Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Money – Social aspects – Guatemala'

This thesis contends that the subjective meanings and value attached to money may, in part, be a function of identity-related norms and values. This proposed relationship between identity issues and monetary attitudes/behaviour is explored across a series of methodologically diverse studies. It is argued that psychological approaches to money, despite their efforts to the contrary, frequently concur with traditional economic models of human behaviour in so far as they rest on similarly static, de-contextualised notions of the self. The research described here aims to substitute these implicit assumptions about the nature of selfhood with a social psychological account of the 'self and thus with an explicit focus on subjective identification processes, ha doing so, the present approach draws on the Social Identity tradition. First, findings from an exploratory interview study illustrate a) that identity concerns are central for people's understandings of money, b) that the relationship between money and selfhood is dilemmatic, and c) that money meanings and usage relate to identity across different levels of abstractions (i.e. personal, social, human). Second, a series of experimental studies (based on predictions derived from the Social Identity model of the self) shows that attitudes towards money can vary as a function of both social identity salience and the comparative context in which a given identity is salient. The association between social identification, specific identity contents and monetary attitudes is also addressed. Finally, an exploration of the relationship between identity concerns and decision-making processes within a Prisoner's Dilemma-type setting indicates that identity and the social knowledge derived from it play a crucial role, not only with regard to how people attempt to meet their goals in this context but also in terms of how these goals are defined. The broader implication of these findings with regard to 'rational choice' models of human agency are discussed.

In a literature review of adult education research, three characteristics were found in studies on illiterate adults' nonparticipation: a) information has been gathered from participants in literacy programs, b) participants were considered low-literate adults or those who did not finish high school, and c) participants were surveyed through a questionnaire or telephone interviews.This study, however, involved ten illiterate adults (2 women and 8 men) who had not attended school or participated in literacy programs. The research question was: Why do adults not participate in rural literacy programs in western Guatemala? Thirty-eight ethnographic interviews were conducted from November 1996 to January 1997 in Nimasac and Xecaracoj, two villages located in western Guatemala, Central America.Twelve reasons for nonparticipation in literacy programs were described by the informants: 1) / have to work to earn money, 2) / do not like to work [learn] in groups, 3) / do not go to literacy programs because of my personal necessities [obligations], 4) / have been left out, 5) going to school is a waste of time, 6) / fear going to a literacy program, 7) / have no time, 8) the reason is machismo, 9) literacy is not work fit does not produce income], 10) my age is the problem, 11) / got pregnant, and 12) / do not go to a literacy program because of my husband's irresponsibility.An underlying construct for the reasons for nonparticipation, however, showed that the twelve reasons were reinforced at four levels, 1) individual, 2) family, 3) community, and 4) national. A set of interwoven relationships among the four levels, helped to explain that reasons for nonparticipation were constructed by rural Guatemalans.Indigenous people's identities and the preservation of their traditional values such as their native languages, clothing, obedience, respect and submission were the major factors that reinforced rural illiterates nonparticipation in formal education in western Guatemala.Illiteracy was not strictly an educational, but cultural, social, economic and political problem. Generalizing that both literates and illiterates valued education and needed the same skills, knowledge and abilities to become the "standard functional literates" has denied the existence of illiterate adults' culture, context, and needs.
Department of Educational Leadership

Foucault speaks of the formation of an individual’s identity, or the process of becoming someone else, as a worthy game. For postmodernists, it is considered a life-long process of reconstruction and re-evaluation. The identities that are the focus of this research are psychiatrists, but also the self. This research follows previous post-graduate research that reflected on knowledge, power, space, surveillance, the body and organisational control. The major questions of this earlier research was; “What constituted normality in the work place and who were the arbiters of this normality” Chapter one of this work - Psychiatrists in Post-modernity, introduces the research project through the research questions, motivation for the project and the challenges to be met. Chapter two is a theoretical chapter that presents Post-modern Philosophical Perspective and discusses the history of development of post-modern thought in social research. Chapter three – History, Myth and Reality, places today’s psychiatry in Australia, in historical context. Chapter four – People, Politics and Purpose, considers the current state of mental health policy in Australia. Chapter five – Methodology and Methods, considers the methodological debate in the social sciences between qualitative and quantitative research methods. Chapter six – Outcomes and Interpretation presents an interpretation of the research interviews and discusses the connections and possible meanings of the stories told by psychiatrists, within the context of the post-modern philosophical perspective. Chapter seven – Post-modern Psychiatry considers the question: is there or can there be a post-modern psychiatry? It takes the interpretations, connections and meanings from Chapter six and locates them in the wider social context of the Australian National Mental Health Strategy
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

Comment développer l’agriculture de petits paysans au Guatemala ? C’est la question que l’État guatémaltèque se pose depuis 1944, lorsque le Printemps démocratique tenta, sans y parvenir, d’organiser la transition du régime des grandes plantations latifundiaires à une agriculture de petites et moyennes exploitations modernisées. Nous nous intéressons dans cette thèse au cas des villages mayas-q’eqchi’ de la vallée de Cahabón au Guatemala. Face aux différentes politiques de développement qui leur ont été « proposées » avec plus ou moins de contraintes, par les élites locales, nationales ou relevant des ONG, les paysans q’eqchi’ se sont efforcés de construire leur relative autonomie actuelle grâce à une longue lutte juridique contre le dispositif du colonat dans l’Hacienda, puis en essayant de s’adapter non sans douleurs aux politiques de « transformation agraire » de l’État militarisé, et enfin à la privatisation et la parcellisation des terres imposée par la démocratie libérale. La comparaison de la version q’eqchi’ de cette histoire avec la version « occidentale » et la version de l’élite ladina locale, permet de comprendre les enjeux et la complexité des conflits, ainsi que la façon dont les Q’eqchi’ organisent leur résistance et leurs luttes, au travers d’une cosmovision et de paroles propres. En même temps, on tentera de décrire les institutions originales (travail mutuel, abstinence, confrérie) qui régulent la production de denrées commerciales (café, cardamome, cacao, piment) et vivrières (maïs, haricot, courges, etc.) et la relation à l’argent qui en découle. Cela permettra de comprendre les réussites et les échecs des différents programmes de développement actuels
How to develop peasant agriculture in Guatemala? Such is the challenge the Guatemalan State faces since 1944, that is, since the “Democratic Spring” tried, without success, to organize the transition from the large latifundios plantations to an agriculture based upon small and medium sized modernized exploitations. The thesis takes the case of Maya-q' eqchi' villages of the valley of Cahabón in Guatemala. Considering the different development policies which “were proposed to them” with their constraints, by national and local elites or by ONG, Q’eqchi’ peasants built their relative autonomy thanks to a long legal fight against the device of the colonato of the Hacienda, then by the painful adaptation to the policies of “agrarian transformation” of the militarized State and to privatization and the parcelization of land imposed by the liberal democracy. The comparison between the Q’eqchi’ version of this history with the “western” and the local ladino elite version provides a detailed ethnographic picture of the complexity of these conflicts and the way Q'eqchi' have organized their resistance and their fight, through their own cosmovision, words and ritual. Through the description of the original institutions (mutual work, abstinence, brotherhood) which control the production of commercial food products (coffee, cardamom, cocoa, hot pepper) and food (corn, bean, marrows, etc) and the relation with money, it relates the successes and the failures of various current programs of development

Bibliography: pages 201-215.
This study provides a feminist perspective on aspects of change in white women's lives in South Africa between 1960 and 1990. Changing patterns of women's work, where work encompasses unpaid domestic labour as well as paid employment outside the home, are traced. The different ways in which women have combined their socially defined obligations as wives and mothers, as employees or employers, are considered. The primary sources used include open-ended interviews with women, magazines and the publications of women's organisations. The period 1960-1973 was one in which most white women left the paid labour force after marrying. Towards the end of the period, in the context of a booming economy and a perceived shortage of skilled white labour, more white wives were remaining in employment after marriage. The media, women's organisations, the state, big business and white male workers were addressing, in different ways, the conflict between white wives entering paid employment and the necessity to protect traditional values whereby 'good' wives stayed at home. 1974-1984 saw large and increasing numbers of white wives taking up paid work, both part-time and full-time. The period saw employed wives becoming increasingly commonplace, while the range of occupations open to them expanded. Observing that most remained in the lower levels of corporate hierarchies, women's organisations focused on eliminating the 'glass ceilings' said to block women's entry to higher paid positions. By 1985-1990, women were encouraged to be ambitious, assertive and to strive for self-fulfilment through their careers. The conflict of trying to achieve in the male dominated business world, combined with a sexual division of labour that persisted in defining the home and the family as women's work, saw many women leave the work place to start up home-based businesses.

This thesis explores the part gambling plays in an urban setting in Highland Papua New Guinea. Gambling did not exist in (what is now) Goroka Town before European contact, nor Papua New Guinea more broadly, but when I conducted fieldwork in 2009-2010 it was an inescapable part of everyday life. One card game proliferated into a multitude of games for different situations and participants, and was supplemented with slot machines, sports betting, darts, and bingo and lottery games. One could well imagine gambling becoming popular in societies new to it, especially coming on the back of money, wage-work and towns. Yet the popularity of gambling in the region is surprising to social scientists because the peoples now so enamoured by gambling are famous for their love of competitively giving things away, not competing for them. Gambling spread while gifting remained a central part of the way people did transactions. This thesis resists juxtaposing gifting and selfish acquisition. It shows how their opposition is false; that gambling is instead a new analytic technique for manipulating the value of gifts and acquisitions alike, through the medium of money. Too often gambling takes a familiar form in analyses: as the sharp end of capitalism, or the benign, chance-led redistributor of wealth in egalitarian societies. The thesis builds an ethnographic understanding of gambling, and uses it to interrogate theories of gambling, money, and Melanesian anthropology. In so doing, the thesis speaks to a trend in Melanesian anthropology to debate whether monetisation and urbanisation has brought about a radical split in peoples' understandings of the world. Dealing with some of the most starkly ‘modern' material I find a process of inclusive indigenous materialism that consumes the old and the new alike, turning them into a model for action in a dynamic money-led world.

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Conselho Nacional de Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico - CNPq
Access to money dissociated from the labor market, which is the purpose of this study, is addressed as a non-contributory social protection right in the form of income security right. We approached the perspectives of existing initiatives on access to money as a right of social protection for Brazilian citizens presented in three chapters. In the first, the demystification or the notion of labor as a hegemonic condition of access to money in a socioeconomic context governed by the fourth industrial revolution and through the immaterial economy, which is the chosen economic focus. Then, in the second chapter, the global growth of economic inequality and the growing need for non-contributory social protection in its income security format is the civilizing political focus used as axiological content which frames the empirical examination through the third approach of the study. The third chapter focuses on the analysis of historical forms instituted in Brazil, after 1988 Constitution, related to income security in the context of public social assistance policy. The identification of challenges to income security as a social and welfare right takes place through the empirical analysis of national provisions (Benefício de Prestação Continuada – BPC, in Portuguese) and the transfer of income from the “Bolsa Família Program” (PBF, in Portuguese). The logic of governmental management that preside these two devices, that operate forms of access to money dissociated from the labor market, paradoxically reiterates in their dynamics the liberal logic of the market, dissipating users of a possible contribution of right of citizenship. The applicant's needs, existence and experiences are rejected. Several revealing expressions emerge in the adverse conjuncture to the defense of income security as a socialwelfare right, under outrageous expressions of human dignity, the need for money to survive in the society of capital. This demonstrates the increasingly dramatic lack of protection that is exacerbated by the lack of access to a necessary standard of income security
O acesso ao dinheiro dissociado do mercado de trabalho, tema deste estudo, é aqui abordado como direito de proteção social não contributiva na forma de direito à segurança de renda. Abordam-se as perspectivas das iniciativas já existentes do acesso ao dinheiro como direito de proteção social ao cidadão brasileiro, apresentada sem três capítulos.No primeiro, a desmistificação, ou o descortinar da ideia de trabalho como condição hegemônica de acesso ao dinheiro num contexto socioeconômico regido pela quarta revolução industrial e pela economia do imaterial é o enfoque econômico escolhido.Em seguida, o crescimento global da desigualdade econômica e a crescente necessidade por proteção social não contributiva em seu formato de segurança de renda é o foco político civilizatório empregado como conteúdo axiológico que emoldura o exame empírico, por meio da terceira aproximação do estudo, presente no terceiro capítulo que focaliza a análise de formas históricas instituídas no Brasil, após a Constituição de 1988, relativas à segurança de renda no âmbito da política pública de assistência social. A identificação de desafios à segurança de renda como direito socioassistencial processa-se pela análise empírica dos dispositivos nacionais, o Benefício de Prestação Continuada (BPC) e a transferência de renda do Programa Bolsa Família (PBF). A lógica de gestão governamental que preside esses dois dispositivos, que operam formas de acesso ao dinheiro dissociado do mercado de trabalho, paradoxalmente reiteram em sua dinâmica a lógica liberal de mercado e esvaem seu usuário de um possível conteúdo de direito de cidadania.Desprezam-se necessidades, existência e experiências do demandatário. Na conjuntura adversa à defesa da segurança de renda como direito socioassistencial, emergem diversas expressões reveladoras, sob expressões ultrajantes à dignidade humana, da necessidade por dinheiro para sobrevivência na sociedade do capital. Expressa-se, assim, a desproteção, cada vez mais dramática, agravada pela destituição do acesso a um padrão necessário de segurança de renda

Mo Kar Him.
"Architecture Department, Chinese University of Hong Kong, Master of Architecture Programme 2010-2011, design report."
Includes bibliographical references (p. 440).
Chapter i. --- Report Structure
Acknowledgements --- p.01
Contents --- p.02
Abstract --- p.00
Chapter 00. --- """Thesis Structure.""" --- p.05
Chapter ii. --- Theory
Chapter 01. --- """What you see is What you get.""" --- p.12
Chapter 01.01 --- The World of Image --- p.14
Chapter 01.02 --- Inferiority vs Exteriority --- p.16
Chapter 01.03 --- Programmatic Architecture --- p.20
Chapter 01.04 --- Internal and External Functions --- p.30
Chapter 01.05 --- Absolute Architecture --- p.32
Chapter 01.06 --- Definition --- p.33
Chapter iii. --- Methodology
Chapter 02. --- """Return to Functions.""" --- p.36
Chapter 02.01 --- From Programmes to Functions --- p.38
Chapter 02.02 --- Programmatic Mapping --- p.40
Chapter 02.03 --- Understanding of Spatial Setting --- p.46
Chapter 02.04 --- Categorization of Spaces --- p.54
Chapter 02.05 --- Conclusion and Definition --- p.56
Chapter 03. --- " ""More is More.""" --- p.58
Chapter 03.01 --- "The ""Old"" Monumentality" --- p.60
Chapter 03.02 --- Aggregation of Spaces --- p.62
Chapter 03.03 --- Aggregation of Functions --- p.66
Chapter 03.04 --- Definition --- p.67
Chapter 04. --- """Space is to Communicate.""" --- p.68
Chapter 04.01 --- Hong Kong's Commercial Vernaculars --- p.70
Chapter 04.02 --- Discovering Spatial Setting --- p.71
Chapter 04.03 --- Case Studies --- p.72
Chapter 04.04 --- Comparison and Definition --- p.120
Chapter 05. --- """Consumption of Time.""" --- p.122
Chapter 05.01 --- Programme vs Time --- p.124
Chapter 05.02 --- Observation and Definition --- p.146
"""Theory & Methodology.""" --- p.148
Summary and Conclusion --- p.150
Manifesto --- p.150
Definition Directory --- p.152
Chapter N1 --- Research Book
Chapter iv. --- Design Research
Chapter 06. --- """History of Architecture of Money.""" --- p.156
Chapter 07. --- """The Stock Exchanges - Case Studies.""" --- p.164
London Royal Exchange (1667 - 71) --- p.166
The Exchange of Bristol (1741 - 43) --- p.170
Frankfurt Stock Exchange (1845) --- p.174
"Beurs van Berlage, Amsterdam (1898 - 1903)" --- p.178
The Chicago Slock Exchange (1893 - 94) --- p.182
Tokyo Slock Exchange (2000) --- p.186
Hong Kong Stock Exchange (2006) --- p.190
Chapter 08. --- """Functions of Money,""" --- p.194
Chapter 08.01 --- Five Functions of Money --- p.196
Chapter 09. --- """Symbolic Function of Money.""" --- p.198
Chapter 09.01 --- Hang Seng Index vs Historical Incidents --- p.200
Chapter 10. --- """Programmes and Time.""" --- p.202
Chapter 10.01 --- Exchange for Goods --- p.204
Chapter 10.02 --- Exchange for Services --- p.206
Chapter 10.03 --- Exchange for Derivatives --- p.208
Chapter 10.04 --- Exchange for Moral Value --- p.210
Chapter 11. --- """ Functions of Space.""" --- p.212
Chapter 11.01 --- Consumption Space Study --- p.214
Chapter 11.02 --- Spatial Typology Study's Manual --- p.215
Chapter 12. --- """ Functions and Time.""" --- p.230
Chapter 12.01 --- Study of Situation vs Time --- p.232
Chapter v. --- Design Strategy
Chapter 13. --- """Argumentation.""" --- p.236
The Duck --- p.235
The Decorated Shed --- p.240
The Icon --- p.242
Image and Architecture --- p.244
Chapter 14. --- """Design Strategy - New Monumentality.""" --- p.246
Internal Monumentally
[past] --- p.248
[New] --- p.250
External Monumentality
[past] --- p.252
[New] --- p.254
Chapter 15. --- """Un-Thinking Architecture.""" --- p.256
Chapter 15.01 --- Understanding of Spatial Practice --- p.256
Chapter 15.02 --- Schedule of Accommodation --- p.260
Chapter 15.03 --- Matrix of Space vs Function --- p.262
Chapter 16. --- """Programmes and Share.""" --- p.284
Chapter 16.01 --- The Business Model --- p.286
Chapter vi. --- Special Study
Chapter 17. --- Special Study[i]-The Context --- p.290
Chapter 17.01 --- The Site
Chapter 17.02 --- Media and the City
Chapter 17.03 --- Summation of Elevations
Chapter 18. --- Special Study --- p.298
Chapter 18.01 --- Media Typology Study --- p.300
Type 01 --- p.302
Type 02 --- p.304
Type 03 --- p.306
Type 04 --- p.308
Type 05
Type 06 --- p.311
Chapter 19. --- " ""Special Study [iii]-Media Application.""" --- p.314
Chapter 19.01 --- Screen Resolution Study
Slock Exchange
Gambling (Horse Racing)
Charity Show
Auction House
Shopping Mall
Chapter 20. --- Special Study[iv]-Media Arcthitecture. --- p.322
Chapter 20.01 --- Media as Architecture. --- p.324
Chapter 20.02 --- Media is the Message --- p.326
Chapter 21. --- Special Study [v]-THe Media Facade. --- p.328
Chapter vii. --- Design Demonstration
Chapter 22. --- """The Architecture.""" --- p.344
Chapter 22.01 --- Architecture of Money --- p.346
Chapter 22.02 --- The Spatial Organization --- p.348
Chapter 22.03 --- The Stacking --- p.350
Chapter 22.04 --- The Nine Functional Plans --- p.352
Chapter 22.05 --- Site Plan --- p.362
Chapter 23. --- """Representation.""" --- p.364
Chapter 24. --- """Design Exploration,""" --- p.380
Chapter 24.01 --- Urban Schematic Exploration --- p.382
Contextual Models 1:2000 --- p.383
Schematic Models 1:1000 --- p.392
Chapter 25. --- """Final Models.""" --- p.398
Chapter N2 --- Design Book
Chapter iix. --- Essay --- p.424
Chapter ix. --- References --- p.440

In Jakarta, ideas about class and sexuality, time and space are changing rapidly as capitalist transformation takes place. There has historically been a dichotomy between the 'metropolitan city’ culture of the ruling elite and the everyday life of struggle in the lowerclass kampung, but the kampung are now being radically affected by capitalist development and the ideology of consumerism. An examination of kampung Manggarai shows how its alleysidedwelling community has been structured by informal economic activities, networks centred around self-employed women involved in these activities, and communal concepts of time and space. This community is anarchic and relatively autonomous. In contrast, in the ideas authorised by the elite, society is made up of individual consumers and time and space exist as commodities. Households in the urban kampung rely on multiple income-earning strategies, and street trading is one of the few occupations which allows women to make a significant contribution. Street trading is becoming more difficult, however, due to the enforcement of restrictive legislation, and the model of bourgeois consumerism denies women their social and economic importance in the community. The expression 'no money no honey' is increasingly appropriate in Jakarta and is often used by the city's prostitutes. Self-employed prostitutes have their own networks of support and have relative autonomy in their everyday lives. This is apparent in a study of Bangka, a more recently urbanised kampung than Manggarai. Like the street traders, prostitutes' lifestyles are 'alternative' to the recommended ideology of the capitalist state, but at the same time they engage in spectacular consumption more successfully than other alleyside dwellers.

In any act of household migration, there are movers (the migrant) and stayers (those left behind), and both of these two groups have expectations. The movers expect to make some benefits at the destination while the stayers expect the migrant to send or do something at home of origin. Some work, though limited, has been done to improve our understanding of how potential migrants form their expectations of what they can get from the destination country in studies involving determinants of individual migration. But for those left behind very little is known about how they form their expectations of what they can get from the migrant. The few studies that have been done on this have only used observed flow of remittances to estimate what people left behind expect from migration. Hence these studies equate observed flow of remittances to expected flows. And by this equation, these studies also assume perfect information flow between migrants and relations left behind as well as perfect knowledge to help those left behind to form realistic expectations: expectations that reflects exactly what can be sent to them. Obviously these assumptions are not tenable. These untenable assumptions also leave a hole in our ability to explain why a household will choose to either continue supporting members for migration or not. This is because we cannot tell from observed data alone whether or not the desire to continue to support migration of a household or a family member is as a result of well-informed subjective expectations or not. The crust of the problem here is therefore that by relying on observed data alone we fail to account for the important role subjective expectations or beliefs of those left behind play in decisions for further migration movements, especially within the family. To be able to unravel this problem we need elicitation of subjective expectations of remittance flows from those left behind. Using data from a specially designed survey in two districts in Ghana, I construct time-adjusted subjective remittance expectations of migrant families at home of origin and analyse the factors that determine the formation of these expectations and how formation of these expectations can help us explain perpetuation of migration within a household. The key analytical models employed in these investigations are summarised below In order to understand the exogenous determinants of remittance expectations of migrant households, I first of all estimate factors that influence performance of migrant at home of origin and general flow of information between the migrants and the household members left behind. In order to see the effect of remittances on formation of subjective expectations, remittance flow was measured in terms of migrant performance by adjusting the flows to the time period during which the migrant could do what he or she has done. The items were limited to the popular ones people receive: money for living expenses, establishment of a house and business investment. The theoretical explanation for this adjustment is that if the observed trend in remittance flow has any effect on expectations it would be through individual household’s evaluation of what migrants have achieved within a certain number of years. In other words, all things being equal, families whose migrants took much longer period to achieve certain things would have lower levels of expectations than a comparable family whose migrant took relatively shorter period. This is because taking a long time to achieve something at home of origin would breed some kind of skepticism and uncertainty among those left behind as to what they can get from migration. And this skepticism can lead to low levels of expectations. This is also in line with the reference people left behind often make when talking about achievements of migrants at home of origin as they always point to what XYZ has done. Ordinary least squared regression is then used to estimate factors determining level of migrant performance at home of origin after the transformation of the dependent variable: migrant performance. Heckman selection model is also applied to control for possible effect of bias since some households have migrants who have done nothing at home. Kinship ties are the major factors under this investigation. To determine the main factors influencing information flow, ordinary least squared estimates are used while a generalised ordered logit model, with maximum likelihood method, is used to estimate the factors influencing the likelihood of a household getting higher categories of private/dedicated information from the migrant. Major factors for this investigation are kinship ties and performance of migrant at home of origin. Since information flow and remittance flows are suspected to have endogenous relationship, instrumental variables (IV) technique is employed to estimated impact of remittance flow on both private and public information flows. This is important for us to understand how information flow act as exogenous determinant of subjective remittance expectations, and resultant effect on perpetuation of migration. Once current information flow and performance of migrants have been examined and effects of their exogenous factors estimated, the next stage of the analysis is the examination of effects of these past performance and information flow on household subjective remittance expectations while controlling for other major exogenous factors such as kinship ties, level of education and household wealth. Ordinary least square regression technique is used to estimate major determinants of these levels of expectations. However, to control for possible bias resulting from the fact that a select group of households may not expect anything, Heckman selection model is applied. The final analysis is the estimation of impact household subjective remittance expectations on migration-support intentions. Due to the problem of endogenous relationship between expectations and migration decisions, ordinary maximum likelihood estimates would not be very effective in identifying the real impact expectations have on migration decisions. Hence I use maximum likelihood with endogenous repressors to estimate or identify the influence of expectation on potential migration decisions, applying the probit model with selection model (heckprob) technique. Ordered probit analysis is also used to investigate what determines household’s desire to support more than one person for migration. The results are summarised below. Summary of Findings Economics and sociology literature makes us aware that in order to understand formation of expectations of any kind we first have to investigate two important factors: past events and current information flow, because these are the two factors that hugely influence expectations. Hence, for us to understand remittance expectations, we first have to understand two issues: observed past flows of remittances and current flow of information between the migrant and relations left behind at home of origin. If remittance flows should influence household or family’s (including the extended family members) subjective expectations and the support to move abroad, it should largely do so in terms of what has been observed in the past. In Chapter Six, I investigated the influence of kinship ties on receipts of remittances. As expected, closer migrant relations such as spouse and head of family stand a much better chance of having better performance from migrant than distant kinship ties such as friendship. However when it comes to performance in individual items such as house or business investment, a household cannot rely only on kinship ties with migrant. It should also have some wealth. Specifically, among the kinship ties only spousal relationship was found to have positive effect on migrant performance in areas such as housing and business investment. Thus the influence of kinship ties on observed flow of remittances is mostly limited to money for living expenses, unless the family left behind is wealthy enough to enable allocation of what is sent into other things such as investment in housing and business. With kinship ties being very influential in the determination of past performance of migrants one would expect that these ties would also influence information flow if the assumption of remittance and information flow being together holds. It has always been assumed by cumulative causation theories of migration that together with the flow of remittances from migrant to relations back at home is the flow of information that connects migrant, potential migrants and those left behind (Massey et al, 1993). If this is the case then relationship should be a key factor in determining information flow from the migrants, because these ties influence flow of remittances. Results from the 2SLS model show that remittance flow has impact only at the lower levels of private information flow, reinforcing the point that information that comes with remittance flow may just be social issues such as size of family, marital status, and not economic ones. In spite of their strong effect on remittance flow or migrant performance, all the types of kinship ties generally have negative effects on private information flow. Thus kinship ties are not enough for those left behind to get more private information from the migrant relations residing abroad. It should not be surprising that remittance flows do not lead to higher levels of information flow from the migrants to those left behind. This is because remittances are mostly made up of monetary transfers for living expenses which may not carry much information with it as, in most cases, migrants do not require monitoring. And with electronic transfers of these days, it becomes more implausible to assume that remittance flows, which are mostly limited to monetary transfers, would generate private information as the interpersonal exchanges in these transfers become more and more reduced. But since the lower levels of private information flows only contain pieces of information such as marital status, household size and education levels, it follows that remittance flow may not be the best channel through which relations get important information about the socioeconomic conditions of the migrant. Perhaps this assumption was more plausible about 30 years ago when migrants mostly relied on methods such as using other migrants going home. Families left behind have to rely on their wealth or good level of education to be able to source information from the migrants. On the other hand, remittance flow or migrant performance has highly significant and positive influence on public information flow, suggesting that what migrants do at home influence some perceived knowledge of the migrants’ socioeconomic conditions. It is also interesting to note that factors such as average household education and wealth that have significant positive effect on private information flow have negative effect on public information flow. One can therefore deduce that the more families are able to access information from the migrants themselves, the less they rely on migration information from nonmigrant sources or the general public in the community of origin. Unfortunately remittance flow is unable to help those left behind to get more information from the migrant. Hence most of them will have to rely on public information. With the flow of crucial information such as economic conditions of migrants lacking or being inadequate, it can be concluded that there would be some level of uncertainty about conditions. And this level of uncertainty may lead to some guess-work or reliance on information from other sources in the formation of remittance expectations. That is, would their inability to access crucial information on economic conditions of the migrants “push” them to rely on information reaching them from other sources in the formation of expectations? Also if the wealthy and the more educated families are more likely to know more about the migrants, and if knowing more about the migrant is most likely to temper high expectations with realism as hypothesized in this study, would it be fair to conclude that wealthier and more educated families may have ambivalent, if not negative expectation levels? Results from Chapter Seven show that families would use their experience of what migrants have done at home of origin as a starting point in the formation of their remittance expectations in terms of whether or not they should expect something. But once their expectation status is assured, families are much more influenced by other factors than migrant performance in the formation of their subjective remittance expectation levels. In other words at lower levels of information, remittance expectations seem to be more adaptive to past trends of observed remittance flows. Kinship ties become very significant in this respect in spite of its insignificant influence on information flow. This raises a question of whether or not the effect of kinship ties on formation of remittance expectations is informed by information from the migrants. All the results point to the contrary. The effects of kinship ties on subjective remittance expectations are informed more by past experience of remittance receipts than current dedicated/ private flow of information between the families and the migrants. When kinship ties are interacted with private information their effects on remittance expectations are, however, significantly reduced, indicating that when people take private or dedicated information into consideration their high expectations are very much checked. What are the implications of subjective remittance expectations form under low levels of dedicated information flow for migration decisions? Chapter Eight sought to provide the answer to this question. The results confirmed the hypothesis that subjective remittance expectations formed under inadequate flow of dedicated information would lead to increasing desire to support more migration from the family and the opposite should also true. That is under inadequate information flow, subjective remittance expectations have highly positive effect on desire to perpetuate migration more than the demonstrative effect of migrant performance, emphasizing the importance of expectations in perpetuation of migration. However, the strong effect of expectations and kinship ties on desire to support migration could be reduced if high levels of dedicated information are taken into consideration. Further investigation into why some families with remittance expectations would still not want to support members to migrate revealed that, in addition to private or dedicated information flow, average household education level is a major factor that discourages families with remittance expectations from further supporting members to migrate. This is in sharp contrast with the generally accepted view that education selects families and individuals into migration, especially international migration. This is true in the general population. When only migrant families are sampled, as in this study, the effects of education on migration are tempered with information flow. Education allows the family to access more and more of private/dedicated information which has negative effect on remittance expectations. It is therefore not surprising that education may discourage families with expectations to continue supporting migration. But since most people do not get the private information or do not even consider it as, expectations which are hugely informed by past performance, public information and mere kinship ties would continue to drive perpetuation of migration, at least, at the household level.

Reducing energy use is a critical near-term strategy to mitigate climate change. Energy savings behaviors provide multiple benefits to the consumer and to society in addition to reducing greenhouse gas emissions: financial savings from lower energy bills, improved home comfort, fossil fuel resource conservation, energy independence, and improved local and indoor air quality, among others. Yet many policies to encourage reductions in energy use continue to focus on motivating behavior change with financial benefits, and little behavioral research has explored how these multiple benefits influence energy use decisions. Given the continued need for decreased energy use, more research is needed on how to leverage both financial and nonfinancial motivations to encourage energy saving behaviors. This dissertation consists of three separate papers, each addressing different elements of how individuals integrate financial and nonfinancial benefits to make energy use decisions. It presents the results of eight online and field studies conducted with over 395,000 U.S. residents. Chapters 1 and 2 focus on the decision architecture of the presentation of multiple benefits. Chapter 1 develops an inconspicuous change in savings metric to gently nudge individuals to consider energy use in addition to financial savings. It shows that presenting energy savings as a percentage of end-use energy increases behavioral adoption compared to a standard presentation of dollars saved. Chapter 2 explicitly presents environmental benefits in different ways, examining whether message effectiveness differs according to participants’ political ideologies. It shows that presenting environmental benefits in addition to financial benefits can increase interest in a large energy efficiency investment. Furthermore, while environmental benefits framed as climate change are motivating only for liberals, environmental benefits framed as stewardship and energy independence are motivating for both liberals and conservatives. Chapter 3 develops a measurement scale for a potential mechanism explaining why environmental and financial benefit frames lead to different decision outcomes: decision modes, or the qualitatively different ways that people make decisions. It defines six decision modes: calculation, affect, social norms, identity, habitual, and moral. These papers contribute to the behavioral science literature, expanding our understanding of the ways that decision makers incorporate the financial and environmental benefits of energy saving behaviors when making energy savings choices. These papers also provide actionable insights for policy makers to decrease energy consumption by improving the presentation of energy saving decisions.