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Journal articles on the topic 'MONUMENT INSCRIPTION'
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1
Gygax, Marc Domingo, and Werner Tietz. "‘He who of all mankind set up the most numerous trophies to Zeus’ The Inscribed Pillar of Xanthos reconsidered." Anatolian Studies 55 (December 2005): 89–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066154600000661.
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AbstractThe Inscribed Pillar of Xanthos remains one of the most enigmatic monuments of ancient Lycia. This article addresses the problem of the monument's authorship, but tries also to shed some light on the relative chronology of its inscriptions (a Greek epigram, a long inscription in Lycian A and a short Lycian B inscription), the relationship between the decorative sculptures of the monument and the content of the inscriptions, the political intention of the Lycian A text, and the significance of the Greek epigram for our understanding of the process of Greek acculturation. We argue that the Pillar results from the interventions of different individuals at different times and its overall design, therefore, does not represent a single and unified concept. Viewed from this perspective, several aspects of the monument, while apparently inconsistent at first glance, reveal their own ‘consistency’, which allows us to resolve the contradictions of previous interpretations.
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Laflı, Ergün, and Maurizio Buora. "The memory of Sulla in Ephesus." Cercetări Arheologice 30, no. 1 (June 30, 2023): 61–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.46535/ca.30.1.04.
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In this brief paper, we focus on the monument of C. Memmius and its inscription in Ephesus in western Turkey. C. Memmius was the grandson of Sulla and was mentioned in the inscription of this Ephesian monument as the epigraph of the dedicatee. After discussing the monument’s function, dating and inscription from different perspectives, in the concluding part, we refer to the positive memory of Sulla in Asia Minor, especially in Ephesus.
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Šačić Beća, Amra. "Klesarske greške na antičkim epigrafskim spomenicima sarajevske regije / Stonecutters’ mistakes in ancient epigraphicmonuments from the Sarajevo region." Journal of BATHINVS Association ACTA ILLYRICA / Godišnjak Udruženja BATHINVS ACTA ILLYRICA Online ISSN 2744-1318, no. 4 (December 23, 2020): 223–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.54524/2490-3930.2020.223.
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There are only a few epigraphic monuments discovered within the Sarajevo region. The text provides a table that clearly shows that, as expected, the majority of these monuments are of sepulchral character. In the research process, the focus was on the analysis of inscriptions with notable stonemasonry mistakes. Namely, four inscriptions contained elements that suggested stone-cutting mistakes. The analysis showed that three out of four inscriptions contained stonemasonry mistakes. On the other hand, the fourth monument, an instrumentum domesticum, contained no such mistake, although its mistake is the result of the contemporary test reconstruction. The monuments with inscription mistakes were discovered in different locations – Gradac between Pazarić and Hadžići (CIL III, 08375 = CIL III, 12749), Krivoglavci near Vogošća (AE 2006, 1022), and Ilidža (AE 2004, 1110 = AE 1980, 069). Following the analysis of the selected samples, it is unquestionable that there are quite many mistakes on a relatively small sample, as well as certain oversights in contemporary text reconstructions or readings. In the inscription from Gradac, the word filia was carved in accusative singular filiam instead of dative filiae. The second mistake on the same inscription was that the incorrect word diffunctam was carved instead of dative singular defunctae. On the other hand, in the inscription from Krivoglavci, the stonecutter replaced the number of years of the deceased with the number of months. Moreover, the letter D was carved instead of the letter T in the word et in the same inscription. In the third inscription, the stonecutter unnecessarily used the word con. It is evident that future research of ancient epigraphy should revise the readings of the monuments discovered in the inland of the Roman province of Dalmatia.
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Petridou, Georgia. "Artemidi to ichnos: divine feet and hereditary priesthood in Pisidian Pogla." Anatolian Studies 59 (December 2009): 81–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066154600000909.
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AbstractThis paper examines an unpublished dedicatory inscription to Artemis (Ephesia?), which was found in Pogla in Pisidia by S. Mitchell. The dedication seems to have accompanied a sculptured bare foot or a foot with a sandal, which has not survived. The inscription is set against a whole set of feet- and footwear-related monuments and dedicatory inscriptions from the nearby regions with special emphasis on similar dedications from Termessos. Moreover, the present paper examines the relationship between the Pogla dedication and another dedicatory monument in honour of Artemis Ephesia (in all likelihood from Cremna), which was first published and discussed by G.H.R Horsley in 1992.
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Mérai, Dóra. "Memories Carved in the Wall : A 16th-Century Type of Funerary Monuments in Transylvania." Hungarian Archaeology 10, no. 1 (2021): 41–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.36338/ha.2021.1.3.
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Graves for the deceased were usually cut into the floor of churches, created in churchyard cemeteries or in the newly established public cemeteries in Transylvania in the sixteenth century. Not all graves were marked with stone funerary monuments. Wooden memorials were presumably widespread, but no contemporary sources inform about these. Grave markers from the cemeteries are simple or coped headstones and coffin-shape stones, preserved for example in Cluj (Kolozsvár) and Târgu Mureş (Marosvásárhely). These gravestones display commemorative inscriptions and simple imagery. A funerary inscription recently discovered in Ocna Mureş (Marosújvár) was carved into an ashlar within the external buttress supporting the choir of the church. This stone bearing an inscription represents a specific type of funerary monument from early modern Transylvania, most examples of which are known from Cluj. The paper presents these stone memorials: who and why chose this form of commemorating the dead.
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Klonatos, Vasileios A. "The donor inscription of the Monastery of Lefkai (Euboea): new evidence for a μαρμαράριος of the middle byzantine period." Byzantinische Zeitschrift 114, no. 3 (September 1, 2021): 1205–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bz-2021-0059.
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Abstract The present article focuses on the dedicatory inscription of St Charalambos, the katholikon of the Lefkai monastery in the village of Avlonari in Euboea. The inscription dates back to the second building phase of the monument, between 1143-1180. Pantelis Zographos was the first researcher who dealt with the dedicatory inscription, making however fundamental mistakes. He was followed by Johannes Koder in 1973. All subsequent researchers adopted and followed Koder’s interpretation. On the basis of new information, an amendment and new reading of the inscription are proposed which lead to a new marble carver’s signature, that of Κοσμᾶς ὁ μαρμαράριος in the dedicatory inscription. Inscriptions with the name of a stone or marble carver from the Middle Byzantine period in Greece are, up to this point, extremely rare.
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Chase, Cynthia. "Monument and Inscription: Wordsworth's "Lines"." Diacritics 17, no. 4 (1987): 66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/465013.
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Dirkse, P., and H. I. M. Defoer. "Het grafmonument van Jan van Scorel." Oud Holland - Quarterly for Dutch Art History 100, no. 3-4 (1986): 171–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187501786x00430.
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AbstractJan van Scorel was the only one of the painters of note of the I6th ard I7th centuries to whom an imposing monument was erected. He owed this not to his fame as a painter, but to his capacity as Canon of the Chapter of St. Mary's, Utrecht, an office conferred on him by Pope Adriaen vl in I628. The monument was already lost during the first stage of the demolition of the church in I712 and was known only from descriptions by Arnold Buchelius, notably that in his Monumenta of I592 (Note I), while the inscriptions on it are also mentioned by Van Mander (Note 2). The description in Buchelius' Monumenta is accompanied by a rough sketch (Fig. I), in the centre of which appears an empty tondo, where there is said once to have been a portrait of Scorel by Antonie Mor, the surround of which was in Bentheim stone. One of the texts is said to have been carved on the wall, the others on the floor. Carel van Mander also speaks of a portrait of Scorel painted by Mor in I560, two years before his death, and records the inscription on it. It is generally agreed that the portrait is that by Mor now in the Society of Antiquaries in London (Fig.2, Note 5). This still bears part of the text cited by Van Mander, while examination by infrared reflectography in 1977 revealed a further part ofit, the remainder presumably appearing on the frame (Note 6) . This examination also reavealed the date 1559. In I984 three fragments of Namur stone were unearthed from the garden of the Old Catholic Almoner's House on Mariahoek (Fig.3) . The fragmentary inscriptions on these proved them to be part of Scorel's tombstone, namely two pieces from the left side and one from the top right corner (Fig. 4). This find also proved that the interpretations of Buchelius' description as a wall monument in the Italian style with a sarcophagus under the portrait (Notes 7, 8), were incorrect and that it actually comprised a combination of a wall monument in Bentheim stone and a tombstone in Namur stone. Carved on the latter in low relief is a sarcophagus with vases at the corners and pilaster legs, which has an inscription between garlands at the top and gadrooning below. The sarcophagus rests on a base with a long inscription between two pilasters decorated with grotesques and on either side a putto with an inverted torch. The find proves that Buchelius' drawing is only a rough sketch and certainly not correct in every detail and the same must be true oj the surround of the tondo.
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Fales, F. M., and R. Del Fabbro. "BACK TO SENNACHERIB'S AQUEDUCT AT JERWAN: A REASSESSMENT OF THE TEXTUAL EVIDENCE." Iraq 76 (December 2014): 65–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/irq.2014.8.
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The aqueduct in limestone blocks at Jerwan in the present day Dohuk region of Iraqi Kurdistan is one of the most imposing monuments erected by the Assyrian king Sennacherib (704–681 b.c.) as part of his vast hydraulic program for Nineveh. This aqueduct, subject of a precise and innovative, albeit brief, investigation by Thorkild Jacobsen and Seton Lloyd in 1933, was re-examined in September 2012 by the two authors with an eye to the cuneiform texts engraved on the stone surfaces. The present study is aimed at a survey of the various specimens of royal inscriptions A–C, in their various occurrences and in relation to the architectural features of the monument; specifically, a new geographical analysis of inscription B is suggested. An updated contextual overview is provided of the approximately 200 inscribed blocks bearing so-called “inscription D”, benefitting from new collations. Finally, working hypotheses are presented on the probable place of origin of this text, and on the historical phase in which the puzzling placement of its written components could have taken place.
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Andres, Christopher R., Christophe Helmke, Shawn G. Morton, Gabriel D. Wrobel, and Jason J. González. "Contextualizing the Glyphic Texts of Tipan Chen Uitz, Cayo District, Belize." Latin American Antiquity 25, no. 1 (March 2014): 46–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.7183/1045-6635.25.1.46.
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The 2011 investigations of the Caves Branch Archaeological Survey at the large and recently documented Maya site of Tipan Chen Uitz resulted in the discovery of the site's first monument with a glyphic inscription. Prior to this discovery, the site's glyphic corpus was limited to a small collection of texts rendered on fragmentary ceramics. In this paper, we describe these sherds as well as the monument (Monument 1), report on their archaeological contexts, provide an epigraphic analysis of the texts, and consider these written sources relative to our growing understanding of Tipan and its place in the ancient political landscape. The discovery of Monument 1 is important, for it stands to contribute to sociopolitical reconstructions in this part of the central Maya Lowlands and has significant implications for the possible presence of other, as yet undiscovered, Late Classic period (A.D. 550-830) monuments at Tipan.
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Edwards, Nancy. "Rethinking the pillar of Eliseg." Antiquaries Journal 89 (May 22, 2009): 143–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003581509000018.
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AbstractThe Pillar of Eliseg, originally an ambitious round-shafted cross, stands on a barrow near the Cistercian abbey of Valle Crucis. It was carved with a lengthy inscription, now illegible, but transcribed in 1696 by Edward Lhuyd. Two copies have survived, enabling a reconsideration of the significance of the inscription. This article reassesses the history of the monument, its archaeological context, form and function. The inscription shows that the cross was erected by Concenn, ruler of Powys (dad854), to honour his great-grandfather, Eliseg, who had expelled the Anglo-Saxons from this part of Powys. The inscription also links the rulers of Powys with the Roman usurper Magnus Maximus and the sub-Roman ruler Guarthigirn. It is argued that the inscription was intended to be read out loud and that the monument was an important piece of public propaganda erected at a time when the kingdom of Powys was severely under threat.
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Jones, C. P. "A monument from Sinope." Journal of Hellenic Studies 108 (November 1988): 193–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/632643.
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In the course of investigating the Pontic region under Byzantium, Anthony Bryer and David Winfield have rescued from oblivion a monument from Sinope of much earlier date. 'Excavations for a gas pump not far west of the walls. . . brought to light an altar made of a stumpy fluted Doric column. A clean-cut inscription carved on two successive flutings reads:ΔΕΛΦΙΝΙοΣΟΡΓΙΑΛΕΟΣ
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Wright, Brian J. "The First-Century Inscription of Quintus Sulpicius Maximus: An Initial Catalog of Lexical Parallels with the New Testament." Bulletin for Biblical Research 27, no. 1 (January 1, 2017): 53–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/bullbiblrese.27.1.0053.
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Abstract This study is an examination of a first-century funerary monument. The study begins by describing the monument, supplying the bilingual inscription, and offering an English translation. From there, the study examines the monument in relation to the NT by way of lexical parallels. I argue that the broad lexical overlap between this inscription and the NT enhances our understanding of lexicography in the first century AD, while possibly shedding light on many important words, passages, and larger portions of the canonical NT. By offering a modest collection of parallels, this study also highlights the importance of incorporating additional types of evidence for understanding the socioreligious environment during the time of the NT.
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Trygstad, Anne. "The Järsta Stone." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 100, no. 1 (January 1985): 9–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/462197.
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One of the most puzzling of eleventh-century runic inscriptions appears on the Järsta stone, a commemorative monument from Sweden. Its major features—the text band, zoomorphic ornamentation, and shape—unite to form a balanced and harmonious whole. Past interpretations of the Järsta inscription accord neither with the general grammatical, orthographic and formulaic conventions of Uppland commemorative stones nor with the particular variations typical of the carver, Asmund Karasun. A careful consideration of the artistic design suggests that Asmund intended this inscription to be read in a sequence quite different from that proposed by past scholars. This new reading conforms to Asmund's characteristic orthography and phraseology, as we know them from his many other stones, and follows the patterns of formulation traditional to runic carving.
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Sundberg, Jeffrey Roger. "Considerations on the dating of the Barabudur stūpa: introduction to the problem." Bijdragen tot de taal-, land- en volkenkunde / Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences of Southeast Asia 162, no. 1 (2008): 95–132. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134379-90003675.
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Given its prominence as one of the largest and certainly the most elaborately decorated Buddhist stūpas in the world, it is regrettable that a foundation inscription giving a firm date, name, or patron for the Barabudur monument has never been found. In the absence of a foundation inscription, a number of scholars have proposed and examined a variety of dating indicators. This article assesses past efforts to attempt a dating of the Barabu∂ur monument, and offers a new hypothesis on the dating and founder.
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Bekzhan, O. "The Word of the Genius Turkic Sage Kutluk." Turkology 4, no. 102 (October 15, 2020): 9–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.47526/2020/2664-3162.001.
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The Tonyukuk inscription is located 60 km east of the capital of Mongolia Ulaanbaatar, near the Tula River. The written monument was first found in 1897 by E.N. Klements and introduced into scientific circulation. The first print was made and photographed in 1898. In the same year V.V. Radlov read and made a transcription and translation of the inscription. In 1951 S.E. Malov supplemented the work of V.V. Radlov in Russian and included the text in the collection of runic inscriptions. G. Aydarov conducted a study in the Kazakh language and published a book. We read this sign in this inscription as YN, and according to this sign the name of the chief vizier was read as Toynukuk. The first researchers suggested that this sign was a kind of sound N. Therefore, the name of the chief vizier Elteris Kagan was read as Tonyukuk in Russian and Toynukuk in Kazakh. There were many unsolved mysteries in the written monument. Because the former researchers tried to solve the problem as best they could, according to their levels of knowledge. In the article, for the first time, many new words were read, written in complex graphemes and signs of continuous consonants, which are pronounced as YR, RK. The words 'UYRILIU and URKY' were designated by these signs. It also turned out that Tonyukuk's name is KUTLUK, and the correct reading of the title of the post was previously Shad - SHATDUK.
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Cecil, Elizabeth A., and Mekhola Gomes. "Kāma at the Kadamba Court." Indo-Iranian Journal 64, no. 1 (March 29, 2021): 10–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15728536-06401007.
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Abstract In March 1971, B.R. Gopal discovered a partially buried pillar with visible inscribed writing in the village of Guḍnāpur in Karnataka. The monument has since become known as the Guḍnāpur Pillar Inscription of Ravivarman (ca. 465–500 CE) after the ruler of the early Kadamba kingdom who commissioned it. The inscription preserves a compelling historical record that details the intersections of religious and political performance at the Kadamba court as centered around a temple to Kāma constructed within the confines of the royal residence at Vaijayantī (Banavasi), and the distribution of agrarian lands to support its maintenance. This study presents a new translation and analysis of the text and a discussion of the pillar as a ‘text-monument’ that was both embedded within and constitutive of landscapes: physical and built as well as rhetorical and imagined. By presenting the Guḍnāpur inscription as a text-monument situated within multiple landscapes, the article reveals how documentary, donative, religious, and agrarian practices supported state-making in an early South Indian kingdom.
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Salmedin, Mesihović, and Mirza Kapetanović. "Novopronađeni epigrafski spomenik princepsa Mezeja u Jajcu / The newly discovered epigraphic monument of the princeps of the Maezaei in Jajce." Journal of BATHINVS Association ACTA ILLYRICA / Godišnjak Udruženja BATHINVS ACTA ILLYRICA Online ISSN 2744-1318, no. 6 (December 28, 2022): 139–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.54524/2490-3930.2022.139.
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In the summer of 2021. a new epigraphic monument was found in the immediate vicinity of the town of Jajce. It mentions Dasius, princeps of illyrian nation Maezeiand a priest of the imperial cult. In addition to the inscription, there is a beautifully made relief of a man with a saddled horse on the monument. Judging by the context of the find, the location where it was found is not its primary location. The inscription was probably used in earlier centuries in the construction of mosques or churches that were demolished in 1992 or 1993, and then that material was dislocated to the location where it was found. This valuable inscription provides an insight into the administrative and institutional structure of the Maezei civitas, about which no data have been available so far.
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Ragazzoli, Chloé. "Secondary epigraphy in the North Asasif tombs: The "restoration label" of Paser in Khety's tomb TT 311, year 17 of Ramesses II." Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean, no. 30/1 (December 31, 2021): 215–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/uw.2083-537x.pam30.1.06.
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Recent work by the Polish mission in Asasif brought to light 11 fragments of an inscription in the name of the vizier Paser, found inside the chapel, the cult space of Khety’s tomb (TT 311). The fragments, along with two found earlier and exhibited in the Metropolitan Museum in New York, form an almost complete inscription, which sheds light on Paser’s self-fashioning as a scholar and a kind of Khaemwaset of the South. This hieroglyphic graffito can be considered as a restoration label in the name of Paser on a monument of an illustrious predecessor. By raising himself to the level of his eminent ancestors whose monuments marked the sacred landscape of his time, Paser demonstrated his scholarship and social pre-eminence close to the king.
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Lambert, S. D. "The Greek inscriptions on stone in the collection of the British School at Athens." Annual of the British School at Athens 95 (November 2000): 485–516. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245400004779.
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This article publishes or republishes the 23 Greek inscriptions on stone in the collection of the British School at Athens. The majority are Attic, but also included are five stones from Melos and one each from Anthedon in Boeotia, Aegina(?), Epirus and Thera. Two of the inscriptions, an Attic funerary monument and an Aeginetan(?) fragment, receive their first editions here. In addition, of the eight which have associated reliefs, six are fully published for the first time. Most of the already published items have also yielded something new of interest. An appendix presents the first edition (from the papers of George Finlay) of a short inscription once in his collection.
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Stauder-Porchet, Julie. "Harkhuf’s Autobiographical Inscriptions. A study in Old Kingdom Monumental Rhetoric." Zeitschrift für Ägyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde 147, no. 1 (May 26, 2020): 57–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zaes-2020-0027.
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SummaryHarkhuf’s facade, inscribed with diverse types of texts, is a unitary composition. Inscriptional layout on that facade is highly complex and contributes directly to the rhetoric of the texts as inscriptions. The facade inscribes royal agency at the place, in the far south, that is farthest away from the Memphite center. Patterns of motion, out of the Valley and back to the Residence, are emphasized spatially on the wall. Along with an episodic narrative mode in the event autobiography, inscribed royal speech set Harkhuf and his monument as examples for posterity. As other facades subsequently inscribed at Qubbet el-Hawa demonstrate, this example was emulated indeed.Part I. Texts, genres, formsThe architrave: offering formulae, ideal autobiography and other ritual textsRight and left sides of facade: expanded titulary and event autobiographyThe outer right of the facade: the royal letterPart II. The inscribed facadeVerbal rhetoric: the facade as a unitary inscriptionInscriptional layout on the facadeThe inscription as an eventHarkhuf’s reception and emulation in inscribed facades at Qubbet al-Hawa
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Thonemann, P. "The Women of Akmoneia." Journal of Roman Studies 100 (July 5, 2010): 163–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075435810000110.
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ABSTRACTThis article is the first publication of a Greek inscription from Akmoneia in Phrygia, dated to a.d. 6/7. The monument is an honorific stele for a priestess by the name of Tatia, and was voted by a body of ‘Greek and Roman women’. As a document of collective political activity by a female corporate group, the inscription has no real parallels in either the Greek or Roman world. The monument is set in the context of the Roman mercantile presence in central Phrygia in the late Republican and early Imperial periods, and some proposals are offered concerning the identity and significance of the honouring body.
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Richter, Sandra L. "The Place of the Name in Deuteronomy." Vetus Testamentum 57, no. 3 (2007): 342–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853307x215518.
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AbstractThe location of Deuteronomy's central sanctuary is an old and important question. This article revisits the question via the lens of the oft' repeated deuteronomic phrase, lĕšakkēn šĕmô šām. Recent research indicates that this phrase is a loan-adaptation of Akkadian šuma šakānu, an idiom formulaic to the typology of the Mesopotamian royal monumental tradition, and associated with the inscription and installation of display monuments. Consequently, the frequent description of Deuteronomy's central sanctuary as hammāqôm ,ăšer yibḥar YHWH ,ĕlōhêkā lĕšakkēn šĕmo šām indicates that this place was associated in some manner with an inscribed monument. A survey of the theme of inscribed monuments throughout the Book of Deuteronomy confi rms this proposition, and points to the deuteronomic identity of “the place” as Mount Ebal. Although scholarship has tended to discount the significance of the Ebal tradition to the larger message of the Book of Deuteronomy, the literary, archaeological, epigraphic, and geographical data reviewed here confirm the probability of Ebal as Israel's first central sanctuary, and the installation of Yahweh's monument there as the climax of a critical theme within the book.
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Wallensten, Jenny, and Jari Pakkanen. "A new inscribed statue base from the Sanctuary of Poseidon at Kalaureia." Opuscula. Annual of the Swedish Institutes at Athens and Rome 2 (November 2009): 155–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.30549/opathrom-02-07.
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In the Kalaureia Research Program excavations of 2007 and 2008, four joining blocks of a statue base were unearthed. The monument is a dedication from the polis of Arsinoe in the Peloponnese: its inhabitants offered two statues, of King Ptolemaios and his sisterwife Arsinoe Philadelphos, to Poseidon. The present article publishes the monument and its inscription, and proceeds to present a reconstruction and an attempt at positioning the monument in its historical context.
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Gatzke, Andrea F. "THE GATE COMPLEX OF PLANCIA MAGNA IN PERGE: A CASE STUDY IN READING BILINGUAL SPACE." Classical Quarterly 70, no. 1 (May 2020): 385–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838820000324.
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Urban landscapes in the Roman world were covered in written text, from monumental building inscriptions to smaller, more personal texts of individual accomplishment and commemoration. In the East, Greek dominated these written landscapes, but Latin also appeared with some frequency, especially in places where a larger Roman audience was expected, such as major cities and Roman colonies. When Latin and Greek appear alongside each other, whether in the same inscription or across a single monumental space, we might ask what benefits the sponsor of the monument hoped to gain from such a bilingual presentation, and whether each language was serving the same function. This paper considers the monumental entrance to the Pamphylian city of Perge as a case study for exploring this relationship between bilingual inscriptions and civic space. By surveying the display of both Greek and Latin on this entrance, examining how the entrance interacted with the broader linguistic landscape of Perge, and considering the effects that each language would have had on the viewer, I show that the use of language, and the variation between the languages, served not only to communicate membership in both Greek and Roman societies but also to delineate civic space from imperial space, both physically and symbolically.
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Cifani, Gabriele. "Un nuovo monumento funerario dal suburbio occidentale di Leptis Magna." Libyan Studies 37 (2006): 21–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263718900003988.
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AbstractA funerary monument dating from the second half of the second century ad was discovered in 1997 in the western suburbs of Leptis Magna. The Latin inscription engraved on the monument states that it was dedicated to two brothers, Pompeius Nabor and Pompeius Ba[rea], by their father. The monument is an interesting example of small-scale funerary buildings which imitated the large mausolea of the Tripolitanian interior and which are associated with the middle class citizenry of Leptis.
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Da Riva, Rocío. "The Nabonidus Inscription in Sela (Jordan): Epigraphic Study and Historical Meaning." Zeitschrift für Assyriologie und vorderasiatische Archäologie 110, no. 2 (November 25, 2020): 176–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/za-2020-0018.
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AbstractKing Nabonidus’ (556–539 BCE) military campaigns in the Levant and his long sojourn in Arabia are well known, and evidence of his activities in the area of Udummu (Edom) is found in the impressive cuneiform inscription and relief carved at the site of al-Sila‛ (Sela) in Jordan. The study of the inscription presented here comprises the documentation of the monument, the digital treatment of the data obtained, and the epigraphic, textual and historical analysis of the cuneiform inscription.
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Beu-Dachin, Eugenia, and Adriana Isac. "A votive inscription from Samum set by Publius Aelius Caerialis." Acta Musei Napocensis 56 (December 12, 2019): 195–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.54145/actamn.i.56.10.
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A votive monument discovered in the summer of 2010 in the military vicus of Samum (Cășeiu) attests a new officer of cohors I Britannica, the decurio Publius Aelius Caerialis. The monument was found in a secondary position, abandoned since ancient times. It was dedicated to a group of five deities of the Roman pantheon and it could be linked to a temple.
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Wallensten, Jenny. "The key to Hermione? Notes on an inscribed monument." Opuscula. Annual of the Swedish Institutes at Athens and Rome 14 (November 1, 2021): 169–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.30549/opathrom-14-10.
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This article discusses an inscribed monument found during rescue excavations in the ancient city of Hermione. It provides an editio princeps for the one-word inscription and discusses the symbolism of its relief depiction of a temple key. The examination of the monument is followed by a discussion proposing a new perspective on how to approach the religious milieu of ancient Hermione.
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Kovács, Péter, and Péter Prohászka. "A Roman funerary inscription from Smederevo." Starinar, no. 66 (2016): 59–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/sta1666059k.
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In this short paper the authors publish a Hungarian wartime postcard from Smederevo (Serbia), from 1916. It is reported that a Roman gravestone was found on the banks of the Danube and the text of the lost stone monument was also added. The authors intend to interpret the funerary text that was incorrectly transcribed.
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Graninger, Charles Denver. "New Contexts for the Seuthopolis Inscription (IGBulg 3.2 1731)." Klio 100, no. 1 (July 18, 2018): 178–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/klio-2018-0006.
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Summary The Seuthopolis Inscription (IGBulg 3.2 1731), traditionally regarded in scholarship as an index of the progress of Hellenization in Thrace in the early Hellenistic period or used to establish a historical narrative for the region during that period, is here set against a broader background of late Classical and early Hellenistic political practice in Thrace, in which a developing culture of public inscription played a central role. Two aspects of the Seuthopolis Inscription are treated in detail: first, its oath content; and, second, the relationship of the monument to a broader documentary background.
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Güven, Suna. "Displaying the Res Gestae of Augustus: A Monument of Imperial Image for All." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 57, no. 1 (March 1, 1998): 30–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/991403.
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In the empire-building process of Augustus, visual propaganda played an important role. The public display of the celebrated inscription enumerating the Res Gestae, or achievements, of Augustus served to disseminate the imperial image simultaneously in Rome and in the remote highlands of Anatolia in the east. The message and intended meaning of the inscription derived not from content alone but architectonic placement. The article demonstrates the prevalence of mnemonic processes for ancient perception and evaluates the impact of the inscription through placement in a funerary context in Rome and in two precincts of the imperial cult in Anatolia. It is shown that all functioned to persuade and instruct different audiences in the process of creating an imperial image of unity.
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Zilmer, Kristel. "Crosses on Rune-Stones: Functions and Interpretations." Current Swedish Archaeology 19, no. 1 (June 10, 2021): 87–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.37718/csa.2011.08.
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Crosses on Swedish rune-stones have been studied on numerous occasions, mostly in isolation from other features of the monument. This article exam- ines the use of rune-stone crosses with an emphasis upon their varying functions in the total composition of runic monuments. The analysis that combines the level of visual composition with textual elements re- veals different strategies in the display of crosses. Be- sides functioning as externalized Christian markers, crosses could be made to serve various internal (i.e. inscription-based) stylistic, decorative and practical purposes. The role of the cross could be modified ac- cording to particular contexts of usage.
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Gemzøe, Anker. "Kaj Munk’s “De Faldne” – Memorial Poem and Monument Inscription." Scandinavistica Vilnensis 17, no. 1 (July 31, 2023): 45–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/scandinavisticavilnensis.2023.4.
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On 29 August 1943, the Danish government resigned. The German Wehrmacht was to take immediate control of the Danish Army and Navy. Under widespread fighting against this “takeover,” 23 Danish soldiers and two civilians were killed, and a further 53 were wounded. Munk promptly wrote the poem “De Faldne” in memory of the soldiers killed in the assault on the Danish Army and Navy. In Munk’s wartime oeuvre, some dramas, poems and memoir work, implying a subtle, indirect appeal to resistance, have proved to be viable. His “direct” resistance poetry appears to be more time-bound.
“De Faldne,” however, is a special case. It is one of his best “direct,” activist poems. As an inscription on memorials, it is sometimes referred to in ceremonial speeches, but it has remained untreated in the few serious recent readings of Munk’s resistance literature. It is therefore an aim of the present article to fill in a gap. When Munk wrote this memorial poem, he had already – through the open, resolute will to confront the occupiers which he had advocated at every possible occasion after 9 April 1940 – achieved a unique status as a national resistance icon. This status was further cemented when he himself joined the ranks of “De Faldne.” During the night of 4 January 1944, he was arrested and killed. His funeral became a national event, and the brutal murder indeed strengthened rather than weakened the will to resistance.
“De Faldne” began to exert a strong and lasting influence on the construction of the collective memory of World War II and the Occupation when, after the Liberation, the first stanza was carved as an inscription in two places at the central memorial site for those killed in the freedom struggle, Mindelunden in Ryvangen. This first stanza was moreover used on a considerable number of memorial stones erected on local initiative throughout the country. The present article offers an analysis of its important role in the memory culture of the Occupation, both through its concrete presence on numerous monuments and as part of a wider memorial culture with ceremonial anniversaries and commemoration days like 9 April (the Occupation, 1940), 4–5 May (the Liberation, 1945), and 29 August (the end of the politics of cooperation, 1943).
This commemorative culture has retained its public appeal, perhaps even growing more important in recent years due to the shift toward a more activist Danish foreign policy since the 1990s. Quite recently, several of the monuments with Munk’s words as an inscription have been revitalised and enhanced by musical and visual dimensions transmitted by new, digital forms of communication. Through the modification of this cultural heritage, Munk’s words, as well as his fate, have become audible and visible in new ways.
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Perea Yébenes, Sabino. "La urna de Luscinia Philumena. Consideraciones sobre su atribución romana y su carmen epigraphicum = The Urn of Luscinia Philumena. Considerations about its Roman Attribution and its Carmen Epigraphicum." Espacio Tiempo y Forma. Serie II, Historia Antigua, no. 31 (November 27, 2018): 85. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/etfii.31.2018.23035.
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Estudiamos una urna romana que se exhibe en el Museo Lázaro Galdiano de Madrid. Tiene una inscripción poética realizada en los primeros años del siglo XVII, inspirada en los poetas latinos de Re Rustica y de Historia Natural, texto latino considerado espurio por CIL 06, *3461. Hacemos un análisis iconográfico del monumento y un análisis filológico del poema, ofreciendo una nueva traducción del mismo. Se ofrecen imágenes inéditas de la urna.We studied a Roman urn that is exhibited at the Museo Lázaro Galdiano in Madrid. It has a poetic inscription made in the early years of the seventeenth century, inspired by the Latin poets of Re Rustica and Naturalis Historia. The Latin text of the inscription was rightly considered spurious by the CIL editors. We make an iconographic analysis of the monument and a philological analysis of the poem, offering a new translation of it. Unpublished images of the urn are offered, especially the epigraphic text.
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Turanskaya, Anna. "The Early Estampages of the Tonyukuk Inscription Identified in the Collection of Central Asia and Siberia of the IOM, RAS." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 4 (2022): 200. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080020112-0.
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The Tonyukuk inscription, also known as the Bain Tsokto monument, was discovered by Elizaveta Klementz not far from the city of Urga (modern Ulaanbaatar) in 1897. The text was published two years later by a prominent Russian researcher Wilhelm Radloff. At the same time 17 photographs of estampages were included in the 4th volume of the “Atlas der Alterthümer der Mongolei”. While these photo copies are still frequently mentioned in the multiple publications concerning the Tonyukuk inscription, only a few specialists are aware that the originals are kept in the Collection of Central Asia and Siberia of the IOM, RAS. Moreover 81 estampages were identified as copies of the Tonyukuk inscription during the full-scale inventory of the Collection that took place in 2021. Thanks to recent publications by V. Tishin, it became obvious that eight similar copies of the monument are preserved in the collection of the Academician Obruchev Museum of Local Lore (Kyakhta). This discovery allowed to specify the authorship and dating of the St. Petersburg copies. The Chinese seal preserved on one of the Khyakhta’s estampages suggests that they were produced for the last Qing Amban of Outer Mongolia Sanduo between 1910 and 1911. Although the monument has been well studied, some of the preserved at the IOM copies seem to be of great value and could be used by turcologists for controversial text fragments clarification. The paper presents acquisition history and brief description (catalogue) of the preserved copies of text.
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Obrador-Cursach, Bartomeu. "The closing formula of the Old Phrygian epitaph B-07 in the light of the Aramaic KAI 318: a case of textual convergence in Daskyleion." Anatolian Studies 71 (2021): 47–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066154621000041.
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AbstractAfter an overview of the multilingual epigraphy of Daskyleion during the Achaemenid period, this paper focuses on the closing formula shared by the Aramaic KAI 318 and the Old Phrygian B-07 epitaphs, which consists of a warning not to harm the funerary monument. Comparison of the two inscriptions sheds light on the cryptic Old Phrygian B-07, the sole Old Phrygian epitaph known. As a result, the paper provides new Phrygian forms, like the possible first-person singular umno=tan, ‘I adjure you’, and a new occurrence of the Phrygian god Ti-, ‘Zeus’, together with a second possible occurrence of Devos, ‘God’, equated to Bel and Nabu of the Aramaic inscription.
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Warren, James. "Diogenes Epikourios: keep taking the tablets." Journal of Hellenic Studies 120 (November 2000): 144–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/632487.
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The Epicurean inscription of Diogenes of Oinoanda is an intriguing monument. Here and in what follows, I stress its monumentality and physical form, not only because this is what ensures its uniqueness as a source for Epicurean philosophy, but also because it has not always been given due attention by those commentators who have chosen to write about Diogenes and his inscription. For example, in her recent monograph on Diogenes, Pamela Gordon hardly mentions the archaeological context of the find, nor does she seem to consider the fact of its inscription on a wall at least four metres high and up to eighty metres long to be immediately relevant to her discussion of Diogenes' ‘inimitable voice’.
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Thür, Gerhard. "Wer ließ in der Grabinschrift I.Milet VI 2,570 sieben Zeilen eradieren?" Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Romanistische Abteilung 138, no. 1 (June 1, 2021): 595–606. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zrgr-2021-0017.
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Abstract Who got seven lines erased in the funeral inscription I.Milet VI 2.570? In a funeral inscription from Miletus, well known since 1843, two passages have been neatly erased already in Antiquity. Recently they were carefully reconstructed by Praust and Wiedergut. This contribution aims to deepen the social and legal meaning of the text being not fully grasped by the authors. Surprisingly, among the persons entitled to be buried the owner of the grave monument did not mention his wife, and he restricted his sons to being sheer participants in the grave. On the other hand, he entrusted an outsider woman and her children (probably his own offspring) with power of disposal over the grave. Because of this woman his wife might have quitted the wedlock and claimed her dowry. After the owner’s death the dispute was settled resulting in the two erasures: the younger son, objecting the compromise, had been completely excluded and the former wife finally was admitted being buried in the monument.
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Todorov, Todor, and Konstantin Konstantinov. "A RECENTLY FOUND BULGARIAN RULER SEAL FROM PLISKA." Годишник на Шуменския университет. Факултет по Хуманитарни науки XXXIIIA, no. 2 (November 10, 2022): 39–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.46687/itua4014.
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During the regular archeological excavations of site 41 in the Outer City of Pliska in the summer of 2021, a fragment of a lead seal was discovered, which turned out to be the first sphragistic monument of this archeological site. Obv.: In center, part of the facing bust of Christ within equal-armed cross behind head. Inscription between two borders of dots: : . . . . . . . . . . . . ΑΡXΟΝΤΑΒΟ. . . . . . . (Obr. 2а) Rev.: Heavily damaged bust of the Mother of God in the face. Her hands are placed in front of her breast in a praying posture. Her left hand is clearly visible. Around the image part of a circular inscription: . . . . . ΗΘΗΪωA . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . (Obr. 2b). The preserved part of the inscriptions and the serious iconographic and epigraphic proximity of the molybdobull with the seals of "Michael Archon of Bulgaria" and "Simeon Archon of Bulgaria" give grounds to restore the circular inscriptions in the form: Obv.: [+ ×(ñéóô)S or + Ê(ýñé)å âïÞèç <ЙщЬнïх] Fñ÷ïíôá Âï[õëãáñßáò] Translation: “Christ or My God, aid John, archon of Bulgaria” Rev.: [+ È(åïôü)êå âï]Þèç <ЙщЬ[нïх Fñ÷ïнôá Âïхëãáñßáò] Translation: “O Mother of God, aid John, archon of Bulgaria” The iconographic and paleographic data of the fragmented press give grounds for it to be dated with a great deal of certainly in the second half of the ninth century.
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Kim,Young-Man. "A grammatical approach to the inscription of Silla Yeongil monument." Kugyol Studies ll, no. 18 (February 2007): 67–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.17001/kugyol.2007..18.003.
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ATHERSTONE, ANDREW. "The Martyrs' Memorial at Oxford." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 54, no. 2 (April 2003): 278–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046902005638.
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The Martyrs' Memorial at Oxford is usually interpreted as an anti-Tractarian statement provoked by the publication of R. H. Froude's notorious Remains. This paper argues, however, that the monument's anti-Catholic nature has been overlooked, largely as a result of interpreting the scheme in the light of subsequent developments. Much of the original polemic surrounding the project was directed exclusively against Roman Catholicism and it won support from a wide theological spectrum within the Church of England. The heated debate over the wording of the inscription is examined, as is the question of whether the memorial should take the form of a Martyrs' Church or a Martyrs' Monument.
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Bodel, John, Andreas Bendlin, Seth Bernard, Christer Bruun, and Jonathan Edmondson. "Notes on the elogium of a benefactor at Pompeii." Journal of Roman Archaeology 32 (2019): 148–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1047759419000096.
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The rediscovery in the summer of 2017 of a large monumental tomb of unusual form outside the Stabian Gate at Pompeii caused an immediate sensation, and the swift initial publication by M. Osanna in JRA 31 (2018) of the long funerary inscription fronting the W side of the base, facing the road, has been welcomed gratefully by the scholarly community. The text — at 183 words, by far the longest funerary inscription yet found at Pompeii — records a series of extraordinary benefactions by an unnamed local worthy, beginning with a banquet held on the occasion of his coming-of-age ceremony and continuing, it seems, well into his adult life, up to the final years of the town when the monument was built. As Osanna and others have recognized, the inscription, which seems to allude to an historical event (Tac., Ann. 14.17), the riot between Nucerians and Pompeians around Pompeii’s amphitheater in A.D. 59, provides valuable if ambivalent new information relevant to the demographic, economic and social history of Pompeii that will require full discussion in a variety of contexts over time. The present collection of remarks, a collaborative effort, is offered in the spirit of debate and is intended as an interim contribution toward a more complete understanding of the text.1
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ALEXANDER, ANDRÉ, and SAM VAN SCHAIK. "The Stone Maitreya of Leh: The Rediscovery and Recovery of an Early Tibetan Monument." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 21, no. 4 (October 2011): 421–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186311000411.
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AbstractThe rediscovery, conservation and repositioning of an ancient stone carved Buddha in Leh, Ladakh is one of the most important events in recent years for students of early Tibetan history and religion. Uncovering an inscription next to the carving has made it possible to date this artefact to the eleventh century or even earlier, while deciphering the inscription has confirmed that the figure should be identified as the Buddha Maitreya. This identification permits a better understanding of how the cult of Maitreya among of the emperors of imperial Tibet extended to western Tibet, and how the Maitreya images of western Tibet represent a specific local iconography.
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Horsley, G. H. R. "The Mysteries of Artemis Ephesia in Pisidia: a New Inscribed Relief." Anatolian Studies 42 (December 1992): 119–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3642955.
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Of the roughly 160 inscriptions currently held in the Archaeological Museum at Burdur, only a fraction has been published hitherto. The following articles have published monuments from the Museum:1. G. E. Bean, “Sculptured and inscribed stones at Burdur”, Belleten 18 (1954) 469–88 (Turkish version: 489–510); inscribed stones: nos. 3–5, 8, 9, 13, 14, 17–22 (SEG 14.797–809), of which nos. 8, 13, 19–22 seem no longer to be located in the Museum or the adjacent garden (it should be mentioned that Bean wrote before the Museum was formally established).2. Id., “Notes and inscriptions from Pisidia, I”, AS 9 (1959) 67–117; inscriptions from Burdur: nos. 1, 2, 3a, 3b, 4–9, 21, 87 (SEG 19.734–42, 753, 819), of which nos. 4 (at the Lycée in 1959) and 6 (at Aşkış in 1959) have not been located.3. Id., “Notes and inscriptions from Pisidia, II”, AS 10 (I960) 43–82, no. 135 (SEG 19.802). A photograph of this monument is included in the present article as Pl. XXXII (b); see further, pp. 126, 127, 131–32 below.4. S. Mitchell, “Requisitioned transport in the Roman Empire: a new inscription from Pisidia”, JRS 66 (1976) 106–31 (AE [1976] 653; SEG 26.1392); redated to early under Tiberius by E. A. Judge, “The regional kanon for requisitioned transport”, in G. H. R. Horsley, New Documents Illustrating Early Christianity, I. A Review of the Greek Inscriptions and Papyri published in 1976 (North Ryde, 1981) 36–45 no. 9 (SEG 31.1286); the date accepted with further refinement by Mitchell in Chiron 16 (1986) 25–27 (SEG 36.1208).
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Terribili, Gianfilippo. "Notes on the Parthian Block f1 from the Sasanian Inscription of Paikuli." Annali Sezione Orientale 76, no. 1-2 (November 28, 2016): 146–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24685631-12340007.
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The celebrative monument of Paikuli, located in the present-day province of Sulaimaniyah (Kurdistan, Iraq), was built at the southernmost edge of the Qaradagh range by the Sasanian king Narseh (293-302/3 ad). It marks the place where dignitaries of the Ērānšahr met the Sasanian sovereign to swear an oath of loyalty to him during a dynastic struggle. The bilingual inscription (Middle Persian and Parthian), originally carved on the walls of the monument, constitutes one of the most important primary sources for the early Sasanian history, despite its fragmentary state of preservation. From 2006 onwards an Italian team has been investigating the monument, conducting surveys in the valley of Paikuli and studying the materials now kept in the Slemani Museum (Sulaimaniyah), both activities continuing to the present day. The following paper aims to advance comprehension of the problematic Parthian block f1, one of the 19 recently-discovered inscribed blocks (Cereti, Terribili 2014), providing a new textual reconstruction and a synoptic reading of its content with the corresponding Middle Persian passages. Due to the peculiar epigraphic material and distinctive block shape, the analysis of f1 offers interesting insight into the distribution of the text on the wall and the related technical issues.
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Christol, Michel, and Marie-Jeanne Ouriachi. "Une nouvelle stèle inscrite à Combas : noms d’origine locale et noms d’origine latine dans la campagne nîmoise au tournant des Ier et IIe s. de n. è." Revue archéologique de Narbonnaise 50, no. 1 (2017): 277–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ran.2017.1961.
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This paper introduces an inscription which was newly discovered in Combas (Gard), a village located west of Nimes. After presenting the archaeological and epigraphic data about the Combas basin – data that will make it possible to understand the context of the discovery – we will analyse the monument and its inscription. This analysis will lead to a study of the onomastics in the whole territory of the city. This will allow us to better understand the process whereby the local population introduced Latin names and, at the same time, preserved the Celtic lexicon reworked by Latin use.
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Dubrovskaya, Dinara V. "Inscription No. 494 from the Temple of Toutuo as Prototype of the Inscription on the “Nestorian Monument” from Xi’an, 781 (Preliminary Notes)." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 4 (2022): 194. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080020543-4.
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The article seeks to further research the method of adaptation used by ‘imported’ schools of thought to adjust to Chinese ethical, political, philosophical and religious teachings and practices. The author does so by comparing two epigraphic monuments: A lost inscription by the secular Buddhist enthusiast Wang Jin (5th century) from the Chinese Buddhist temple Toutuo (Dhuta) and the well-known inscription on the so-called “Nestorian monument” from Xi’an (Chang’an) of the Tang Dynasty, which is more than three centuries younger than the first inscription. The author shows that the compiler of the latter (and later) inscription, a Syrian Christian named Adam (Jing-jing), was guided by the structure, style and logic of the first (Buddhist) document when composing his history of the spread of Syriac Nestorianism in Tang China, prefacing the historical part of his work with a general theological preamble and flirting with a priori archaic literary formulas that quote an obsolete literary style of the 5th century. The author concludes that when trying to adapt to the Chinese spiritual milieu, alien beliefs introduced to China inevitably followed the same logical paths, appropriating the vocabulary of the previous imported religion. Thus, for the Syrian Nestorians of the Church of the East, Buddhism became such a forerunner, while Western Christian denominations (the Franciscans and further the Jesuits) each time at a new stage rediscovered the principles of “preaching to all”. A kind of apotheosis of such a “rediscovery” was the “method of Matteo Ricci”, a 16th-century Jesuit missionary who elevated the theory and practice of theological and cultural accommodation to an absolute and joined the conceptual apparatus of Christianity on Chinese soil with the notions and even the ritual practices of Confucianism.
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Belousov, Alexey V., and Nikolaï F. Fedoseev. "A New Defixio from Ancient Panticapaeum’s Necropolis." Ancient Civilizations from Scythia to Siberia 22, no. 1 (July 26, 2016): 18–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700577-12341293.
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The authors of the report give an account on the new magical inscription (5th-4th cent.bc) found on the territory of the ancient necropolis of Panticapaeum in 2011. The paper contains a publication and a commentary on the text of the newly discovereddefixio. The monument is especially interesting for the new magic formula it contains.
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Mammaev, Misrihan M. "CARVED STONES of the XV Century FROM the VILLAGES. KUBACHI WITH NAMES MADE THEM MASTERS." History, Archeology and Ethnography of the Caucasus 14, no. 4 (December 27, 2018): 117–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.32653/ch144117-131.
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The article describes the monuments of stone-cutting art of the XV century-six architectural details and one gravestone monument of highly artistic decoration of villages. Kubachi, on which are carved the names of the craftsmen who made them. Discusses the features of the decorative trim of carved stones. It is noted that not all master stone – cutters, who worked in the middle ages, tried to immortalize themselves, putting on their works inscriptions with their names. Only a few of them left their names on the work they performed. Therefore, a great number of carved stones, architectural details and tombstones from the village of Kubachi, as well as tombstones from neighbouring settlements – Calamarata, Ashty, Damage and other remain nameless.
The tomb of the XV century described in the article, decorated at a high artistic level with calligraphically executed decorative Arabic inscription in the style of "blooming kufi" on the background of elegant floral ornament, is considered as an outstanding work of stone-cutting art, created in the middle ages in the villages. Kubachi. It is the only one among the gravestones studied by researchers to the present time, which presents the name of the master of stone – Carver, calligrapher and ornamentalist Jarak – a talented artist of decorative and applied art.