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1

Chadli, Omar. "Rasgos de la Traducción en la Literatura Aljamiado- morisca." Traduction et Langues 17, no. 2 (December 31, 2018): 94–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.52919/translang.v17i2.531.

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Traits of the Translation in Aljamiado-morisca Literature The translation works that make up most of the aljamiado-morisco literary corpus show certain peculiarities. In this article, we intend to answer the following questions: what are the main aspects of these translations? And how do they relate to the life circumstances of the Mudejars and the Moriscos? Based on the analysis of some passages transcribed from several aljamiado-moriscos manuscripts, we have noticed that these translations reflect a Romance language very influenced by the characteristics of Arabic and Islam, which supposes the impact of certain cultural and social factors in said works. Our objective is to demonstrate the correlation that exists between the style of these translations and some aspects of the life of the Hispanic Muslim society where the aljamiado-moriscos literature took place.
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2

Green-Mercado, Mayte. "Morisco Prophecies at the French Court (1602-1607)." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 61, no. 1-2 (March 14, 2018): 91–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685209-12341444.

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Abstract This article presents a case study of a rebellion conspiracy organized by a group of Moriscos—Spanish Muslims forcibly converted to Catholicism—in the early seventeenth century. In order to carry out their plans, these Moriscos sought assistance from the French king Henry iv (r. 1589-1610). Analyzing a Morisco letter remitted to Henry iv and multiple archival sources, this article argues that prophecy served as a diplomatic language through which Moriscos communicated with the most powerful Mediterranean rulers of their time. A ‘connected histories’ approach to the study of Morisco political activity underscores the ubiquity of prophecies and apocalyptic expectations in the social life and political culture of the early modern Mediterranean. As a language of diplomacy, apocalyptic discourse allowed for minor actors such as the Moriscos to engage in politics in a language that was deemed mutually intelligible, and thus capable of transcending confessional boundaries.
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3

Berco, Cristian. "REVEALING THE OTHER: MORISCOS, CRIME, AND LOCAL POLITICS IN TOLEDO'S HINTERLAND IN THE LATE SIXTEENTH-CENTURY." Medieval Encounters 8, no. 2-3 (2002): 135–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700670260497024.

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AbstractThis study examines the treatment of Moriscos in local secular courts as a barometer of their situation in late sixteenth-century Castile. Focusing on a 1575 criminal case in the Toledan village of Yebenes where three Morisco men were accused, and eventually acquitted, of murdering a Christian child found dead in a well, it argues that the impulse to discriminate against them based on prevailing constructions of Moriscos as "others" was diluted in the more urgent concerns of local politics and jurisdiction. Thus, while the national context of the Alpujarras revolt, increased fears of Morisco criminal activity, and growing inquisitorial vigilance over Islamic practices signalled greater government preoccupation with the Morisco problem, jurisdictional conflicts between Toledo and its dependent villages coupled with communal divisions regarding the role of Moriscos in village life subsumed the potential prejudice against the Moriscos and allowed for their acquittal. Although this criminal case might be seen as a mere anomaly in a larger trend towards increased intolerance of Moriscos that would result in the expulsion of 1609, this study argues that the fate of minorities in secular courts might provide greater nuance to a model that has become dogmatically teleological. Because the Inquisition, by its very nature, focused on cultural and religious divergences from orthodoxy, the prevailing use of its sources to examine attitudes towards Moriscos practically guarantees the emergence of a model of otherness rooted in the cultural differences between Moriscos and Old Christians. The largely untapped records of secular courts, on the other hand, might prove a better source for the task because civil courts had no special mandate or interest in addressing issues of religious difference and were thus devoid of an institutionalized drive towards cultural discrimination.
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4

Green-Mercado, Marya T. "The Mahdī in Valencia: Messianism, Apocalypticism and Morisco Rebellions in Late Sixteenth-Century Spain." Medieval Encounters 19, no. 1-2 (2013): 193–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700674-12342129.

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Abstract Prophecies and apocalyptic prognostications circulated widely among the Moriscos—forcedly baptized Muslims in sixteenth-century Iberia. Messianism, however, is a phenomenon which had hitherto never been attested in traditional sources of Morisco history. This article studies the interrelated phenomena of apocalypticism and messianism among the Moriscos of the Crown of Aragon in the second half of the sixteenth century. Through a case study of a 1575 inquisitorial transcript, it analyzes an obscure messianic figure named Abrahim Fatimí, who was accused of attempting to lead the kingdom to rebellion, casting himself as the expected deliverer of Morisco tradition, el moro Alfatimí. The discovery of this case sheds light on the political and social implications of apocalyptic and messianic ideas among Moriscos in the late sixteenth century.
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5

Soto Garrido, Miguel. "La rebelión de los moriscos de la Serranía de Ronda (1570): génesis, operaciones bélicas y dimensiones de un conflicto residual de la guerra de las Alpujarras." BAETICA. Estudios de Historia Moderna y Contemporánea, no. 39 (January 8, 2020): 115–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.24310/baetica.2019.v0i39.6918.

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Tradicionalmente la historiografía ha prestado una atención prioritaria a la guerra de las Alpujarras, restando importancia a otros conflictos del reino de trascendencia semejante, merecedores de un auténtico análisis global. En el caso de la serranía rondeña, el colectivo morisco de estas tierras se sumaría al conflicto en la primavera de 1570, tras las fatídicas operaciones de Antonio de Luna. Después de una fase de negociones, la guerra, enarbolada por los moriscos más violentos enraizados en la sierra frente a los moriscos rurales reducidos, sería dirigida por Luis Ponce de León, duque de Arcos hasta comienzos de 1571. Durante estos meses la falta de medios con que emprender el conflicto por parte de los moriscos condicionó una auténtica guerra de guerrillas en la que el dominio y conocimiento del territorio fue el principal aliado morisco. El conflicto terminó con la expulsión de los moriscos de sus tierras. Sin embargo, la continuidad de cuantiosos colectivos refugiados en la sierra condicionó su pervivencia en un acusado bandolerismo que coincide cronológicamente con la nueva etapa repobladora.
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6

Waite, Gary K. "Empathy for the Persecuted or Polemical Posturing? The 1609 Spanish Expulsion of the Moriscos as Seen in English and Netherlandic Pamphlets." Journal of Early Modern History 17, no. 2 (2013): 95–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700658-12342359.

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Abstract In April, 1609, King Philip III of Spain needed to reinforce his image as defender of the faith as he signed a peace treaty with the Dutch Protestant heretics. He therefore ordered at the same time that the Moriscos—Muslims who some decades earlier had been compelled to convert to Catholicism—be expelled from Valencia. A few of these Moriscos made their way to Holland, where they seem to have been welcomed, thereby contributing to the reputation of the Dutch that they would tolerate any religious position. Even so, very few publications have survived on the subject of the Morisco expulsion, whereas treatises on the Twelve Years’ Truce poured off Dutch and English presses. While few, the English and Dutch language pamphlets on the expulsion decree reveal something about what English and Dutch audiences were told on the subject. How then was the Morisco expulsion explained to, and regarded by, Catholic and Protestant Europeans outside of Spain? While two of the surviving newssheets were accurate translations of Spanish decrees, a third work printed in the Spanish Netherlands defended the expulsion by linking Morisco plots with demonic witchcraft. On the other hand, a few Protestant and Mennonite writers in the Dutch Republic expressed some sympathy for the plight of the Moriscos and conversos as fellow victims of the Spanish Inquisition. Even so, the propaganda over the Treaty of Antwerp of 1609 clearly overshadowed the few works condemning the Morisco expulsion, rewarding Philip III’s decision to release them at the same time.
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7

Garrido García, Carlos Javier. "De la recuperación a la expropiación: cambios en la estructura de la propiedad de la tierra en las ciudades del reino de Granada en época morisca y tras la expulsión. El ejemplo de Guadix." Miscelánea de Estudios Árabes y Hebraicos. Sección Árabe-Islam 73 (January 17, 2024): 87–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.30827/meaharabe.v73.25106.

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Este artículo analiza la evolución demográfica y socioeconómica de la ciudad de Guadix a lo largo de la época morisca y la repoblación tras la expulsión de los moriscos. A través del análisis del padrón de 1561 y del Libro de Apeo de 1571 se intentan ex- plicar los cambios en la propiedad de la tierra registrados en las ciudades del reino de Granada en el periodo que transcurre entre la conquista castellana de 1482-1492 y la repobla- ción posterior a la expulsión de los moriscos en 1570. Este análisis demuestra dos hechos clave: la recuperación socioeconómica de parte de la población morisca tras la inicial ex- propiación de sus bienes rústicos y urbanos en 1490, que dio origen a la primera repobla- ción, y la concentración de la propiedad en beneficio de las élites castellanas tras su expulsión en 1570, ya que en las ciudades no hubo repartimientos, sino que los bienes moriscos fueron subastados al mejor postor.
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8

Donoso, Isaac. "El metarrelato morisco en el exilio: estudio de las coplas de Ibrahim de Bolfad." Revista Argelina, no. 17 (January 15, 2023): 41–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.14198/revargel2023.17.03.

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Este trabajo estudia los elementos narrativos en el comentario manuscrito en lengua castellana y grafía latina a la poesía escrita por el morisco Ibrahim de Bolfad, morisco residente en Argel. Se trata de uno de los pocos poetas moriscos exiliados que escriben en lengua española cuyo nombre nos es conocido, autor de un poema en quintillas sobre los principios del Islam, la vida del Profeta, los atributos divinos y los principales temas de la teología islámica. El comentario a la poesía de Ibrahim de Bolfad se conserva en un manuscrito de la Biblioteca Nacional de España [bne: 9653], obra posiblemente de un morisco exiliado en Túnez. El presente trabajo pretende estudiar los elementos narrativos tanto en el comentario como en la poesía con el fin de resaltar la construcción de un metarrelato sobre la identidad morisca en el exilio norteafricano, como actividad narrativa desarrollada en lengua castellana en la Argelia de la edad moderna. La edición de las 114 quintillas como texto unitario apareció en el número 9 de esta misma publicación.
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9

Pérez García, Rafael M. "La guerra y la esclavización de los moriscos de las Alpujarras (enero a abril de 1569): el reino de Granada como mercado coyuntural de esclavos." Al-Qanṭara 41, no. 1 (September 24, 2020): 183. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/alqantara.2020.006.

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Este trabajo investiga el proceso de esclavización de los moriscos de las Alpujarras granadinas durante la campaña del marqués de Mondéjar en los primeros meses de la guerra de Granada. Para ello se utiliza documentación inédita conservada en el Archivo General de Simancas. El cruce de esta información con otra procedente de diferentes archivos municipales y notariales andaluces permite analizar cómo funcionó el mercado de esclavos moriscos durante los años 1569-1571, así como estudiar el proceso de exportación hacia las ciudades del valle del Guadalquivir de la población morisca granadina esclavizada.
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10

Al-Obeidi, Dr Hind Abdul-Haq Abdul-Sattar. "The Moorish Minority: Their Tragedy and Social Life after the End of Islamic Rule in Andalusia in 1429 AD." International and Political Journal, no. 55 (June 1, 2023): 511–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.31272/ipj.i55.186.

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The Morisco era has been a civilized extension of Andalusia, but despite its importance, it did not receive attention until recent years. Therefor it is useful to deal with the plight of the Moriscos in Andalusia, where the majority of Andalusians live normally under the Treaty of the Handover of Granada. However, the position of the Catholic Church towards them was fanatical. Thus, the Spaniards viewed the Moriscos as a minority and a different group within Spanish society. That was due to the Islamic origin of this group and the Islamic way by which the live. For this reason, this ethnic group was marginalized within the society and then expelled due to the impossibility of coexistence with the Spaniards in one country.
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11

Benaboud, M’hammad. "Islam and the West." American Journal of Islam and Society 9, no. 4 (January 1, 1992): 574–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v9i4.2545.

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This book is perhaps the best overall presentation of the Moriscoquestion in English. The author has succeeded where others have failedin presenting a work simultaneously acceptable to the specialist and capableof being read by the cultivated general reader. The specialist willprobably not find a better study of the Moriscos, because the author hasadopted a comprehensive overall approach. The very complete bibliographyincludes studies of most of the distinguished specialists on thesubject, particularly the Spaniards, as they have studied this topic moreprofoundly than anybody else. The works of non-Spaniard scholars whohave made significant contributions to this field, such as Cardaillac of theUniversity of Montpelier and Harvey of the University of London, arealso listed. Chejne has further relied on numerous aljamiado manuscripts,which makes his study an important contribution in its own right. Theauthor's clear and simple style, as well as his manner of presentation, willalso satisfy the general reader.The issue of the Moriscos remains both fascinating and relevant toour time. Chejne has not examined a specific aspect of the Morisco question,as did Cardaillac in his classical study of the Morisco question's ...
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12

Glazer-Eytan, Yonatan. "Conversos, Moriscos, and the Eucharist in Early Modern Spain: Some Reflections on Jewish Exceptionalism." Jewish History 35, no. 3-4 (December 2021): 265–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10835-021-09424-0.

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AbstractSacrilegious attitudes toward the Eucharistic host are one of the most commonplace accusations leveled against Jews in premodern Europe. Usually treated in Jewish historiography as an expression of anti-Judaism or antisemitism, they are considered a hallmark of Jewish powerlessness and persecution. In medieval and early modern Spain, however, Jews and conversos (Jewish converts to Christianity and their descendants) were not the only proclaimed enemies of the Eucharist. Reports about avoidance, rejection, criticism, and even ridicule and profanation of the consecrated host were similarly leveled against Muslims and moriscos (Muslim converts to Christianity). This essay seeks to assess the parallels and connections between the two groups through a comparative examination of accusations of sacrilegious behavior towards the host. The first part of the essay analyzes religious art, legal compendia, and inquisitorial trials records from the tribunals of Toledo and Cuenca in order to show some evident homologies between the two groups. The second part of the essay focuses on the analysis of the works of Jaime Bleda and Pedro Aznar y Cardona, two apologists of the expulsion of the moriscos, and draws direct connections between Jewish and morisco sacrilege. By exploring the similarities and differences between accusations against conversos and moriscos, this essay aims to offer a broader reflection on Jewish exceptionalism.
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13

Lozano, Josep. "L’expulsió dels moriscos valencians, segons la Relació de Maximilià Cerdà de Tallada." SCRIPTA. Revista Internacional de Literatura i Cultura Medieval i Moderna 17 (May 31, 2021): 104. http://dx.doi.org/10.7203/scripta.17.20908.

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Resum: Aquest article tracta sobre la minoria morisca valenciana i la seva expulsió, a partir de l’estudi d’un text manuscrit de Cerdà de Tallada sobre l’expulsió dels moriscos valencians el 1609. El text, incomplet, conté, tanmateix, nombrosos fets d’interès historiogràfic i és un notable exemple de les cròniques valencianes d’aqueix període del Barroc.Paraules clau: moriscos, expulsió, València, Maximilià Cerdà de TalladaAbstract: This article is about the Valencian Moorish minority and their expulsion, based on a study of a manuscript text by Cerdà de Tallada about the expulsion of the Valencian Moors in 1609. The text, which is incomplete, contains, nevertheless, numerous facts of historiographical interest and is a remarkable example of the Valencian chronicles from the Baroque period.Keywords: moorish, expulsion, Maximilà Cerdà de Tallada
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Martínez-López, Enrique. "Sobre la amnistía de Roque Guinart: El laberinto de la bandosïtat catalana y los moriscos en el Quijote." Cervantes 11, no. 2 (September 1991): 69–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cervantes.11.2.069.

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Contemporary history ostensibly steps into the space of fiction when the bandit Roque Guinart plays himself in Don Quixote, 1615. Cervantes, however, here as in other instances in which his texts suggest views not in agreement with the official (hi)story, transforms historical data into a fiction that ingeniously conveys indiscreet truth. First, Guinart is presented as a just and reluctant bandit in 1614, although he had been honorably serving the king since 1611. Then his criminal life is linked to Catalan dissent, and his “future” to the fate of the Moriscos (the Ricote family). Finally, both the bandit and the Moriscos’ stories are constructed in the romance mode, a typical feature in Cervantes’ ideological texts. The 1616 reader of the novel thus was able to perceive dissenting views on the Catalan and Morisco issues, both handled by the government in a disastrous manner.
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Cavanaugh, Stephanie M. "Litigating for Liberty: Enslaved Morisco Children in Sixteenth-Century Valladolid." Renaissance Quarterly 70, no. 4 (2017): 1282–320. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/695347.

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AbstractMorisco children captured during the Granadan war of 1568–70, known as the Second War of the Alpujarras, could attain legal but limited freedom in accordance with Philip II’s 1572 law against the enslavement of Morisco minors. Those manumitted were meant to remain servants in Old Christian households until the age of majority. The Spanish monarchy recognized the political value of controlling children. Aiming to turn the children of Morisco rebels into proper Christian subjects, the king authorized and facilitated their liberation as part of a larger project of Morisco conversion. Granadan Moriscos worked within the law in pursuit of liberation, yet took action to reunite families separated by slavery and deportation when possible.
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Budner, Keith. "How Does a Moorish Prince Become a Roman Caesar? Fictions and Forgeries, Emperors and Others from the Spanish "Flores" Romances to the Lead Books of Granada." Medieval Globe 5, no. 2 (2019): 149–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.17302/tmg.5-2.8.

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This article reads the two Spanish versions of the Flores romance as ideologically embedded in the conflict and contact between Christians and Muslims in medieval Iberia, as well as after the "Reconquista" of 1492 and the subsequent renegotiation of Spanish-Morisco relations. It argues that the printed version of the romance, published in 1512 and frequently reprinted, imagines a fictional resolution to the problem of the Moriscos' socio-political status by making its Morisco protagonist an emperor of Rome. It contrasts this successful fiction with a failed contemporary forgery that had a similar goal: the Lead Books of Granada.
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BARA, Mohammed Tayeb. "La cultura morisca y su importancia en el desarrollo de Argelia Del siglo XVII." ALTRALANG Journal 1, no. 02 (December 31, 2019): 34–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.52919/altralang.v1i02.22.

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ABSTRACT: In Algeria of the seventeenth century, agriculture took on a new characteristic with the new products imported by the Moriscos expelled. They brought with them new techniques of land use and irrigation very useful for a healthy lifestyle not only for men but also for plants. So, the Moriscos applied these new techniques to all levels of the urban and suburban economy. The installation of these deportees in Algiers allowed the construction of water sources. Therefore, handicrafts had a very important role in the major cities of central Maghreb. The Moorish craftsmen dominated the techniques of the fine ceramics of Andalusia; they were expensive and appreciated products. These pieces were useful for several sectors. This tradition continued on their arrival in the Central Maghreb. The Moriscos advanced in the exploitation of silk; a specialty that existed for centuries in Hispanic lands, Spanish and Algerian cities compete in the production of silk. They completely changed the trade policy in Algiers, introducing new buying and selling systems. The Moriscans quickly integrated with the citizens of the coastal towns inside the central Maghreb where they settled, they were welcomed by the local population, and these traits remain in our traditions and in conservative societies such as Tlemcen, Mostaganem, Blida, Cherchell, Algiers and Bejaia, until today they are still in use. RESUMEN: En la Argelia del siglo XVII, la agricultura tomó una nueva cara con los productos nuevos que trajeron con ellos los moriscos expulsados de España tras la Reconquista. Esos llegaron con nuevas formas de trabajar la tierra y con técnicas de riego muy útiles para una buena higiene de vida no sólo para los humanos, sino también para las plantas lo que muestra que los moriscos se aplicaron en todos los niveles de la economía urbana y suburbana. La artesanía tuvo, a su vez, un papel muy importante en las grandes urbes del Magreb central. Los artesanos moriscos dominaban las técnicas de las cerámicas finas de Al Ándalus, consideradas productos caros y apreciados. Sus piezas eran aptas para muchos usos, técnica que continuaron aplicando a su llegada a tierras del Magreb Central. Sin embargo, los moriscos destacaron más en el trabajo de la seda, actividad que siguieron desarrollando en sus nuevos destinos, hasta llegar a competir las ciudades argelinas con las españolas en este dominio. Cambiaron totalmente el sentido del comercio en Argel introduciendo nuevos hábitos de compra y venta de productos. Los moriscos se integraron de distintas maneras según las urbes donde se instalaron. En las ciudades del litoral centro magrebí y algunas del interior no muy alejadas del mar, les acogieron muy bien y adoptaron muchas de sus prácticas. Dichas prácticas perduraron y siguen presentes en la sociedad argelina actual sobre todo en ciudades como Tremecén, Mostaganem, Blida, Cherchel, Argel o Bujía.
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Youssef, Jennie G. "Zambra, Codes of Honor, and Moorish Dress: Transculturation in Calderón’s Love after Death." ROMARD 58 (December 23, 2021): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.32773/drip3663.

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This paper will offer a reading of Calderón’s Love after Death (Amar después de la muerte) that is removed from the binary opposition between Christianity versus Islam, which premise readings of the text as a pro-morisco play, and focuses on teasing out nuances of transculturation inherent in the text. At pivotal moments in the play, the morisco and the “pure” Christian are simultaneously presented in opposition and equality to one another in their shared adherence to a strict moral code of honor, which is arguably a Christian contribution to Spain’s hybrid culture. The cultural hybridization of clothing and costume points to the unreliability of visible signifiers that distinguished the morisco from the “pure” Spaniard and as a result, brings forth the difficulties Spain had in self-identification in opposition to the morisco. The only real signifier – the Arabic language – is linguistic, although it is clear many words from Arabic made their way into Spanish. Read in the context of a text produced in a Spain that was located at the border between purity and hybridity and between the Iberian Peninsula and the rest of Europe, it can be argued that the representations of cultural practices in Calderón’s re-imagination of the rebellion of Alpujarras, bring forth evidence of a gradual process of transculturation between the moriscos and Christians and shed light on Spain’s almost desperate attempt to fight that process. Through this lens, the conflict between the moriscos and the Christians appears to have been conceived in the struggle against external forces that relegated Spain to the periphery of Europe. As a result of anti-Spanish prejudices of the leyenda negra that identified “Spanishness” with “Moorishness,” Spain was at once the colonial center in relation to the Americas and the New World, and simultaneously, Europe’s very own morisco “other.”
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Vázquez, Miguel Ángel. "Alejo de Venegas's Agonía del Tránsito de la Muerte: A Morisco Treatise on the Art of Dying?" Medieval Encounters 12, no. 3 (2006): 475–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006706779166057.

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AbstractThe mostly clandestine nature of Morisco literature both in Spanish and Aljamiado has prompted critics to inquire to what extent and how it was influenced by the canonical literature of the Golden Age. Indeed, there are many interesting examples of how the literary trends of the times influenced the Moriscos. The question of whether Morisco literature influenced the more canonical tradition, on the other hand, is especially interesting if one considers a work such as Agonía del tránsito de la muerte (1537) by the Toledan Alejo de Venegas (1498/99-1562) as a Morisco text. Álvaro Galmés de Fuentes proposed just such a reading, but I argue that the evidence does not fully support his hypothesis, which must be revised along the lines I propose.
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González García, José M. "Cultural Memories of the Expulsion of the Moriscos." European Review 16, no. 1 (February 2008): 91–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798708000100.

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Violins are weeping over the Arabs leaving al-Andalus,Violins are weeping over lost time which will never come back(Palestinian poet Mahmud Darwish1)In 2009 it will have been 400 years since Philip III expelled the Moriscos from Spain. It is therefore time to consider what remains of this tragedy in present-day Spanish collective memory. As opposed to the history as written by the victors it is necessary to also listen to the voice of the descendants of the victims, recovering their own historical memory. As a symbol of the reparation of an historical injustice the present-day Spanish state may grant the descendants of the expelled Moriscos the right to Spanish citizenship, as has already happened with the descendants of the Sephardim or Spanish Jews. In this article I consider four forms of memory of the expulsion of the Moriscos, embodied respectively in History, Literature, Art and Popular Culture. In the section on History, I analyze the works of Gregorio Marañón and Henry Kamen. Literary memory will be represented by the figure of the Morisco Ricote in Part II of Cervantes’ Quixote. For Art, I will look at a series of paintings commissioned by Philip III and at a painting competition held in Madrid under Philip IV. Popular culture is represented by the celebrations of ‘moros y cristianos,’ or ‘Moors and Christians,’ an old tradition that is still alive.
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Gorji, Khatereh. "Violencia en la puesta en escena de "El Hamete de Toledo". Montaje de AlmaViva Teatro (2009)." Studia Aurea 16 (December 31, 2022): 329–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/studiaaurea.514.

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El Hamete de Toledo es una de las obras famosas de Lope de Vega dentro de su corpus teatral de género morisco debido al tema principal de la comedia que es la esclavitud. La campaña antimorisca surgida tras la expulsión de los moriscos entre 1609-1614 y apoyada en gran parte por los dramaturgos áureos, tiene como objetivo principal justificar los actos inhumanos de los cristianos contra la comunidad musulmana. En consecuencia, durante aquella época abundan las obras en las que se refleja una imagen ridiculizada y discriminada de los moriscos, entre las que El Hamete de Toledo se destaca mucho por el alto nivel de violencia que se impone al protagonista morisco. En este artículo analizamos este aspecto fundamental de la obra en su puesta en escena actual, dirigida por César Barló en 2009, en vista de la actualidad del tema y su relación estrecha con el racismo y la alteridad. De este modo, se explica cuál es la lectura del director del montaje de este texto de Lope, de qué modo la representación construye el espacio escénico, qué elementos se utilizan para mostrar al público la violencia infligida contra el otro, etc. A base de este análisis, se muestra que César Barló recurre a una obra clásica para reflexionar con el público del siglo xxi sobre una polémica social actual, para tratar de un problema nunca resuelto, tristemente vigente: la intolerancia hacia el que no es como nosotros.
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Mestre, Vicent. "Llegada de los Moriscos a Orán." Revista Argelina, no. 9 (December 20, 2019): 99. http://dx.doi.org/10.14198/revargel2019.9.10.

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En las páginas siguientes se reproduce el lienzo de «Llegada de los Moriscos a Orán» de la serie: La expulsión de los moriscos [1613], óleo sobre tela. 111 x 174 cm. obra de Vicent Mestre. Colección Bancaja. Imagen del catálogo La expulsión de los moriscos del Reino de Valencia, Valencia, Fundación Bancaja, 1997.
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Catalá Sanz, Jorge Antonio. "Víctimas moriscas del corso turco-berberisco. Noticias y testimonios en los procesos criminales valencianos." Pedralbes. Revista d'Història Moderna 41 (December 21, 2021): 7–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1344/pedralbes2021.41.1.

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El peligro cierto y recurrente de la cooperación de los moriscos con los corsarios turcos y berberiscos no autoriza, sin embargo, a considerar a la minoría morisca en su conjunto como una «quinta columna» siempre dispuesta a conspirar contra la Corona y a prestar ayuda a los enemigos de la otra orilla.Los procesos criminales que la Real Audiencia de Valencia sustanció contra corsarios e infiltrados ofrecen testimonios que no solo revelan la amplia diversidad de actitudes y respuestas de los nuevos convertidos ante las grandes fugas, los ataques a las poblaciones litorales y la captura de cristianos viejos, sino también que ellos mismos sufrieron los efectos de las incursiones de los moros de la mar: algunos porque no dudaron en hacerles frente para defender a sus vecinos cristianos, otros muchos porque fueron violentamente compelidos a marcharse a África a pesar de que deseaban permanecer en su tierra. Palabras clave: moriscos, corso, quinta columna, diversidad, justicia penal, procesos criminales.
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24

Krstić, Tijana. "The Elusive Intermediaries: Moriscos in Ottoman and Western European Diplomatic Sources from Constantinople, 1560s-1630s." Journal of Early Modern History 19, no. 2-3 (April 21, 2015): 129–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700658-12342454.

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Although the role of Moriscos in the diplomacy of North African Muslim polities has long been recognized, next to nothing is known of their contribution to Ottoman diplomacy. Yet, during the sixteenth century, and especially after their expulsion from Spain in 1609, Constantinople became an important node in the Moriscos’ Mediterranean-wide network. Unlike other intermediaries active on the diplomatic scene of Constantinople, Moriscos had a special role in sultanic image-making during the age of increased confessional polarization in both Europe and parts of the Middle East, between the mid-sixteenth and mid-seventeenth centuries. The essay examines how European and Ottoman sources represented Moriscos as both subjects and objects of Ottoman diplomacy, explores the significance of their religious affiliation in the diplomatic process, and argues that the Moriscos’ mediation provided the Ottomans with valuable opportunities to exploit confessional tensions and articulate their claims to sovereignty to their European interlocutors.
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25

Aljabri, Samia. "The efforts of the Ottomans to support the Moriscos in Andalusia During the tenth century AH / sixteenth century AD." Journal of Umm Al-Qura University for Social Sciences 14, no. 4 (December 28, 2022): 34–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.54940/ss45800493.

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This study, which is titled "Ottomans Efforts in Supporting the Moriscos", aims to know the Moriscos and their conditions, especially after the fall of Granada, and the motives that led to their expulsion from Spain, in addition to stating the position of the Ottoman Empire towards the Moriscos before the final decision of their expulsion from Spain was issued. This position is represented in the preparation of military campaigns to invade the southern Spanish coasts or offer diplomatic mediation with some European countries. Afterwards comes knowing the Ottoman position towards the Moriscos after implementing the final decision of expulsion and the Ottomans' efforts in facilitating their transfer to the countries of the Islamic Maghreb. The study is concluded by explaining several points, the key of which is the failure of the Spanish policy in implementing the Christianisation decision on the Muslims of Andalusia, despite the inhumane practices committed by the Inquisition against Muslims. With the deteriorating living conditions of the Moriscos, they found in the Ottoman Empire their safe haven and their only salvation from torture and murder. The Ottomans did not disappoint the Moriscos' hopes in them, but their efforts were unsuccessful due to external conspiracies and internal intrigues that limited the State's focus on the Moorish issue.
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26

Plasencia Soto, Rommel. "Indios y moriscos." Investigaciones Sociales 10, no. 16 (June 11, 2014): 435–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.15381/is.v10i16.7035.

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Texto que describe brevemente la experiencia colonial española con la población islámica después de la toma de Granada en 1492. Experiencia sustentada en la intolerancia, el prejuicio y la exclusión. Sustento que anidará en el nuevo mundo.
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de Castilla, Nuria. "An Aljamiado Translation of the ‘Morisco Qur'an’ and its Arabic Text (c. 1609)." Journal of Qur'anic Studies 22, no. 3 (October 2020): 35–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jqs.2020.0439.

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For the first time, strong links between three copies of the ‘Morisco Qur'an’ (in Arabic [Aix 1367], Aljamía [BRAH T5], and a bilingual Arabo-Aljamía version [BRAH T19]) have been described. They involve codicological, linguistic, and aesthetic features common to these manuscripts and lead to the identification of a single Aljamiado translation transmitted by the same copyist in two different codices (BRAH T5 and BRAH T19). This result allows us to demonstrate the coherent and systematic nature of the work of the Morisco copyists and provides the possibility of establishing a stemma codicum of some of the Aljamiado translations of the Qur'an. The relationship of these manuscripts with an Arabic copy of the ‘Morisco Qur'an’ makes it possible to conclude that these three copies were produced around 1609 ce, the year in which the Moriscos’ final expulsion from Spain began. These links illuminate our understanding of the production and uses of these Morisco copies of the Qur'an at a very late date, enriching the field of Qur'anic studies in medieval and early modern Spain.
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O’Banion, Patrick J. "“They will know our hearts”: Practicing the Art of Dissimulation on the Islamic Periphery." Journal of Early Modern History 20, no. 2 (February 19, 2016): 193–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700658-12342497.

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From the early sixteenth century, religious and legal authorities provided Spanish crypto-Muslims with guidelines for practicing taqiyya, the Islamic art of dissimulation. As theory collided with local realities, however, local actors innovated practice in the face of the continued divergence between an internal desire to practice Islam and external pressures to conform to Christianity. This article explores these tensions by analyzing the posthumous endowments of two wealthy Morisco brothers from the Castilian town of Deza who succeeded in convincing both Christian neighbors and the Inquisition of their sincere conversion to Christianity. The town’s Morisco community, however, viewed the brothers’ bequests as secret acts of Islamic charity. Such perceived efforts to enact taqiyya not only eroded Christian confidence that true converts could be discerned from false ones but also threatened to destabilize the Moriscos’ own religious identity and their relationship to both Christianity and Islam.
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Hasenfeld, Galia. "Gender and Struggle for Identity: the Moriscas in Sixteenth-Century Castile1." Medieval Encounters 7, no. 1 (2001): 79–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006701x00094.

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AbstractThe Castilian community of Arcos possessed the second largest concentration of Moriscos in the jurisdiction of the Inquisition tribunal of Cuenca, and offers an excellent case study in which to focus on women's share in the daily struggle to maintain Morisco traditional lifestyle under Christian oppression. Nearly half of the extant trials from Arcos concern women, and as such they enable a partial reconstruction of family structures, kinship relations, and women's activities as well as their social networks. The disappearance of Islamic religious and legal institutions following the forced conversion of Castilian Mudejars (Muslims living under Christian rule) may actually have created a greater opportunity for women to participate in unofficial leadership of crypto-Islamic practices. This article presents the cases of the sisters Beatriz and Maria del Sastre, who drew the attention of "old" Christian neighbors, their Morisco brethren, and eventually the Inquisition.
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Vincent, Bernard. "En busca de equilibrios en la práctica del historiador: el caso de la minoría morisca." Prohistoria. Historia, políticas de la historia, no. 38 (December 9, 2022): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.35305/prohistoria.vi38.1730.

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Con frecuencia, muchas veces seducidos por ciertas tendencias o “modas” historiográficas, los historiadores seleccionan documentos que pueden obrar como sustento de sus planteamientos, relegando aquellos que los cuestionarían y descuidando incluso el contexto en el cual los hechos estudiados se produjeron. A través del caso de la minoría morisca, el autor reflexiona sobre la pertinencia o, por el contrario, los abusos de la utilización de conceptos clave como tolerancia, convivencia, asimilación, integración, genocidio, etnocidio. Al mismo tiempo, analiza cuáles serían las fuentes apropiadas para aproximarse a las complejas relaciones entre moriscos y cristianos viejos.
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31

Krstić, Tijana. "Contesting Subjecthood and Sovereignty in Ottoman Galata in the Age of Confessionalization: The Carazo Affair, 1613-1617." Oriente Moderno 93, no. 2 (2013): 422–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138617-12340024.

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Abstract In the early 1610s, communities of diplomats and traders with the status of müste’min (foreign resident) in Ottoman Galata were put on alert by the concerted attempt of certain Ottoman officials, especially the kadı of Galata, to extract from them the harac—the tax typically paid only by the ḏimmis (non-Muslim subjects of the sultan). Interwoven into this legal and diplomatic crisis is another story that sheds an interesting light on the entire affair. In 1609 Spanish king Philip III proclaimed the expulsion of Moriscos—(forcibly) Christianized Spanish Muslims—from the Iberian peninsula, triggering a massive exodus of a large segment of population into North Africa, but also to Ottoman Constantinople, via France and Venice. Although Constantinople received a significantly smaller number of refugees than North African principalities under Ottoman suzerainty, the impact of the Morisco diaspora was disproportionally large. In Constantinople, the refugees were settled in Galata, in what appears to be a deliberate attempt by the Ottoman authorities to change the confessional make-up of this overtly non-Muslim section of the city. This is how the fierce economic and confessional competition among the local, already established trading and diplomatic communities and the newcomers began. The paper will reconstruct these competitive relationships on the basis of Ottoman, Venetian, and French contemporary sources by focusing on the incidents surrounding the attempted imposition of the harac on foreign residents and the attempted takeover of Galata churches by the Morisco refugees. It appears that the arrival of the Moriscos and familiarity with their plight in Spain prompted Ottoman officials to rethink the legal status and the notions of extra-territoriality in relation to religious identity in the Ottoman context as well.
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32

Wiegers, Gerard A. "The Persistence of Mudejar Islam? Alonso de Luna (Muhammad Abū 'l- Āsī), the Lead Books, and the Gospel of Barnabas." Medieval Encounters 12, no. 3 (2006): 498–518. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006706779166048.

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AbstractThis article deals with the origins of a famous group of Muslim texts, the so-called Gospel of Barnabas, a pseudoepigraphic piece of anti-Christian polemics in the form of a gospel, and the so-called Lead Books, found in Granada at the end of the sixteenth century. The authorship of these forgeries is controversial, but they seem to have their roots in medieval and renaissance mudejar and Morisco Spain. This essay situates the question of authorship against the background of the transition of mudejar to Morisco culture and deals with the Islamic names of some of those responsible for the texts: the Moriscos Alonso del Castillo (al-Jabbis), his son-in-law Miguel de Luna (al-Ukayhil), and their grandson and son Alonso de Luna (Muhammad Abū 'l- Āsī). New light is shed on the latter's travels to Rome and Istanbul and his Inquisition trial in 1618, as well as on his involvement in the Gospel of Barnabas and the Sacromonte Lead Book affairs.
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33

Quérillacq, René. "Los moriscos de Cervantes." Anales Cervantinos 30 (May 11, 2020): 77. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/anacervantinos.1992.397.

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34

Case, Thomas E. "Lope and the Moriscos." Bulletin of the Comediantes 44, no. 2 (1992): 195–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/boc.1992.0015.

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35

Harvey, L. P. "The Moriscos and theHajj." British Society for Middle Eastern Studies. Bulletin 14, no. 1 (January 1988): 11–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13530198808705449.

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36

Bara, Mohammed Tayeb. "La cultura morisca y su importancia en el desarrollo de Argelia en el siglo XVII." Revista Argelina, no. 9 (December 20, 2019): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.14198/revargel2019.9.03.

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En la Argelia del siglo XVII, la agricultura tomó una nueva cara con los productos nuevos que trajeron con ellos los moriscos expulsados de España tras la Reconquista. Esos llegaron con nuevas formas de trabajar la tierra y con técnicas de riego muy útiles para una buena higiene de vida no sólo para los humanos, sino también para las plantas lo que muestra que los moriscos se aplicaron en todos los niveles de la economía urbana y suburbana. La artesanía tuvo, a su vez, un papel muy importante en las grandes urbes del Magreb central. Los artesanos moriscos dominaban las técnicas de las cerámicas finas de Al Ándalus, consideradas productos caros y apreciados. Sus piezas eran aptas para muchos usos, técnica que continuaron aplicando a su llegada a tierras del Magreb Central. Sin embargo, los moriscos destacaron más en el trabajo de la seda, actividad que siguieron desarrollando en sus nuevos destinos, hasta llegar a competir las ciudades argelinas con las españolas en este dominio. Cambiaron totalmente el sentido del comercio en Argel introduciendo nuevos hábitos de compra y venta de productos. Los moriscos se integraron de distintas maneras según las urbes donde se instalaron. En las ciudades del litoral centro magrebí y algunas del interior no muy alejadas del mar, les acogieron muy bien y adoptaron muchas de sus prácticas. Dichas prácticas perduraron y siguen presentes en la sociedad argelina actual sobre todo en ciudades como Tremecén, Mostaganem, Blida, Cherchel, Argel o Bujía.
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37

López-Morillas, Consuelo. "Los manuscritos aljamiados." Al-Qanṭara 19, no. 2 (February 15, 2019): 425. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/alqantara.1998.v19.i2.507.

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En las últimas dos décadas se ha estudiado a fondo el origen de la escritura aljamiada en la época mudejar, y su desarrollo posterior en la época morisca. Han proliferado las ediciones de manuscritos aljamiados, y se han propuesto nuevas interpretaciones de su contenido y significado. El presente artículo contiene una bibliografía actualizada de todos los estudios sobre manuscritos aljamiados (incluyendo las tesis inéditas) aparecidos en los últimos diez años y/o no citados en A. Vespertino Rodríguez, «Una aproximación a la datación de los manuscritos aljamiado-moriscos», Homenaje al profesor Luis Rubio, 2 (Murcia: Universidad, 1989), 1419-39.
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Pérez-García, Rafael M. "Moriscos en Antequera, 1569-1574." Al-Qanṭara 37, no. 1 (June 30, 2016): 75–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/alqantara.2016.004.

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39

Belkhatir, Boumediene. "Las opiniones religiosas argelinas sobre la situación de los moriscos en Granada: entre al-Wanšarīsī y al-Magrāwī." Revista Argelina, no. 9 (December 20, 2019): 15. http://dx.doi.org/10.14198/revargel2019.9.02.

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Este artículo tiene como objeto analizar la postura de los alfaquíes argelinos hacia el dilema que vivían los moriscos en Granada a partir de 1499, a través del estudio de dos famosas fatuas: la del muftí de Fez al-Wanšarīsī y la del muftí de Orán Aḥmad al-Magrāwī al-Wahrānī, estudiándolas desde los principios de la jurisprudencia islámica (fiqh), y la situación religiosa en la que vivían los moriscos.
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40

Martínez-de-Castilla-Muñoz, Nuria. "Qur'anic Manuscripts from Late Muslim Spain: The Collection of Almonacid de la Sierra." Journal of Qur'anic Studies 16, no. 2 (June 2014): 89–138. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jqs.2014.0149.

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In spite of a widespread ignorance of Arabic among the Moriscos (the last Muslims of the Iberian Peninsula, expelled in 1018–23/1609–14), and the prohibition of the possession of books in Arabic script, the Moriscos continued transcribing and transmitting the Qur'an. These copies exhibit various peculiarities related either to their physical presentation, or to their cultural significance. The materials which are part of the Almonacid de la Sierra collection (today in the Tomás Navarro Tomás library (CCHS-CSIC), Madrid) – that means, 37 fragmentary copies of the Qur'an – provide us with an idea of the kind of Qur'anic texts the Moriscos were using by the end of the tenth/sixteenth century in spite of the religious and linguistic restraints which were imposed on them. There are complete maṣāhif, usually divided into four volumes. In addition, we find Qur'anic extracts, the contents of which are almost always the same; this probably implies some ritual use. Finally, there are family prayer books containing some suras and verses which can be recited according to the moment. The diversity of these manuscripts gives us an idea of the knowledge of the Qur'an among the Moriscos and the strength of Islam in tenth/sixteenth-century Aragon.
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Colominas Aparicio, Monica. "Retelling the Narratives of the East in the West: The Unique Morisco Account of the Polemic of Wāṣil of Damascus." Al-Qanṭara 45, no. 1 (July 22, 2024): 808. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/alqantara.2024.808.

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This article discusses the polemics of Wāṣil of Damascus at the Byzantine court in a hitherto unstudied Aljamiado manuscript copied by Moriscos, or Muslims converted to Christianity in Early Modern Iberia. This debate, which unfolded in the first centuries of the expansion of Islam, has so far been studied on the basis of a single Arabic manuscript. The present contribution adds to the discussion the Aljamiado materials and a number of relevant Arabic sources. It reassesses the character of Wāṣil, his involvement in Byzantine politics and iconoclastic controversies, and his identification with the early theologian Wāṣil b. ʿAṭāʾ (d. 2nd/8th c.). The historical data in Ibn ʿAsākir’s Taʾrīḫ (6th/12th c.) and the role of Wāṣil as the true hero of the story also justify the need for a detailed and extensive analysis of the Muslim readings of the text. The unique Morisco account will be discussed alongside the new evidence, paying attention to the uses of this narrative and its adaptation in the passage from East to West. The practices of retelling tie with the examination of how the original triumphalist story and the key issues of the early Eastern Muslim-Christian debates acquired meaning in the face of the expansion of Iberian Christian society that ended with the expulsion of the Jews and, ultimately, the Moriscos. Taken together, the evidence attests to the preservation of this polemics over the centuries in Muslim circles and its dissemination sometimes in contexts far removed from the original, such as the Muslim West.
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42

Wiegers, Gerard. "Moriscos and Arabic studies in Europe." Al-Qanṭara 31, no. 2 (December 21, 2010): 587–610. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/alqantara.2010.v31.i2.243.

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43

Santana, Juan Manuel. "The Formation of North African Otherness in the Canary Islands from the 16th to 18th Centuries." Culture & History Digital Journal 9, no. 2 (December 30, 2020): e012. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/chdj.2020.012.

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The current study of the North Africans of the Canary Islands during the 16th-18th centuries represents a contribution to the question of the development of the Muslim stereotype in Spain. This population with origins almost exclusively in north-western Africa, an area known at the time as Barbary, was forcibly relocated to the islands. Most of the Old Christians at the moment of the Royal Decree of 1609 expelling of the Moriscos from the Peninsula declared that the Moriscos of the archipelago were good Christians and loyal vassals. The archipelago was hence the only area of the Spanish Crown where they were not expelled. Fear served the monarchies of new emerging modern state to secure power and fashion a proto-national identity that differentiated individuals of different cultures and religions. The Moriscos of the archipelago were therefore throughout three centuries one of the main collectives singled out for religious, political and economic reasons.
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Alegre Carvajal, Esther. "Identidades de desarraigo y diaspora. La travesia de los moriscos granadinos hasta Pastrana." Anales de Historia del Arte 30 (November 26, 2020): 209–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/anha.72180.

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La expulsión de los moriscos del reino de Granada y su dispersión por toda Castilla, fue uno de los de los grandes movimientos masivos de población durante la Edad Moderna castellana. Se trató de una migración ordenada por Felipe II tras la guerra de las Alpujarras que desplazó a más de 80.000 moriscos tras el conflicto armado. En este artículo se analiza el caso concreto de la villa ducal de Pastrana que en 1570 es lugar de destino de una de las partidas más importantes, y los vestigios de arraigo/desarraigo que su presencia deja sobre la estructura urbana de esta población. Se estudia su brusca llegada y la construcción de un nuevo barrio donde acogerlos, patrocinado por el I duque de Pastrana, Ruy Gómez de Silva y financiado por ricos mercaderes moriscos. Y la huella de integración que, silenciosamente, generó su presencia con la reproducción de jardines populares de tradición andalusí.
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45

Jónsson, Már. "The expulsion of the Moriscos from Spain in 1609–1614: the destruction of an Islamic periphery." Journal of Global History 2, no. 2 (July 2007): 195–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022807002252.

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AbstractThe Moriscos were nominally Christian after enforced conversions at the beginning of the sixteenth century, but they mainly clung to their Islamic ancestral faith, and they were expelled from Spain in 1609–14. This was a huge operation, as 300,000 Moriscos were expelled, most of them in the space of a few months. For it to succeed, the Spanish authorities deemed it necessary to resort to lies and subterfuges. Not many Moriscos resisted expulsion, even though few of them wanted to leave. The majority settled in North Africa, adapted quickly to new circumstances, and did not attempt to avenge their expulsion, for instance by resorting to corsair activities. Despite its scale, the event did not have major immediate political consequences, but it can now be seen as a tragic tale of mistaken assumptions and enmity on the Spanish side, an unexpected socio-economic opportunity for North Africa, and an enduring element in Christian-Muslim perceptions of each other’s faiths.
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Cheema, Zainab. "White Faces, Black Masks: The Racial Shimmer of Morisco and Sub-Saharan Slaveries in Lope de Vega's Los melindres de Belisa." Bulletin of the Comediantes 74, no. 1 (2022): 277–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/boc.2022.a927758.

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Abstract: This essay examines how Lope de Vega's Los melindres de Belisa , a comedia urbana composed circa 1608, represents the intersection of different types of slavery in Habsburg Spain. This play is especially pertinent to these questions as its composition coincided with the intense debates that culminated in Philip III's Order of the Expulsion of the Moriscos from the Iberian Peninsula (1609), a time when sub-Saharan slavery was also firmly established in peninsular Spain. Lope de Vega's comic genius yields a rich dramatic canvas for exploring how racialized representations of enslaved Moriscos and sub-Saharan peoples intersect and interpellate one another in Spanish public theater. An analysis of racial imagery and plot twists in Los melindres de Belisa shows that even though early modern Spanish discourse often strategically essentialized differences between Black sub-Saharan Africans and Moriscos, the racial shimmer in Lope's representations of slavery discloses that these categories were fundamentally entangled with, and indeed, constructed one another.
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47

Grau Escrihuela, Antoni F. "Los dominios valencianos de la casa de Medinaceli entre los siglos XVI y XVII. El Ducado de Segorbe." Hispania 58, no. 200 (March 5, 2019): 995. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/hispania.1998.v58.i200.634.

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En los señoríos valencianos de la Casa de Medinaceli, la expulsión de los moriscos tuvo efectos negativos, pero no catastróficos. La repoblación impulsó el proceso de concentración de la propiedad de la tierra y supuso una reorganización del régimen señorial que le permitió adecuarse mejor a los movimientos inflacionistas. Los establecimientos enfitéuticos de los bienes que pertenecieron a los moriscos originaron unas comunidades rurales bastantes homogéneas, aunque paulatinamente se incrementó su diferenciación interna. Hasta mediados del siglo XVIII seguían constituyendo ejemplos típicos de sociedades agrarias con un escaso grado de movilidad social.
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48

López-Peláez Casellas, Jesús. "'Paradoxing' the Alien: The Morisco in Early Modern English Texts." Miscelánea: A Journal of English and American Studies 46 (February 17, 2013): 29–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.26754/ojs_misc/mj.20128945.

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This paper addresses the English early modern problematization of the Spanish Moriscos, tragic representatives of the period’s increasingly complex and contradictory preoccupation with the paradoxical identities of the ‘enemy within’, while it also attempts to establish their visibility in 16th and 17th century English culture. While the exploration of how early modern texts deal with various ‘others’ —both at home and abroad— has been sufficiently documented along the past two decades, this paper suggests that the English semiosphere (in Lotmanian terms) not only scripted and rejected these strangers but was also ‘contaminated’ with a multiplicity of others, who were simultaneously and paradoxically admired, absorbed, adapted, and misrepresented in a diversity of literary and non-literary texts: drama, dictionaries, pamphlets, and travel narratives. Among these others, the Spanish Morisco cuts across various faultlines, as a religious, cultural and political alien of uncertain identity and contradictory allegiance.
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49

García López, Aurelio. "El señor y el marginado: la familia morisca Orejón y la rivalidad de los maestros de obras cristianas." Al-Qanṭara 17, no. 2 (February 15, 2019): 271. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/alqantara.1996.v17.i2.550.

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Dentro del indudable atractivo que provoca hoy día el estudio del siglo XVI, queremos ofrecer la visión de un trabajo local, realizado bajo la óptica de una familia de maestros de obra moriscos: la familia Orejón. Pretendemos dar a conocer la protección de la nobleza a sus criados moriscos que encuentran gran número de obstáculos para realizar su trabajo diario por parte de los cristianos. En el presente trabajo, dejando al margen las cuestiones artísticas, damos una aproximación sobre la formación de una red de parentesco y su actuación en la ciudad determinada: Guadalajara, sede principal de asentamiento de la familia Mendoza.
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50

Admincilengua, Admincilengua, and Miguel Calderón Campos. "Particularidades léxicas de las cartas de dote de los moriscos granadinos (1509-1513)." Cuadernos del Instituto Historia de la Lengua, no. 7 (January 16, 2023): 61–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.58576/cilengua.vi7.104.

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En este artículo se estudia el vocabulario de las cartas dedote de los moriscos granadinos de principios del siglo XVI. Los manuscritosproceden del Archivo de Protocolos Notariales de Granada(APGr) y forman parte del Corpus diacrónico del español del Reino deGranada (CORDEREGRA). Se estudian los nombres de las monedas,joyas y ropas usadas por los moriscos y se ofrecen procedimientosmetodológicos para definir con precisión esas palabras. Para ello, setienen en cuenta las explicaciones y aclaraciones dadas por los propiosescribanos del APGr. El problema al que se enfrentaban eratener que escribir en español el nombre árabe que los tasadores decíanen voz alta.
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