country, as well as, possible future scenarios. The findings of this research are that the economic and political development and the historical evolution, though major contributory factors, are not the sole reason for the prolonged Philippine Muslim unrest. The most pervasive causal factor to Muslim unrest was the socio-cultural setting. Because of the all-pervasive nature of culture; at first glance, the socio-cultural setting was not a major apparent cause. At almost all times examined throughout this research, certain cultural tendencies guided decisions and altered the course of events more so than any other single variable. Corruption, crony capitalism, patrimonialism, and irrational institutions all stem from the tendencies of Philippine culture must be addressed to find lasting peace in the country. A move toward rational legal institutions and liberal constitutionalism, will lead the way to the creation of a liberal democracy and break the cycle of violence occurring in the Philippines.
M.A.
Department of Political Science
Sciences
Political Science MA
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Caculitan, Ariel R. "Negotiating peace with the Moro Islamic Liberation Front in the Southern Philippines." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/05Dec%5FCaculitan.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Stabilization and Reconstruction))--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2005.
Thesis Advisor(s): Aurel Croissant, Michael Malley. Includes bibliographical references (p. 101-109). Also available online.
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Walgren, Scott A. "Explaining intervention in Southeast Asia : a comparison of the Muslim insurgencies in Thailand and the Philippines /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2007. http://bosun.nps.edu/uhtbin/hyperion-image.exe/07Dec%5FWalgren.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2007.
Thesis Advisor(s): Malley, Michael. "December 2007." Description based on title screen as viewed on January 24, 2008. Includes bibliographical references (p. 69-75). Also available in print.
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Azerad, Jessica. "Negotiating Intersectionality: Women in the Civil Rights Movement and the Zapatista National Liberation Front." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1640.

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This thesis set out to determine the interaction between gender and social movement participation. In other words, it is answering the questions: how are women able to interact social movements and how do social movements enable women to be full participants in their struggle? It uses an intersectional framework to examine two social movements: the Black Civil Rights Movements that took place in the U.S. in the 1950s and 1960s, and the Zapatista National Liberation Front (EZLN) that began in Chiapas, Mexico in the 1980s and works to this day. For the Civil Rights Movement, it finds that the major organizations did not enact any policies or make any structural changes to incorporate women more fully into the Movement. Furthermore, women that wanted leadership roles in the Movement often had to forge their own by means of grassroots organizing and local women-led political action groups. For the EZLN, it finds that the organization gave women both leadership positions and military titles, passed the Women's Revolutionary Law that codified women's rights within the organization and the community, and lastly created autonomous municipal governance structures to enforce women's rights.
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Manalo, Eusaquito P. "The Philippine response to terrorism: the ABU Sayyaf Group /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Dec%5FManalo.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Security Building in Post Cinflict Environments)--Naval Postgraduate School, Dec. 2004.
Thesis Advisor(s): Gaye Christoffersen. Includes bibliographical references (p. 83-91). Also available online.
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Eisner, Rivka Syd Matova Pollock Della. "Re-staging revolution and remembering toward change National Liberation Front women perform prospective memory in Vietnam /." Chapel Hill, N.C. : University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2008. http://dc.lib.unc.edu/u?/etd,1561.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2008.
Title from electronic title page (viewed Sep. 16, 2008). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Communication Studies Performance and Cultural Studies." Discipline: Communication Studies; Department/School: Communication Studies.
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Telleria, Gabriel Martin. "From Vandals to Vanguard: Vanguardism through a Neoinstitutional Lens: Case Study of the Sandinista National Liberation Front." Diss., Virginia Tech, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/27137.

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The Sandinista Revolution is arguably the most significant event in Nicaraguan history. Because of its historical importance and distinctive socio-cultural context, the Sandinista Revolution offers significant opportunities for scholarly inquiry. The literature on the Sandinista Revolution is substantial. However, little is known about the organization Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) and how it evolved into the leader of the movement which sought to overthrow the 45-year Somoza dictatorship. In revolutionary literature, the concept of revolutionary vanguard or vanguard party is common. However, the notion of vanguardism as a process and what constitutes a vanguardist organization is yet to be explored. This study aims to provide such an investigation, through an examination of the insurrectional period (1974-1979) leading up to the Sandinista Revolutionary Victory in 1979. Grounded in Scottâ s (2008) institutional framework, this study describes the evolution of the FSLN into the vanguard of the anti-Somoza movement, identifying relationships between institutional elements involved in the FSLNâ s institutionalization process and progression into â leaderâ of the movement. Data from interviews, newspaper articles, and video documentaries were scrutinized in search of answers to the question: How do mechanisms, carriers, and agency as elements of institutions explain vanguardism in the case study of the FSLN? This research reveals critical mechanisms, carriers and agency in the vanguardism of the FSLN, and explains how these elements supported this process. In this sense, this research reveals distinctive characteristics in vanguardism as an institutional process, which differentiate vanguardism from other processes. This research presents an opportunity to learn about the FSLN-a vastly unique politico-military organization. Additionally, there is an opportunity to broaden our observational lens, taking a neoinstitutional approach, to illustrate new ways in which organizations evolve, change and adapt to their environments. Lastly, this study hopes to pave the way for future studies in organizational vanguardism.
Ph. D.
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Roggeveen, Erica. "Revolutionary women in El Salvador the Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front, women's organizations, and the transformation of the position of women /." Diss., Connect to the thesis, 2003. http://thesis.haverford.edu/49/01/2003RoggeveenE.pdf.

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Lastimado, Antonio R. "The Armed Force of the Philippines and Special Operations /." Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Dec%5FLastimado.pdf.

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Books on the topic "Moro National Liberation Front"

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Kreuzer, Peter. Political clans and violence in the southern Philippines. Frankfurt: Peace Research Institute, 2005.

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Kreuzer, Peter. Politische Clans und Gewalt im Süden der Philippinen. Frankfurt am Main: Hessische Stiftung Friedens- und Konfliktforschung, 2005.

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Stern, Tom. Nur Misuari: An authorized biography. Manila: Published and exclusively distributed by Anvil Pub., 2012.

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Misuari, Nur. Communiqué of the IVth General Meeting of the MNLF Leadership. [S.l.]: The Committee, 1985.

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Al-Chaidar. Wacana ideologi negara Islam: Studi harakah Darul Islam dan Moro National Liberation Front. [Jakarta]: Darul Falah, 1998.

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Askandar, Kamarulzaman, and Ayesah Abubakar, eds. The Mindanao conflict. Penang, Malaysia: Southeast Asian Conflict Studies Network, 2005.

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Vitug, Marites Dañguilan. Under the crescent moon: Rebellion in Mindanao. Quezon City, Philippines: Ateneo Center for Social Policy & Public Affairs, 2000.

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Commissioner, Philippines Office of the Peace. The 1996 GRP-MNLF peace agreement: Report on the implementation. Pasig City, Philippines: Office of the Presidential Adviser on the Peace Process, 2006.

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Tan, Samuel K. Internationalization of the Bangsamoro struggle. Diliman, Quezon City: University of the Philippines, Center for Integrative and Development Studies, 2003.

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Tan, Samuel K. Internationalization of the Bangsamoro struggle. Diliman, Quezon City: Center for Integrative and Development Studies, University of the Philippines and the University of the Philippines Press, University of the Philippines, Diliman, Quezon City, 1993.

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Book chapters on the topic "Moro National Liberation Front"

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Wiegersma, Nancy. "The National Liberation Front." In Vietnam: Peasant Land, Peasant Revolution, 202–19. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-09970-2_10.

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Ylönen, Aleksi. "The Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) and the dilemma of liberation." In Routledge Handbook of the Horn of Africa, 21–31. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429426957-4.

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Track, Lara. "3.1 WSP und die Frauenorganisationen Nordvietnams und der National Liberation Front." In Historische Geschlechterforschung, 104–23. Bielefeld, Germany: transcript Verlag, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.14361/9783839470930-016.

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Thayer, Carlyle A. "Founding the National Front for the Liberation of South Viet-Nam 1958-59." In War by Other Means, 180–89. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003243441-10.

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Otunnu, Ogenga. "Crisis of Legitimacy and Political Violence Under the Uganda National Liberation Front (UNLF), 1979–1980." In Crisis of Legitimacy and Political Violence in Uganda, 1979 to 2016, 33–67. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-56047-2_2.

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Lau, Bryony. "The Philippines." In Territory and Power in Constitutional Transitions, 202–18. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198836544.003.0011.

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This chapter examines how political interests in Mindanao and in Manila have made it difficult to resolve the territorial cleavage in southern Philippines, even though the 1987 Constitution envisioned Muslim autonomy within the unitary republic. It first provides a historical background on the Muslim insurgency in Mindanao, led by the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) and later, the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF). It also considers the 1976 Tripoli agreement signed under martial law, the drafting of the 1987 Constitution, and the creation of the Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao in 1989. It goes on to describe the period of constitutional engagement and more specifically, the “constitutional moment” for resolving the Mindanao question that began in mid-2010. Finally, it analyzes the outcome of the peace talks between the government and the Moro insurgents, along with some of significant the lessons that can be drawn from the experience.
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Gökçe, Ali Fuat, and Armando Carlos Chirindza. "One Country, Two Organizations." In Handbook of Research on Global Challenges for Improving Public Services and Government Operations, 330–47. IGI Global, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-4978-0.ch017.

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The Republic of Mozambique lived under Portuguese colony until 1975 as a country in the south of the African continent. The struggle for independence, which began in 1962 with the founding of the Mozambique Liberation Front (FRELIMO), ended in 1975. From that date on until 1992, there was a violent civil war between the Mozambique Liberation Front and the Mozambique National Resistance Movement (RENAMO) in 1976, which took power and became a legal, political party. During the civil war in 1992, more than a million people lost their lives. In this study, the relationship and conflict between the Mozambique Liberation Front, and the Mozambique National Resistance Movement which was established as a resistance organization against Portuguese colonial rulers will be evaluated in terms of the success and failures of their endeavours. In this direction, the literature will be explored using descriptive and historical research methods. After giving brief theoretical information about terror and terrorism, the conflict between (FRELIMO) and (RENAMO) will be examined.
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Schulzinger, Robert D. "From Support to Intervention: 1961–1963." In A Time for War, 97–123. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195071894.003.0005.

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Abstract The new administration of John F. Kennedy vastly expanded the U.S. commitment to support the Republic of South Vietnam in its war against the National Liberation Front. Kennedy, along with most foreign affairs experts of the late 1950s and early 1960s, believed that the Cold War was a global struggle: events were interconnected, and weakness in the face of communist adversaries’ moves encouraged aggression elsewhere. Furthermore, many of the more assertive American Cold Warriors believed that a languorous President Eisenhower had underestimated the growing threat to U.S. interests posed by revolutionaries supported by the Soviet Union and China. Soviet Communist Party General Secretary Nikita Khrushchev’s promise at the beginning of 1961 to offer material support for revolutionaries waging “wars of national liberation” reinforced these foreign affairs experts’ sense of peril to the United States. President Kennedy and his principal foreign affairs advisers considered the communist-nationalist insurrection in South Vietnam part of this global competition. Himself an early member of the American Friends of Vietnam, the young President considered Vietnam and all of Southeast Asia a key arena in the contest between communism and the West. By themselves the National Liberation Front and North Vietnam posed no threat to the United States. But they challenged the legitimacy of the Republic of Vietnam, a friendly government created largely by American actions.
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Ellis, Stephen, Solofo Randrianja, and Jean-François Bayart. "Liberia 1989–1994Liberia 1989–1994." In Charlatans, Spirits and Rebels in Africa, edited by Tim Kelsall, 253–88. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197661611.003.0010.

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Abstract This chapter deals with the civil war which broke out in Liberia on 24 December 1989, when 100 or more fighters claiming allegiance to the National Patriotic Front of Liberia (NPFL), led by Charles Taylor, advanced over the border from Côte d'Ivoire to attack the town of Butuo in Nimba County. The article examines how Liberia descended into conflict and why it took such a violent form. It surveys the political and military events that took place since the NPFL invasion, paying attention to the collapse of the government, the arrival of the ECOMOG intervention force in Monrovia in August 1990, the murder of President Doe by Prince Johnson's Independent National Patriotic Front of Liberia (INPFL), the role of ULIMO (United Liberation Movement for Democracy), an organization formed in 1991 by Liberians who had taken refuge in Sierra Leone, the emergence of warlords, the progress of negotiations and developments following the Cotonou Peace Accord of July 1993. It suggests that the causes of the war are not only political but may also be explained in religious or spiritual terms.
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"National Liberation Front, n." In Oxford English Dictionary. 3rd ed. Oxford University Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oed/2271815681.

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Conference papers on the topic "Moro National Liberation Front"

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Mayasa, Prof Samsiya D., and Dr Khanappi K. Ayao. "The Moro National Liberation Front Combatants Experiences on Integration to the Armed Forces of the Philippines and Philippine National Forces." In International Conference on Responsive Education and Socio-Economic Transformation. Sons and Daughters Publishing House Inc., 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.21016/icreset.2018.ju30ef20o.

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Sokolov, Anatoly. "VIETNAMESE WRITER BAO NINH: TALKING ABOUT TIME, WAR AND LITERATURE." In 9th International Conference ISSUES OF FAR EASTERN LITERATURES. St. Petersburg State University, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/9785288062049.43.

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In the history of world literature, there are many examples of one book writers, when only one work of the literary heritage of a particular author was famous, in the shadow of which the rest of his work remains. In Vietnamese literature, this is Bao Ninh, the author of the novel The Sorrow of War (first released in 1987 under the title The Destiny of Love), after which his writing life came a long pause. Bao Ninh was born in 1952 in Hanoi. In 1969, he went to the front and fought for the next six years. After the publication of his first novel, The Sorrow of War, he became one of the most famous writers at home and abroad. This book told the real truth about the recent liberation war of the Vietnamese people. His interviews have been published in national and foreign media, which help to understand what happened to the famous novelist over the years. They served a certain compensatory function, allowing Bao Ninh to remain in the national literary process.
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Pirjevec, Jože. "“The sole catholic church allied with nazism”: the Ljubljana diocese during World War II." In International conference Religious Conversions and Atheization in 20th Century Central and Eastern Europe. Znanstveno-raziskovalno središče Koper, Annales ZRS, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.35469/978-961-7195-39-2_02.

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With the words quoted in the title of the presentation, Friedrich Rainer, the Carinthian Gauleiter, characterized the conduct of Bishop Gregorij Rožman and his Catholic clergy during the Second World War in the Province of Ljubljana. This paper endeavours to fathom the underlying motivations behind this political alignment, which triggered a violent civil war in occupied Slovenia in 1941 that tragically tore the Slovenian nation apart – a legacy that can still be felt today. To comprehend the mindset of the Slovenian clergy, it is essential to look at the historical role of the Catholic Church in shaping Slovenian national and cultural identity throughout the 19th and first half of the 20th century. In a predominantly agrarian society, the Catholic clergy assumed multifaceted roles, encompassing spiritual, educational, political and economic functions, underpinned by the conviction that they were the sole interpreters of the nation. To be a true Slovenian was equated with being Catholic. With the beginning of the occupation and the partitioning of Slovenia among the aggressors – Germany, Italy and Hungary – in 1941, the emergence of a Liberation Front, led by the Communists was perceived by the Church in the Province of Ljubljana as a direct challenge to the established social order. Deeming this emerging movement as the paramount adversary of both God and the nation, Bishop Rožman opted to fight it, even if it entailed forging an alliance with fascist Italy and later the Third Reich. This paper will delve into the intricacies of this dynamic process, including the role of the Vatican in its evolution.
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Munteanu, Angela. "Times and the interior and exterior architectural stylistic character of the Romanian-Moldovan traditional dwelling, incontestable museum decoration." In Patrimoniul cultural: cercetare, valorificare, promovare. Institute of Cultural Heritage, Republic of Moldova, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.52603/9789975351379.09.

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Every nation has a history of multiple cultural, ethnic, linguistic interferences, which complement each other from one century to another. The Romanian people have a tumultuous past, with periods of Ottoman occupation, the liberation and unification of Greater Romania, but also the separation from the mother country after the Second World War. Currently, the political and national development path of the Republic of Moldova is struggling between the East and the West. Romanian traditional stylistics represents us through culture, tradition, and customs. We have a valuable cultural heritage inherited from our ancestors, characterized by architecture and folklore, costumes, traditions, and national holidays, which bring back the beautiful spring, winter, and autumn holidays of yesteryear. The home is a peasant house, today a monument of traditional-vernacular architecture (made by folk craftsmen) with architecture specific to each area of the Republic of Moldova, has currently become an ethnographic museum of this richly endowed land. The peasant house is the interior space characterized by the inhabitants of a country. The constructions had a plan, size, and aspect influenced by the physical-geographical conditions of the natural environment, by the particularities and specifics of the household system, historically and socially conditioned. Starting from the stylistic origins of manifestation in interior design and architecture, the traditional Romanian-Moldovan style can be aligned in a rustic ethnic style, monuments of peasant architecture. Therefore, according to its characteristics the rustic style represents the preservation or conservation of the traditional, the old, the folklore of a people, which makes you immediately think of the family home in an atmosphere torn from a fairy tale, sitting on a soft carpet in front of the fireplace (sobă). The rustic style is closely linked to tradition and the countryside. Traditional architecture, regardless of country and geographical area, presupposes the use of natural materials from the environment where the houses are built – wooden beams, stone, clay, straw both inside and outside. For example, the peoples of Romania, Moldova, Ukraine used wood in forested areas and stone in mountain areas.
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Reports on the topic "Moro National Liberation Front"

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Wilson, Jr, and Thomas G. Extending the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao to the Moro Islamic Liberation Front a Catalyst for Peace. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, May 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada506642.

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