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Journal articles on the topic 'Monk of St Emmeram'

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Published: 10 December 2022

Last updated: 29 January 2023

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1

Eichner, Barbara. "Musical diplomacy in a divided city: the Lassus-Mayrhofer manuscripts." Early Music 48, no. 1 (February 2020): 55–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/em/caz091.

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Abstract Gifts of music manuscripts continued to serve an important diplomatic function well into the 16th century. This article investigates the production, content and function of two choirbooks prepared by the Benedictine monk Ambrosius Mayrhofer of St Emmeram in Regensburg, which mainly contain sacred music by Orlande de Lassus. They were dedicated to Abbot Jakob Köplin of St Ulrich and Afra in Augsburg (1568) and the city council of Regensburg (1567) respectively. The programmatic opening motet and accompanying illuminations of the Regensburg choirbook suggest that it functioned as a politically motivated gift that helped to ‘harmonize’ the frictions within a city divided by ancient rights and new religious allegiances: Regensburg was a free imperial city with a predominantly Protestant population and council, but also harboured an episcopal see and several nunneries and monasteries (among them St Emmeram), with the Catholic Dukes of Bavaria as close and powerful neighbours. Mayrhofer’s music manuscript projects a conciliatory message that was particularly timely in the late 1560s, when the permission of Eucharistic communion under both kinds (with consecrated bread and wine) offered a short-lived hope of religious compromise.

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2

VIOLANTE, Susana B. "Fe y dialéctica. Una problemática en Otloh de San Emeramo." Revista Española de Filosofía Medieval 14 (October 1, 2007): 91. http://dx.doi.org/10.21071/refime.v14i.6241.

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This work analyzes the text De suis tentationibus, of Otloh of St. Emmeram (1010- 1070). A monk that shows us how the love for reading and knowledge ends up committing his life and the life of many men when using the Liberal Arts mainly the dialectic. It also allows us to see how a parallel construcción, the one that mantains separated Philosophy from Revelation, is established. We are interested in recovering some thinkers of the Hight Middle Ages, who have elaborated arguments that may have changed to some extent the history of the prejudices, punishments, heresies and blazes.

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3

Dobszay, László. "Plainchant in medieval Hungary." Journal of the Plainsong and Mediaeval Music Society 13 (November 1990): 49–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014349180000132x.

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The Hungarian tribes came into the Carpathian Basin at the end of the 9th century with the last wave of the great migration. There they founded a new state in a sparsely populated, politically unorganized land. After a hundred years of incursions into Western Europe they accepted Christianity under the rule of Prince Vajk, the later King Stephen, and while they preserved their political independence they integrated themselves into the social and cultural unity of the Latin world. Christmas Day in the year 1000, that is the day of St Stephen's coronation, can be taken as the symbolic date of the introduction of plainchant into Hungary. Some years later the famous monk Arnoldus of Regensburg came to Esztergom (Latin ‘Strigonium’, German ‘Gran’) to consult with the archbishop about the new office composed by Arnold in honour of the patron St Emmeram and to have the ecclesiastical choir of Esztergom sing it for the first time.

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4

de Hartmann, Carmen Cardelle. "Sallust in St. Emmeram: Handschriften und Kommentare in der Bibliothek des Klosters St. Emmeram (Regensburg)." Journal of Medieval Latin 18 (January 2008): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.jml.3.1.

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5

VIOLANTE, Susana B. "La influencia del poeta Lucano en Otloh de San Emeramo / The Influence of the Poet Lucano in Otloh San Emeramo." Revista Española de Filosofía Medieval 18 (October 1, 2011): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.21071/refime.v18i.6122.

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We would like to share a possible comprehention concluded of what Otloh Saint Emmeram, Benedictine monk of the 11th century, should thought of a reading of the piece Farsalia de Lucano. Therefore, the selection we did of the only work of the poet we could reach. it’s arbitrary and focused on the issues that pertubed Otloh. The relations we stablished for the same arbitrariness, in relation to the course of our conjecture.

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6

Lochner, Fabian C., and Jeremy Yudkin. "De musica mensurata: The Anonymous of St. Emmeram." Notes 48, no. 3 (March 1992): 859. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/941700.

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7

Meyer, Christian, and Jeremy Yudkin. "De Musica mensurata. The Anonymous of St. Emmeram." Revue de musicologie 77, no. 1 (1991): 125. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/947188.

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8

Resnick, Irven M. "'Scientia liberalis', Dialectics, and Otloh of St. Emmeram." Revue Bénédictine 97, no. 3-4 (July 1987): 241–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.rb.4.01187.

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9

Curran, Sean. "HOCKETS BROKEN AND INTEGRATED IN EARLY MENSURAL THEORY AND AN EARLY MOTET." Early Music History 36 (September 12, 2017): 31–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261127917000055.

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Though recent discoveries have improved our understanding of big, melismatic hockets from the late thirteenth century, there remains a pervasive uncertainty as to how hockets should be defined and identified on the small scale at which they characteristically manifest in thirteenth-century motets. In revisiting the mensural theorists up to Franco of Cologne, it was found that only Franco defines hockets as multi-voice phenomena: earlier texts define the hocket at the level of a single perfection, and as it reveals itself in the breaking of a single performing voice. Under a revised definition, 138 motet texts that use hockets have been identified in theArs antiquarepertory. It was also found that another way of hearing the hocket, compatible with the first, is implied by Lambertus and pursued at length by the St. Emmeram Anonymous. These writers acknowledge but depart from the consensus that the hocket is sonically fragmented, also hearing it as a promise of the coordination achievable when musical time is measured. For St. Emmeram especially, the hocket has a dual character: its sonic fragmentation is contrived through integrated planning. To hear hockets integratively is difficult, and requires an effort of will that for this theorist has moral stakes.The final sections of the article analyse the musicopoetic games of the motetDame de valour(71)/Dame vostre douz regart(72)/Manere(M5). Similarly to the St. Emmeram theorist, the piece self-consciously highlights the difficulty and worth of close listening (a theme inspired by its tenor’s scriptural source), and does so with a hocket that marks a complementarity of breaking and integration, of a formal sort, several decades before Lambertus and St. Emmeram would reflect on the hocket’s dual character theoretically. The motet poses artfully some of the same questions about the audibility of form that preoccupy modern scholarship. These voices from the thirteenth century might remind us that ethical debates about correct listening are much older than current disciplinary concerns. But recognising the longevity of the debates does not force us to agree with old positions.

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10

YUDKIN, JEREMY. "THE ANONYMOUS MUSIC TREATISE OF 1279: WHY ST. EMMERAM?" Music and Letters 72, no. 2 (1991): 177–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ml/72.2.177.

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11

Mayer, Manuela. "Das Chartular von St. Emmeram und seine Edition durch Bernhard Pez." Mitteilungen des Instituts für Österreichische Geschichtsforschung 125, no. 2 (September 26, 2017): 287–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/miog-2017-0204.

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12

Legkikh, Victoria. "К ВОПРОСУ ОБ АВТОРСТВЕ СЛУЖБ СВ. ДАНИИЛУ МОСКОВСКОМУ И СВ. РОМАНУ УГЛИЦКОМУ." Fontes Slaviae Orthodoxae 1, no. 1 (February 12, 2019): 81–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/fso.3045.

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Services to St. Daniel of Moscow and to St. Roman of Uglich are attributed to Semen Alferiev and to monk Sergius. Both services are almost identical. But there is a certain particularity in this services: there is an impression that they are written by different hymnographers, and if in one case we can talk about new creation in another case we can see only the compilation of borrrowings, mainly from the service to St. Alexander Nevsky. Analyzing these two layers I noticed that the way of the compilation is very similar to other services written by the author of the service to St. Alexander Nevsky, known to us from his signature as “sir monk Michael”. Textological analysis of the borrowed hymns brought me to an idea that one of this services was started by monk Michael and lately finished by Semen Alferiev and monk Sergius. The paper is devoted to the analysis of borrowings and to the hypothesis which of these two services could be started by monk Michael.

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13

Cvetkovski, Saso. "Notes from the church of the Virgin at the island of Mali grad." Zograf, no. 34 (2010): 111–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zog1034111c.

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In this text the unknown parts of the wall paintings from the Church of the Virgin at the island of Mali Grad (The Great Prespa Lake) are analyzed: the figure of a monk praying to St. Paraskeve, on the southern wall of the nave, as well as the painting on the southern fa?ade with the depictions of St. George on horseback, the Virgin as Empress enthroned, and the bust of two saints, St. Paraskeve and St. Nicholas. The monk is identified with the hegoumenos Jona, mentioned in the donor?s inscription dating from 1369.

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14

Emms, Richard. "St Augustine’s Abbey, Canterbury, and the ‘First Books of the Whole English Church’." Studies in Church History 38 (2004): 32–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400015710.

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Early in the fifteenth century, Thomas of Elmham, who grew up in Norfolk and became a monk of St Augustine’s abbey, Canterbury, began to write and illustrate an ambitious history of his monastery. It may be that his interest in history arose from his early years at Elmham, site of the see of East Anglia in late Anglo-Saxon times. This could explain why he became a monk at the oldest monastic establishment in England instead of at the local Benedictine houses, such as Bury St Edmunds, Ely, or Norwich. Clearly he developed his historical interests at St Augustine’s with its ancient books and relics, even though, apart from the chapel of St Pancras and St Martin’s church nearby, pre-Conquest buildings were no longer to be seen.

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15

Grier, James. "Roger de Chabannes (d. 1025), cantor of St Martial, Limoges." Early Music History 14 (October 1995): 53–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261127900001443.

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We know only two things with certainty about the life of Roger de Chabannes. He was a monk at the abbey of St Martial in Limoges by the year 1010, at which time he served as the teacher of his nephew, Adémar de Chabannes. And when he died, on 26 April 1025, he held the position of the abbey's cantor. Both pieces of information come to us from Adémar, monk at St Cybard in Angoulême, historian, homilist and tempestuous polemicist in the campaign to win recognition for St Martial as an apostle. Other evidence, which also may well originate from Adémar, attests to Roger's death date and office.

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16

Hammer, Carl I. "Arbeo of Freising’s ‘Life and Passion’ of St Emmeram. The Martyr and his Critics." Revue d'Histoire Ecclésiastique 101, no. 1 (March 2006): 5–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.rhe.3.110.

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17

Pizzinato, Riccardo. "Vision and Christomimesis in the Ruler Portrait of the Codex Aureus of St. Emmeram." Gesta 57, no. 2 (September 2018): 145–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/698840.

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18

Melnikov, Ilya. "The Author's Handwritten Miscellany of the End of 19th Century of the Old Believer Monk Cyprian (Sozonov)." Slavistica Vilnensis 66, no. 2 (December 30, 2021): 151–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/slavviln.2021.66(2).77.

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The publication contains information about the Old Believer scribe of Phedoseevtzy congregation of the second half of 19th century monk Cyprian and a description of the author's miscellany compiled by him. The content of the manuscript, entitled "Katolog" by the monk, is interesting both in terms of the volume of sources involved and in terms of topics. The collection reflects the doctrinal position of Cyprian, which manifested itself in the activities of the sketes at the Moscow outpost in St. Petersburg and on Ilyushkin Island, which were headed by a monk.

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19

Nicolescu, Valeriu-Norocel. "Award of the Thurn und Taxis Prize for the year 2019, Regensburg, Germany." Bucovina Forestiera 19, no. 2 (December 30, 2019): 237–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.4316/bf.2019.031.

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The prestigious Thurn und Taxis Prize (established in 1978) for the year 2019 was awarded to Dr. Adrian Dănescu, a young Romanian-born forest engineer with two Alma Maters: Faculty of Silviculture and Forest Engineering in Brasov, Romania (Head of B.Sc. Class in 2011) and Albert-Ludwigs-Universität in Freiburg im Breisgau, Germany (M.Sc. in 2014 and Ph.D. in 2018). The awarding ceremony was organized by the Technical University of Munich in the beautiful St. Emmeram Palace of Regensburg (Germany) on December 18, 2019, and the prize was awarded by Gloria, Princess of Thurn und Taxis, a German socialite, businesswoman, philanthropist, Catholic activist, and artist.

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20

Joyce, Ellen. "Scribal Performance and Identity in the Autobiographical Visions of Otloh of St. Emmeram (d. 1067)." Essays in Medieval Studies 22, no. 1 (2005): 95–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ems.2006.0007.

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21

Turek, Waldemar. "Praca fizyczna w życiu monastycznym: argumentacja św. Augustyna w De opere monachorum." Vox Patrum 70 (December 12, 2018): 171–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3203.

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This article deals with manual labour in the life of monks as taught by St. Augustine in his treatise De opere monachorum. It describes the social context of the theme with particular reference to the situation in monastic communities of Carthage. Many monks in St. Augustine’s time were against manual labour. The article presents the structure of the Saint’s argumentation. St. Augustine clearly was in favour of the manual work of monks -and indirectly also of that of all Christians. The article analyses his exegesis of two Biblical texts (Mt 6:25-34 and 2Thess 3:10) that explain the need and beauty of work for daily spiritual growth. This is shown primarily on the basis of the teaching and example of the Apostle St. Paul, who was employed in various ways. Then the position of St. Augustine is discussed, according to whom the working monk gains the means of his support, cooperates with the Creator and continues His creative achievement. Work that allows the monk to attain some profit in temporal life and maintains the necessary equilibrium between the needs of the body and soul is shown above all to be a means for the attaining of the reward of eternal life. The monk, however, may be dispensed of manual labour, in part or even totally, in view of pastoral ministry, which plays a primary role in his vocation and mission.

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22

Koev, Evgeni. "The Newly Discovered Monk Rock Cell Located between the Monk Rock Complexes "The Archangel" and "Krashtelnyata", which are Part of the Ivanovo Rock-Hewn Monasteries (a New View on the Structure and Range of the Great Monastery "St Archangel Michael" at the Ivanovo Village)." Cultural and Historical Heritage: Preservation, Presentation, Digitalization 7, no. 2 (2021): 252–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.26615/issn.2367-8038.2021_2_022.

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In another terrain research for the examination of the region around the Ivanovo Rock-hewn monasteries, conducted at the end of 2020 and at the beginning of 2021, well-shaped rock-hewn caves and rock niches with a different designation were discovered, which have now been known so far. Among the newly discovered objects, one relatively big rock niche, having different rock-hewn elements adjacent to it, stood out. Those elements complemented the monk dwelling with respect to space and designation. The general layout, the new construction elements enrich the concept about the structure of the monk rock-hewn dwellings in the Polomie. The location of the object, its linkage to the rest of the anthropogenic parts of the region and its characteristic features give us a new idea about the range and structure of the Great monastery "St Archangel Michael" at the Ivanovo village, municipality of Russe. Keywords: Rock-Hewn Monasteries; Newly Discovered Monk Cell; Rock-Hewn Elements; Great Monastery "St Archangel Michael", Ivanovo Village

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23

Walshe, Maurice. "Teachings of a Buddhist Monk. Ajahn Sumedho. Edited by Diana St Ruth. Foreword by Jack Kornfield." Buddhist Studies Review 10, no. 1 (June 15, 1993): 120–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/bsrv.v10i1.15252.

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24

Michael Scott Cuthbert. "Der Mensuralkodex St. Emmeram: Faksimile der Handschrift Clm 14274 der Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek München (review)." Notes 65, no. 4 (2009): 852–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/not.0.0163.

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25

Grier, James. "Jeremy Yudkin. De musica mensurata, The Anonymous of St. Emmeram: Complete Critical Edition, Translation, and Commentary." Journal of Medieval Latin 05 (January 1995): 278–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.jml.2.304060.

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26

Hiley, D. "Hermann Potzlinger's Music Book: The St Emmeram Codex and its Contexts. By Ian Rumbold and Peter Wright." Music and Letters 92, no. 4 (November 1, 2011): 636–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ml/gcr083.

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27

Haggh, Barbara. "Der Mensuralcodex St. Emmeram: Faksimile der Handschrift Clm 14274 der Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek München. Ian Rumbold , Peter Wright." Speculum 84, no. 1 (January 2009): 215–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0038713400021552.

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28

Williams, Carol J. "De musica mensurata: the anonymous of St. Emmeram. Complete critical edition, translation, and commentary (review)." Parergon 11, no. 2 (1993): 169–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/pgn.1993.0081.

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29

Robinson, I. S. "The Bible in the Investiture Contest: The South German Gregorian Circle." Studies in Church History. Subsidia 4 (1985): 61–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143045900003562.

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Beryl Smalley has often pointed to the importance of the eleventh-century cathedral schools in the history of biblical studies, but she has also emphasized the difficulties of investigating the study of the sacred page in this century. ‘We have to eke out our knowledge by guesswork …. We are beginning to see a great movement. Though we cannot yet discern the detail, we can trace its outline, at least provisionally’. At first the outlook appears bleak. Abbot Williram of Ebersberg is found complaining c. 1060 that scholars concentrate on grammar and dialectic and neglect the Scriptures: a charge echoed a few years later by Otloh of St. Emmeram in Regensburg. However, the complaints of these monastic polemicists run directly contrary to the information coming out of the cathedral schools. Here the news is of masters abandoning profane learning in favour of sacred studies.

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30

Bulas, Ryszarda. "Św. Kutbert - asceta, biskup i święty Kościoła anglosaskiego." Vox Patrum 49 (June 15, 2006): 101–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.8199.

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The author presents one of the best-known figures of northumbrian Church, in time of the transitional period from paganism to Christianity. On the base of two Lives of St. Cuthbert (The Anonymous life, Bede’s prose life) author describe life of Saint (childhood, youth, a monk, solitary life, a prior of Melrose and Lindisfarne, bishop of Northumbria). Finely author describes the spread of the cult of St. Cuthbert in Ireland, Scotland, North of England and Continent.

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Markovic, Miodrag. "The first journey of St. Sava of Serbia to Palestine." Zograf, no. 29 (2002): 47–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zog0329047m.

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This paper gives a detailed commentary about both surviving descriptions of the first pilgrimage of St. Sava, the first of which was written by Sava's pupil, hieromonk Domentijan (probably in 1242/1243), and the second, by the monk of Hilandar, Teodosije (around 1300). Special attention was paid to the chronology of the pilgrimage, and the research also included Sava's return journey from the Holy Land, i.e. his visits to the emperor John III Batatzes, the monasteries of the Holy Mountain and Thessalonica...

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32

Smirnova, Engelina. "Russkaja rukopis' "Postniceskih slov Vasilija Velikogo" rubeza XIV-XV vekov, RNB, F.p.I.40, i ej miniatjura." Zograf, no. 36 (2012): 171–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zog1236171s.

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The author deals with the miniature from a manuscript containing St. Basil the Great?s ?Asketikon?, written at the end of the fourteenth century (St. Petersburg, National Library of Russia, F.n.I.40). The miniature depicts St. Basil in monk?s attire, writing his text. The compact composition, sharp and tense contours, the dark colouring and the saint?s concentration, create a striking image of monastic virtue and dignity. The manuscript, which originates from one of the monasteries in northeastern Russia, confirms the importance of monastic figures in art in the countries of the Byzantine cultural circle, from the end of the fourteenth century.

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Clare, Anthony W. "“The Other Half of Medicine” and St. Bartholomew's Hospital." British Journal of Psychiatry 146, no. 2 (February 1985): 120–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/bjp.146.2.120.

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There cannot be many hospitals and medical schools owing their origins to the visual hallucinations and grim forebodings of a depressed monk. Yet that is precisely the story of how the venerable institution of St. Bartholomew's Hospital was founded. The monk Rahere, on a journey to Rome to obtain forgiveness for his sins, “fell ill and thought his last hour was drawing nigh. He burst into tears and vowed a vow that if he should be allowed to return to his own country he would there build a hospital for the recovering of the poor” (Moore, 1918). On his way home, he had a vision of St. Bartholomew who instructed him, among other things, to build a church in Smithfield. Was it, asks Moore, a fantastic illusion, such as men have in their sleep, or was it a heavenly oracle? Was the illness, he might have added, a depressive illness given the melancholic mood, tearfulness, feelings of impending doom, and gradual recovery? And why a vision of St. Bartholomew? The saint is associated with medicine, or more accurately with surgery. The fact that he was flayed alive and thereafter has tended to be protrayed pictorially with his skin draped in folds about his bones has suggested to some a distinctly ‘barber-surgeon’ flavour, and he is indeed the patron saint of butchers. Less well-known is the fact that he exorcised a devil from King Polimius's daughter—a therapeutic action which entitles him to be regarded as the patron saint of nervous diseases, (Dawson, 1957).

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34

Willmott, Hugh, and Peter Townend. "Excavations at the Priory of St. Mary Magdalene of Lund, Monk Bretton." Yorkshire Archaeological Journal 88, no. 1 (January 2016): 121–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00844276.2016.1201986.

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35

Lai, Pak-Wah. "The Monk as Christian Saint and Exemplar in St John Chrysostom’s Writings." Studies in Church History 47 (2011): 19–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400000826.

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By the time Augustine read the Life of Antony in 386, the biography had already become an international best seller in the Roman Empire. Translated twice into Latin and read in places as far off as Milan and Syrian Antioch, the Egyptian Life also proved to be a significant influence upon hagiographical writing in the late fourth century, the most notable example being the Lives of St Jerome. Consequently, scholars have often taken it to represent the dominant paradigm for sainthood in fourth-century Christianity and the centuries that followed. But is this assumption tenable? The Life of Antony would in all likelihood be read only by the educated elite or by ascetic circles in the Church, and was hardly accessible to the ordinary Christian. More importantly, hagiographical discourse in the fourth century was not restricted to biographies, but pervaded all sorts of Christian literature. This is certainly the case with the writings of St John Chrysostom (c. 349—407), who often presents the Christian monk as a saintly figure in his monastic treatises and his voluminous homilies. Indeed, what emerges from his writings is a paradigmatic saint who is significantly different from that portrayed in the biographies, and yet equally influential among his lay and ascetic audiences. To be sure, Chrysostom’s monastic portraits share some common features with that provided by Athanasius’s Life. Nevertheless, there are also stark differences between the two, and these are the focus of this paper.

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36

Khutsishvili, Mikhaeil, and Miranda Todua. "EPISODIC ISSUES «IN THE LIFE OF ST. DAVID GAREJELI»." ARTS ACADEMY 3, no. 3 (September 2022): 115–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.56032/2523-4684.2022.3.3.115.

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One episode of «the life of Saint David Garejeli» is discussed in the work, in which it is narrated how Saint David Garejeli (6th century) converted to Christ an unrighteous man named Bubakr, who threatened to kill David, but after a miracle performed by David, he turned to Christ. From the work, we can see that David speaks to Bubakr in Armenian, which indicates that Bubakr is Armenian. But the author only hints about the Armenianness of this person and does not say it directly. In the present work, the attention is focused on the fact that in the Middle Ages the word `Armenian', along with the ethnic one, also had a confessional meaning and that it was also used in the meaning of Monophysite. The authors of the article express the opinion that in the previous text, which the creator of «Life of St. David Garejeli» (10th century) relied on when writing his work, Bubakri was presented as a person of Monophysite confession. The text showed that the Monophysite was going to kill the holy monk and he changed his mind only after Bubakr and his son were cured of their illnesses by this monk. According to the authors of the article, as Monophysitism was presented in a negative context in the Bubakr episode, the creator of the new monument about St. David Garejeli did not mention the word «Armenian» at all. After the church split between them, they tried to repair the broken relationship, and presenting Monophysitism in a negative context would not contribute to the improvement of this relationship. Bubakr is presented as a positive person in the monument, it is shown that he showed strong faith in God and became a true Christian.

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BLASINA, JAMES J. "Ainard of Dives and the Ste-Catherine-du-Mont office for St Katherine of Alexandria: ‘Inter praecipuos cantores scientia musicae artis’." Plainsong and Medieval Music 30, no. 1 (April 2021): 55–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0961137121000061.

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ABSTRACTOrderic Vitalis writes that Ainard, a monk of Ste-Catherine-du-Mont monastery, composed a historia for St Katherine of Alexandria for use at his institution, which possessed the saint's oil-secreting finger bones. Through a series of historiographical errors, throughout the twentieth century it came to be believed either that Ainard composed not a liturgical office, but a prose vita of the saint, or that the office he had composed was lost. This article presents a survey of the oldest extant offices for St Katherine, showing that the office widely disseminated in German-speaking lands can be traced to Normandy, and through palaeographical and codicological analysis of its earliest source, Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, nouv. acq. lat. 1083, to Ste-Catherine-du-Mont in the late eleventh century. The office contained in this manuscript juxtaposes newly composed proper chants for St Katherine with existing chants from a variety of liturgical sources that honoured established saints, and emphasises the power of St Katherine's relics. The contents and themes of the office suggest an agenda of legitimisation and cultic publicity on the part of its creator, which would be consistent with the aims of a monk of Ste-Catherine. If this manuscript is indeed from Ste-Catherine-du-Mont, it likely records the office that Ainard composed. This attribution is reinforced by a textual-melodic style and modal organisation that grounds it in a later style of chant composition, which Ainard – a south German by birth – would likely have been familiar with.

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Каширина, Варвара Викторовна. "Newly Found Letters of St. Ignatius (Brianchaninov) to the Optina Monk Yuvenaly (Polovtsov)." Theological Herald, no. 2(41) (September 15, 2021): 297–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.31802/gb.2021.41.2.014.

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В статье проанализированы обнаруженные в рукописном архиве два письма святителя Игнатия (Брянчанинова) к монаху Оптиной пустыни Ювеналию (Половцову) от 9 июля и 7 августа 1856 г. Архимандрит Троице-Сергиевой пустыни Игнатий (Брянчанинов) посетил Оптину пустынь в мае-июне 1856 г., имея желание поселиться в скиту Оптиной пустыни на покое. В письмах архимандрита Игнатия приводятся сведения о его переписке с епископом Калужским и Боровским Григорием (Миткевичем) относительно возможного перехода в Оптину пустынь, а также рассматриваются другие вопросы церковно-исторического характера. В конце статьи публикуются сами письма. The article analyzes two handwritten letters of St. Ignatius (Bryanchaninov) to the monk of the Optina Desert, Yuvenali (Polovtsov), dated July 9 and August 7, 1856. Archimandrite Ignatius (Bryanchaninov) of the Trinity-Sergius Desert visited the Optina Desert in May-June 1856, wishing to settle in the hermitage in peace. The letters of Archimandrite Ignatius contain information about his correspondence with Bishop Grigory (Mitkevich) of Kaluga and Borovsk regarding the possible transfer to Optina of the Deserts. In addition, other issues of a church-historical nature are considered. At the end of the article is the publication of the letters.

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Каширина, Варвара Викторовна. "Newly Found Letters of St. Ignatius (Brianchaninov) to the Optina Monk Yuvenaly (Polovtsov)." Theological Herald, no. 2(41) (September 15, 2021): 297–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.31802/gb.2021.41.2.014.

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В статье проанализированы обнаруженные в рукописном архиве два письма святителя Игнатия (Брянчанинова) к монаху Оптиной пустыни Ювеналию (Половцову) от 9 июля и 7 августа 1856 г. Архимандрит Троице-Сергиевой пустыни Игнатий (Брянчанинов) посетил Оптину пустынь в мае-июне 1856 г., имея желание поселиться в скиту Оптиной пустыни на покое. В письмах архимандрита Игнатия приводятся сведения о его переписке с епископом Калужским и Боровским Григорием (Миткевичем) относительно возможного перехода в Оптину пустынь, а также рассматриваются другие вопросы церковно-исторического характера. В конце статьи публикуются сами письма. The article analyzes two handwritten letters of St. Ignatius (Bryanchaninov) to the monk of the Optina Desert, Yuvenali (Polovtsov), dated July 9 and August 7, 1856. Archimandrite Ignatius (Bryanchaninov) of the Trinity-Sergius Desert visited the Optina Desert in May-June 1856, wishing to settle in the hermitage in peace. The letters of Archimandrite Ignatius contain information about his correspondence with Bishop Grigory (Mitkevich) of Kaluga and Borovsk regarding the possible transfer to Optina of the Deserts. In addition, other issues of a church-historical nature are considered. At the end of the article is the publication of the letters.

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Downey, James Patrick. "A Primordial Reply to Modern Gaunilos." Religious Studies 22, no. 1 (March 1986): 41–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034412500018023.

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Donald R. Gregory has recently argued that the monk Gaunilo's response to St Anselm's ontological argument succeeds in showing what is fundamentally wrong with any ontological argument, including modern modal versions. He holds that the Gaunilo strategy in fact demonstrates what it alleges, that reasoning which parallels the form and intent ofAnselm's reductio argument can ‘prove’ a priori the existence of quite unacceptable entities.

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Voropaev, V. A. "THE APOSTLE OF ALTAI: (GLUKHAREV)." Culture and Text, no. 50 (2022): 94–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.37386/2305-4077-2022-3-94-99.

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The article is dedicated to the 175th anniversary of the repose of St. Makarii (Glukharev), an Altai missionary, translator of the Bible into Russian. The life and pastoral path of the holy elder is outlined, his relationship with N. V. Gogol is highlighted. The dying words of the monk - «The Light of Christ enlightens everyone!» - are the cornerstone of Gogol’s religious worldview, who thought a lot about what true enlightenment is.

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Yureva, Tatyana V. "Iconostases of the Russian abroad: monk Grigory Krug." Yaroslavl Pedagogical Bulletin 3, no. 120 (2021): 168–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.20323/1813-145x-2021-3-120-168-174.

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The article for the first time made an analytical review of the iconostasis work of the icon painter of the Russian Diaspora of the mid-twentieth century, Grigory Ivanovich (Fr. Grigory) Krug. The author notes the wide fame of the master with insufficient study of his heritage and proposes to connect the studied cultural phenomenon (the complex of iconostases of Fr. Grigory Krug) with the historical dynamics of culture, where the icon receives a new understanding and a new stage of development in the context of emigration culture. Correlating the work of the icon painter with the context of the era and culture as a whole, the author concludes that the new iconographic language of Fr. Grigory Krug is unique not only among works created among emigration, but also for Orthodox religious art of the twentieth century as a whole. The iconostases of the Church of the Holy Spirit in Klamar are considered in detail; 1st and 2nd iconostases of the church of the Three Sanctuary metochion in Paris, church of St. Seraphim of Sarov in Mongeron, the church in honor of the Icon of the Mother of God «All Sorrow Joy» in Nuazi-le-Gran, the iconostasis and painting of the Church of the Kazan Icon of the Mother of God in the convent in Muazn, the icons and iconostasis of the main church of the Holy Spirit Monastery in Le Menil-Saint-Denis, near Paris. For the first time, the iconostases created by Grigori Krug are presented in the context of the transformation of artistic approaches, which change in accordance with the formation of the theological views of the author. In his final work the iconostasis of the Holy Spirit Monastery, the master was able to harmoniously combine carefully restored canonical techniques in creating icons with the creative impulses of the artist of the twentieth century.

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Senina, Tatyana. "Life of Saint Nikephoros of Sebaze as an Illustration of the Perception of the Iconoclastic Era by the Byzantines in Later Times (Including Russian Translation of the Life)." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 6 (January 2020): 284–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2019.6.22.

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Introduction. This work is concerned with the perception of the iconoclastic era in the Life of St. Nikephoros of Sebaze preserved in the form of enkomion written by an anonymous author presumably in the mid 10th century, and to clarify some details of Nikephoros’ biography. Methods. Source research and analysis, philosophical hermeneutics, comparative textological and historical research are the methods employed in this work. Sources on the subject include the edition of the Life of St. Nikephoros by F. Halkin, Lives of St. Patriarch Methodios, St. Nicetas of Medikion and St. Makarios of Pelekete, the Chronicle of Theophanes the Confessor. Analysis. The life of St. Nikephoros written in the 10th century by a monk of the monastery of Sebaze illustrates how the iconoclastic era was seen by the next generations who no longer found living witnesses of those times. The hagiographer knows almost nothing certain about his hero, except that he was a monk, suffered for icons in the epoch of the second iconoclasm, and founded a monastery. For ordinary monks in the 10th century, the iconoclastic heresy was associated with the names of emperors Leo III, Constantine V and Leo V, which testifies to the success of the myth created by iconodules in the 9th century that the iconoclastic heresy, unlike the others, was not born in the church environment, but appeared in the imperial palace and was implanted by the authorities without much support from believers. Silence about the last iconoclast emperor Theophilos can be presumably attributed to the success of his posthumous rehabilitation. The past is completely mythologized in the Life: all bishops, priests and monks ardently struggled for their faith, enduring torment and hardship; nothing is said about the Orthodox believers who had fallen into heresy. The hero of the Life itself represented a composite character of a Christian ascetic and confessor of iconoduly completely devoid of individual traits. Results. The analysis of the life shows that by the 10th century the iconoclastic era began to be perceived by believers – at least, by ordinary monks – as the time of epic exploits, and the knowledge of historical events became fragmentary and was based on myths and legends distributed in the church environment rather than real facts. Appendix. The article is accompanied by Russian translation of the Life of St. Nikephoros of Sebaze with a scientific commentary.

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Kasprzak, Dariusz. "Koncepcja dobrowolnego ubóstwa w pismach monastycznych św. Augustyna." Vox Patrum 60 (December 16, 2013): 165–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3985.

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The first coherent doctrine of voluntary poverty appeared in Western Church theology in the writings of St. Augustine. This idea developed gradually under the influence of the coenobitic ideal and vision of a community Church. First having excluded the Manichean vision of community (AD 386-396) St. Augustine adopted the coenobitic conception of poverty (relinquishing individual possession in favour of communal ownership and working for the benefit of the community). In his mature period (AD 397-426) St. Augustine referred directly to the perfect vision of the Christian monastic community described in Acts 4:32-36 as the source of voluntary poverty. In this way the monks copied the perfection of the Early Church community. One might say his approach to ascetic poverty was according to the principle of qualitative parity i.e. every monk receives the minimum of material necessities. St. Augustine’s sermons 355 from December AD 425/January AD 426 and 356 from January AD 426 show clearly how he and his brothers practiced individual and community poverty.

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Brooks, Britton Elliott. "St Cuthbert as Lamp: the Ideal Gregorian Monk-Pastor in Bede’s Vita metrica S. Cudbercti." Peritia 30 (January 2019): 53–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.perit.5.120980.

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Sheremetov, Nikita A. "Canons to St. Theodosius of the Kievan Caves in the Service for the Feast of His Repose (May 3)." Труды Отдела древнерусской литературы 68 (2020): 36–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.31860/0130-464x-2020-67-36-73.

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Whilе he Life of St. Theodosius of the Kievan Caves written by Nestor still attracts attention of researchers, liturgical texts devoted to the Saint remain unexplored. This study examines Canons to St. Theodosius in the Service for the feast of his Repose (May 3) found in different types of manuscript miscellanies dating from the fourteenth to the seventeenth centuries (menaia, tropologia, books of Canons, miscellanies of church services and lives of saints) in possession of the Library of the Academy of Sciences (St. Petersburg), the Library of the Academy of Sciences of Lithuania, the Russian State Library (Moscow), the National Library of Russia (St. Petersburg), and the Russian State Archive of Ancient Acts (Moscow). The Canons to St. Theodosius are all the more interesting because their origin is traditionally associated with the monk of the Kievan Caves Monastery Grigory, the “creator of canons”, whose literary heritage remains virtually unknown. Special attention is given to the relationship these texts have with translated Greek services to the saints of the same title as Theodosius (the venerable) and hagiographic literature. The article also points out a number of previously unknown copies of the Acrostic Canon discovered by F. G. Spassky.

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Popovska-Korobar, Viktorija. "Wall paintings from the late 15th century in the Monastery church of St. Paraskeve - Brajcino." Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, no. 44 (2007): 549–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi0744549p.

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The Monastery of St. Paraskevy is located above the village Brajcino, on the east shore of Lake Prespa in the Republic of Macedonia. In accordance with the incomplete donor?s inscription this one aisle church with a pitched roof was built and decorated at the same time. Reparations came around 1800, when rebuilding was done on the longitudinal walls and the narthex (without fresco decoration). The fresco paintings from the 15th century are preserved on the west facade, and on the east and west wall of the naos. The decorative program in the interior was common for the small type monastery churches without narthex. From the old edifice, on the corner of the outside southwest wall visible are remains of figures, a monk and a man in laymen?s attire facing eastward. The iconographic program of the west facade is interesting for the scenes which encompass the patrons niche: a reduced Last Judgment (Royal Deesis, Hell and Paradise, where the monk Pahomios above the gate is depicted in prayer) and the equestrian figures of St. George and St. Mena. A parallel for the rare iconography of St. Mena with the tamed beasts is found in an unpublished icon, which most probably was painted in the last quarter of the 15th century, and is kept presently on the iconostasis of the church of Panagia tou Apostolaki in Kastoria. In accordance with all the considered characteristics by means of comparative analysis, we assume that the anonymous master could be an individual who belonged to the painting workshops which are credited for painting the church of St. Nicholas of the nun Eupraxia in Kastoria. We suppose the painter worked in Brajcino soon after the year 1486 and before 1493, when the decoration of the church in Kremikovci was completed, in which he most likely took part as a member of another large workshop. Regarding the question about the origins of the style of the 'master from the 1480?s', the paper articulates an opinion that they should be traced not only in the long painting traditions of Kastoria and Ohrid, but also in the collaboration of the masters and the spread of their works in these two important centers of the Ohrid Archbishopric.

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Dubowchik, Rosemary Thoonen. "A Jerusalem chant for the Holy Cross in the Byzantine, Latin and Eastern Rites." Plainsong and Medieval Music 5, no. 2 (October 1996): 113–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096113710000111x.

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In the year 552, a ceremony was held to commemorate the first anniversary of the death of Martha, mother of St Simeon Stylites the Younger. The Vita of St Martha, written by an anonymous monk during the first half of the seventh century, records that the priest Antonio journeyed from Simeon's pillar at Mount Admirabilis, near Antioch, to Jerusalem to obtain a fragment of the cross. When Antonio returned to Mount Admirabilis, ‘a great crowd of men and women gathered in the grace of God, with candles and torches, to hold the service in her memory: and having kept a vigil all night, when in the early morning the living cross was displayed, all who were gathered worshipped, crying out with hymns: We adore your cross, Lord, and we glorify your holy resurrection.’

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Tarnawska, Joanna. "Obraz św. Hildegardy z Bingen w polskiej kulturze współczesnej." Załącznik Kulturoznawczy, no. 1 (2014): 60–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/zk.2014.1.03.

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The article St. Hildegard of Bingen in Contemporary Culture was based on fragments of Licence Work.: St.Hildegard of Bingen – medival “feminist” and contemporary doctor of Church. The author concentrates on great interest of Saint Hildegard – the most interesting and best known monk of medieval ages. Saint Hildegard is a authority and inspiration for many different societes generating discussions. This work tries to answer questions on manipulation and use of Hildegard by contemporary culture. It also underlines stereotypes of thinking about medival ages and position of women in Church

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Turpie, Tom. "A monk from Melrose? St Cuthbert and the Scots in the later middle ages, c. 1371–1560." Innes Review 62, no. 1 (May 2011): 47–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/inr.2011.0004.

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During the early and central middle ages St Cuthbert of Durham (d. 687) was arguably the most important local saint in northern England and southern Scotland. His cult encompassed a region approximately corresponding to the ancient kingdom of Northumbria. While Scottish devotion to the saint in that period has been well researched, the later medieval cult in Scotland has been surprisingly little studied. Following the outbreak of Anglo-Scottish warfare in 1296 a series of English monarchs, the Durham clergy and local political leaders identified Cuthbert with military victories over the Scots. Several historians have assumed that this association between Cuthbert and English arms led to the decline of his cult in Scotland. This article surveys the various manifestations of devotion to St Cuthbert in late medieval Scotland in order to reappraise the role of the saint and his cult north of the border in the later middle ages.

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