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1

May, Larry. "War and Morality." Philosophers' Magazine, no. 74 (2016): 27–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/tpm20167494.

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2

Meyers, Diana T., and Robert L. Holmes. "On War and Morality." Philosophical Review 101, no. 2 (April 1992): 481. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2185583.

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3

Lee, Steven, and Robert L. Holmes. "On War and Morality." Noûs 26, no. 4 (December 1992): 559. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2216042.

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4

Buttle, Nicholas. "War, Justice and Morality." Politics 11, no. 2 (October 1991): 34–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9256.1991.tb00198.x.

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5

Thomas, Mitchell R. "War, Morality, and Autonomy." Journal of Value Inquiry 39, no. 2 (June 2005): 267–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10790-006-5765-9.

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6

Simpson, Thomas. "The Morality of Defensive War." Philosophical Quarterly 65, no. 260 (December 8, 2014): 590–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pq/pqu089.

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7

Otto, Lisa. "The morality of private war." African Security Review 24, no. 2 (April 3, 2015): 232–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10246029.2015.1037149.

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8

Moseley, Alexander. "John Locke's Morality of War." Journal of Military Ethics 4, no. 2 (June 2005): 119–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15027570510030824.

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9

Dill, Janina. "Law and morality at war." International Affairs 94, no. 4 (July 1, 2018): 929–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiy095.

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10

Haque, Adil Ahmad. "Law and Morality at War." Criminal Law and Philosophy 8, no. 1 (June 30, 2012): 79–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11572-012-9165-x.

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11

HURKA, THOMAS. "Proportionality in the Morality of War." Philosophy Public Affairs 33, no. 1 (January 2005): 34–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1088-4963.2005.00024.x.

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12

Lazar, Seth. "Authorization and The Morality of War." Australasian Journal of Philosophy 94, no. 2 (June 3, 2015): 211–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00048402.2015.1050680.

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13

Harbour, Frances V. "Book Review: On War and Morality." Armed Forces & Society 16, no. 3 (April 1990): 453–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x9001600309.

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14

Watkins, Hanne M. "The Morality of War: A Review and Research Agenda." Perspectives on Psychological Science 15, no. 2 (January 31, 2020): 231–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1745691619885872.

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What is judged as morally right and wrong in war? I argue that despite many decades of research on moral psychology and the psychology of intergroup conflict, social psychology does not yet have a good answer to this question. However, it is a question of great importance because its answer has implications for decision-making in war, public policy, and international law. I therefore suggest a new way for psychology researchers to study the morality of war that combines the strengths of philosophical just-war theory with experimental techniques and theories developed for the psychological study of morality more generally. This novel approach has already begun to elucidate the moral judgments third-party observers make in war, and I demonstrate that these early findings have important implications for moral psychology, just-war theory, and the understanding of the morality of war.
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15

Doyle, Tsarina. "Nietzsche’s Ethics and his War on ‘Morality’." International Philosophical Quarterly 41, no. 1 (2001): 116–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ipq200141174.

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16

Bailey, Tom. "Nietzsche’s Ethics and his War on ‘Morality’." New Nietzsche Studies 5, no. 1 (2002): 161–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/newnietzsche200251/214.

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17

Henriksen, Anders, and Jens Ringsmose. "Drone warfare and morality in riskless war." Global Affairs 1, no. 3 (May 27, 2015): 285–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23340460.2015.1080042.

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18

Mangat, Rupinder, Simon Dalby, and Matthew Paterson. "Divestment discourse: war, justice, morality and money." Environmental Politics 27, no. 2 (December 12, 2017): 187–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09644016.2017.1413725.

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19

Crittenden, P. "Nietzsche's Ethics and his War on 'Morality'." Australasian Journal of Philosophy 80, no. 2 (June 2002): 244. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/713659397.

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20

McMahan, Jeff. "Précis: The Morality and Law of War." Israel Law Review 40, no. 3 (2007): 670–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021223700013492.

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The following commentaries are responses to the rough drafts of six lectures—the Hourani Lectures—that I delivered at the University of Buffalo in November of 2006. This draft manuscript is being extensively revised and expanded for publication by Oxford University Press as a book provisionally called The Morality and Law of War. Even though in January 2007 the book was still both unpolished and incomplete, David Enoch at that time generously organized a workshop at the Law School of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem to discuss its ideas and arguments. George Fletcher chaired the meeting and Re'em Segev, Yuval Shany, and Noam Zohar all presented superb commentaries. The following papers have all grown out of that memorable occasion.
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21

Miller, Richard B. "On War and Morality. Robert L. Holmes." Journal of Religion 71, no. 4 (October 1991): 607–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/488748.

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22

O'Brien, Mike. "Morality in asymmetric war and intervention operations." RUSI Journal 147, no. 5 (October 2002): 40–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071840208446814.

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23

Lugo, Luis E. "International Obligations and the Morality of War." Society 44, no. 6 (October 5, 2007): 109–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12115-007-9021-0.

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24

Dipert, Randall. "Preventive War and the Epistemological Dimension of the Morality of War." Journal of Military Ethics 5, no. 1 (March 1, 2006): 32–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15027570500465728.

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25

McMahan, Jeff, and Robert McKim. "The Just War and The Gulf War." Canadian Journal of Philosophy 23, no. 4 (December 1993): 501–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00455091.1993.10717333.

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Discussions of the morality of the Gulf War have tended to embrace the traditional theory of the just war uncritically and to apply its tenets in a mechanical and unimaginative fashion. We believe, by contrast, that careful reflection of the Gulf War reveals that certain principles of the traditional theory are oversimplifications that require considerable refinement. Our aims, therefore, are both practical and theoretical. We hope to contribute to a better understanding of the ethics both of war in general and of the Gulf War in particular.
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26

Law, Kian Aun. "Neglected influences of wisdom of Sun Zi’s Art of War on corporate leadership." Global Journal of Psychology Research: New Trends and Issues 11, no. 1 (March 31, 2021): 31–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.18844/gjpr.v11i1.4773.

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The prevailing perspectives on Sun Zi’s Art of War are predominantly strategic and limit leadership to implemented actions. This study seeks to examine the framework of an understanding of leadership actions and wisdom of Sun Zi’s Art of War, including the values, ethics and morals. The qualitative design was used and semi-structured interviews were used in this study to answer the research questions. The inductive analysis on the participants’ responses shows that their wisdom or deep knowledge and understanding are dependent on moral influences (Dao) such as being patient, doing away with inner greed, honesty and fairness, morality and a strategic mindset. Specifically, the themes of the influences are pointed primarily to the ethics and moral dimensions and secondly to the strategic dimension. This study has implications for extending research of roles of ethics and morality of Sun Zi’s Art of War on leadership effectiveness. Keywords: Sun-Zi’s Art of War, ethics and morality, corporate leadership and inductive analysis.
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27

Westra, Laura. "On War and Innocence." Dialogue 25, no. 4 (1986): 735–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0012217300049635.

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In this paper I propose to examine a notion often used in assessing the morality of war: “innocence”. Assessments of innocence within this context range from Nagel's straightforward working definition of ”currently harmless”, to Richard Wasserstrom's painstakingly legalistic assessment, to Anscombe's definition and discussion of innocence and responsibility.
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28

Makang, Jean-Marie. "Review of "The Morality of War (2nd ed.)"." Essays in Philosophy 16, no. 1 (2014): 106–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.7710/1526-0569.1527.

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29

Hecht, Lisa. "Law and Morality at War Adil Ahmad Haque *." International Review of the Red Cross 100, no. 907-909 (April 2018): 445–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1816383119000304.

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30

Hanson, Jim. "THE POLITICAL SOCIOLOGY OF COLD WAR AMERICAN MORALITY." International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy 16, no. 1/2 (January 1996): 88–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/eb013242.

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31

Wicks, Robert. "Nietzsche's Ethics and His War on 'Morality' (review)." Journal of the History of Philosophy 39, no. 3 (2001): 450–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hph.2003.0135.

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32

Primoratz, Igor. "Innocent Civilians: The Morality of Killing in War." Contemporary Political Theory 3, no. 3 (December 2004): 363–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.cpt.9300151.

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33

Whetham, David. "Morality and War: Can War Be Just in the Twenty-first Century?" Journal of Military Ethics 11, no. 1 (March 2012): 75–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15027570.2012.674246.

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34

Wood, Nathan G. "Deploying Racist Soldiers: A critical take on the `right intention' requirement of Just War Theory." KRITERION – Journal of Philosophy 32, no. 1 (January 1, 2018): 53–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/krt-2018-320104.

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Abstract In a recent article Duncan Purves, Ryan Jenkins, and B.J. Strawser argue that in order for a decision in war to be just, or indeed the decision to resort to war to be just, it must be the case that the decision is made for the right reasons. Furthermore, they argue that this requirement holds regardless of how much good is produced by said action. In this essay I argue that their argument is awed, in that it mistakes what makes an agent morally good for what makes an act morally good. I argue that the main thrust of Purves et al.'s argument in fact undermines the conclusion they wish to draw, and that the reasons for one's action do not make an in principle difference to the morality of actions in war. I further argue that this position undermines the traditional ad bellum just war constraint of right intention, and that the morality of actions in war is, at core, only concerned with outcomes. I conclude by clarifying that one's reasons for action do in fact matter when deciding to enter war or kill in war, but only because one's reasons significantly impact the way in which one acts. The purpose of this paper is to clear the theoretical space by showing why intentions/reasons do not in principle matter when assessing the morality of war (or killing), but this should not be taken as an argument that we should ignore intentions/reasons altogether
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35

McMAHAN, JEFF. "Individual Liability in War: A Response to Fabre, Leveringhaus and Tadros." Utilitas 24, no. 2 (May 22, 2012): 278–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0953820812000131.

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This article is a response to commentaries on my book, Killing in War, by Cécile Fabre, Alex Leveringhaus and Victor Tadros. It discusses the implications of the approach I have defended for the morality of war for such issues as internecine killing in war, humanitarian intervention and the bases of individual liability to attack in war.
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36

Crew, Hilary. "Revisiting the Vietnam War: Chris Lynch’s Vietnam Series and the Morality of War." ALAN Review 44, no. 2 (December 21, 2017): 59–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.21061/alan.v44i2.a.7.

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37

Benbaji, Yitzhak, Amir Falk, and Yuval Feldman. "Commonsense Morality and the Ethics of Killing in War: An Experimental Survey of the Israeli Population." Law & Ethics of Human Rights 9, no. 2 (November 1, 2015): 195–227. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/lehr-2015-0009.

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Abstract The morality of killing in war, which has been the subject of debate among philosophers and legal scholars, focuses on two main approaches: the “traditional” and the “revisionist.” The traditional approach argues for symmetry: soldiers of both sides are liable to be killed, whether or not the war they fight is just; civilians are immune from being harmed whether or not they are responsible for the evil against which the just side fights. Recently this approach has been challenged by a revisionist viewpoint, which derives the morality of killing in war from facts concerning the responsibility of individuals for wrongful threats. Killing soldiers, who fight a just war, is morally impermissible, whereas in certain cases killing civilians who are involved in an unjust aggression is permissible. The present study uses an experimental survey to examine whether moral attitudes toward targeting individuals in war are shaped by the factors underlying this debate: the cause of the war, the status of the targeted individuals as soldiers or civilians, and their involvement in the war effort. Respondents comprised a representative sample of the Jewish population in Israel. Our findings reveal a complex interplay between the factors, demonstrating the relevance of each factor to moral judgments. Notably, participants did not consider decisions on the battlefield to be independent of the justification of the war, a result which is consistent with the revisionist approach. We discuss the potential consequences of our findings on the understanding of commonsense morality and on the law. We also suggest that concepts derived from the social-psychological literature concerning moral self-regulation may help explain some of our findings.
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38

SHUE, HENRY. "Laws of War, Morality, and International Politics: Compliance, Stringency, and Limits." Leiden Journal of International Law 26, no. 2 (May 3, 2013): 271–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156513000046.

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AbstractA person with moral commitments can respect International Humanitarian Law (IHL) only if the permissions granted by it do not depart radically from their basic morality, but the features of contemporary war require considerable departures from morality in the content of any rules applicable to war. The features of the contemporary international political arena, in turn, and especially the dominant interpretation of sovereignty, require that IHL be the same for all parties. But, contrary to the arguments of some influential analytic philosophers, such ‘symmetry’ in the laws need not involve their content's departing excessively from basic morality. Insisting on the same rules for all, however, leads to the problem that, other things equal, the more stringent the content of a set of rules, the greater the temptation on the part of self-interested parties to flout the rules. However, a hard-headed view of IHL requires no concessions to terrorists or anti-terrorists.
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39

Peach, Lucinda J. "An Alternative to Pacifism? Feminism and Just-War Theory." Hypatia 9, no. 2 (1994): 152–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.1994.tb00438.x.

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Only rarely have feminist theorists addressed the adequacy of just-war theory, a set of/principles developed over hundreds of years to assess the justice of going to war and the morality of conduct in war. Recently, a few feminist scholars have found just-war theory inadequate, yet their own counterproposals are also deficient. I assess feminist contributions to just-war theorizingand suggest ways of strengthening, rather than abandoning, this moral approach to war.
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40

Warnock, Baroness Mary. "Bioethics: The Dangers of Rhetoric." Cambridge Quarterly of Healthcare Ethics 2, no. 2 (1993): 127–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963180100000815.

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After the second World War, a cliché was repeated so often as to provoke, I fear, either yawns or giggles: “our moral sense was lagging behind our technical invention,” i.e., science had, as it were, outstripped morality. In those days, of course, the bogey scientists thought to have left morality behind were physicists, especially those who had made possible the nuclear bomb. A wholly new kind of war weapon did indeed seem to have changed the world and to require a new dimension of moral thought and moral philosophy, if we were not all to be destroyed.
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41

O'Neill, J. C. "Adolf von Harnack and the entry of the German state into war, July–August 1914." Scottish Journal of Theology 55, no. 1 (February 2002): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s003693060200011x.

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Adolf von Harnack, perhaps the most influential theologian of the twentieth century, helped the Kaiser to draft his Call to the German People of 6 August 1914, and almost certainly knew that the Kaiser, the Chancellor, and the German army planned to precipitate war that month. Despite that knowledge, Harnack always maintained that Russia and France launched the war. He drew a sharp distinction between private morality and state morality, and asserted that law played no part in either. One and the same spirit rules in history and in us. The dangers of love without law.
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42

Ott, David H. "Law and morality in Israel's war with the PLO." International Affairs 68, no. 3 (July 1992): 559. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2623046.

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43

Mannies, Whitney. "Denis Diderot on War and Peace: Nature and Morality." Araucaria, no. 32 (2014): 155–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/araucaria.2014.i32.08.

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44

Fennell, James. "Hope Suspended: Morality, Politics and War in Central Africa." Disasters 22, no. 2 (June 1998): 96–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-7717.00079.

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45

Modongal, Shameer. "Law and Morality at War by Adil Ahmad Haque." Human Rights Review 20, no. 1 (December 6, 2018): 129–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12142-018-0541-3.

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46

Chehtman, Alejandro. "Adil Haque: Law and Morality at War (OUP, 2017)." Criminal Law and Philosophy 13, no. 4 (April 11, 2019): 673–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11572-019-09490-z.

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47

Spoerl, Joseph. "JIHAD AND JUST WAR." Levantine Review 2, no. 2 (December 15, 2013): 159. http://dx.doi.org/10.6017/lev.v2i2.5362.

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This paper attempts to demonstrate that the differences between the Western and Islamic traditions on the ethics of warfare run far deeper than what traditional scholarship suggests. The present study focuses on three main areas: the sources of our knowledge of morality, the objectives of warfare, and the principle of non-­combatant immunity. We shall see that these three topics are inter-­connected, and also that understanding the classical Islamic law of war is essential to understanding the ideology and allure of contemporary Islamism.
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48

Pattison, James. "THE MORALITY OF SANCTIONS." Social Philosophy and Policy 32, no. 1 (2015): 192–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052515000138.

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Abstract:Economic sanctions have been subject to extensive criticism. They are often seen as indiscriminate, intending the harms that they inflict, and using the suffering of the innocent as a means to enact policy change. Indeed, some reject outright the permissibility of economic sanctions. By contrast, in this essay, I defend the case for economic sanctions. I argue that sanctions are not necessarily morally problematic and, in doing so, argue that sanctions are less morally problematic than is often claimed. I go on to argue that sanctions may sometimes be morally preferable to the leading alternatives and, in particular, to wars and doing nothing. This is in part because sanctions are more likely to distribute fairly the currently inevitable harms to innocents of tackling aggression and mass atrocities. In the final part of the essay, I draw on this point to argue more generally that that we should often favor a “Harm-Distribution Approach” in the ethics of war and peace.
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49

Tsibizova, Irina. "HYPERMORALITY, PECALARITIES OF POST-MODERN IDEOLOGIES AND THE INFORMATIONAL WARS." Filosofiya Referativnyi Zhurnal, no. 3 (2022): 78–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/rphil/2022.03.12.

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50

Saldukaitytė, Jolanta. "Levinas and Responsibility in the Face of Violence: A View from Lithuania." Religions 13, no. 2 (February 21, 2022): 185. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel13020185.

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This paper is an exploration of the possibility of responsibility in the face of violence. Invoking choices made within the Holocaust experience, the paper shows how, from Levinas’ perspective, morality and humanity are tested. First, violence interrupts a person’s integrity and forces upon him/her choices he/she would otherwise not make. Second, war as the ultimate form of violence alleges the introduction of a “new morality” to justify its atrocities. Yet, this is belied because morality cannot be defined solely by ontology or epistemology and needs to account for vulnerability and passivity. Recognizing that moral responsibility is conjoined with vulnerability reveals it to be deeper than the logic promulgated by war. This is confirmed by an analysis of Cain’s question, which shows that evil arises by ignoring the face of the other, by a secondary effort to displace the primacy of being for-the-other.
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