Journal articles on the topic 'Monarchy'
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Qardaşəli qızı Əliyeva, Aysel. "Democratization in European Monarchic States." SCIENTIFIC RESEARCH 09, no. 5 (May 22, 2022): 116–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.36719/2789-6919/09/116-118.
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Məqalənin məzmunu monarxiya ilə demokratiya anlayışlarının bir-birinə zidd hesab olunmasına baxmayaraq, monarxiyanın quruluşuna demokratiyanın necə təsir etməsi kimi xüsusiyyətləri ön plana çəkilir. Bundan başqa, müasir demokratik monarxiyalı dövlətlərdə monarxın gücünün hazırda mövcud olub-olmaması, monarxın hansı həcmdə muxtariyyətdən istifadə edə bilməsi, kral ailəsinin ölçüsünün, varisliyinin və maliyyəsinin tənzimlənmə qaydası, 150 ildən sonra rəsmi səlahiyyətlərinin çox azaldılmasına baxmayaraq bu qədim irsi institutun mövcudluğunu qoruyub saxlaması və müasir monarxın rolu ilə əlaqədar məsələlərə münasibət bildirilmişdir. Açar sözlər: monarxiya, demokratiya, demokratiyaya inteqrasiya, monarxik demokratiya, monarxın gücüs Aysel Gardashali Aliyeva Democratization in European Monarchic States Abstract Although the notions of monarchy and democracy are considered to be incompatible, the article's content emphasizes the aspects such as how democracy impacts the monarchy's structure. In addition, the monarchy's existence in modern democracies, the monarch's autonomy, the regulation of the royal family's size, inheritance, and finances, the preservation of this ancient legacy institution despite the reduction of official powers after 150 years, and contemporary issues related to the monarch's role were addressed. Key words: Monarchy, democracy, incorporation into democracy, monarchical democracies
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Olson, Paul A. "William Shakespeare's All Is True , Lord Chamberlain's "Truth," and Civil Religion." Christianity & Literature 71, no. 3 (September 2022): 287–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/chy.2022.0038.
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Abstract: The first title for Shakespeare's Henry VIII — All Is True —may reflect standard early modern usage signifying that all is an aspect of 'troth' or loyalty, all is common understanding, or all is received from a divine source. In the play, the Lord Chamberlain, Shakespeare's only character so named, serves the Henrician monarchy's "truth" by serving Henry's religious and monarchic goals as the Jacobean Lord Chamberlain similarly served James I's goals, assuring audiences of the integrity, truth, and legitimacy of the monarchy and its faith. The play shows the Lord Chamberlain working to strengthen the loyalty of Henry's realm to the putatively divinely sanctioned sovereignty flowing through the monarch. He does so to create a legitimate image of the Tudor regime pivotal to the Jacobean monarchy's need for support for its 1613 religious goals and the "troth" inherent in English civil religion.
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Chutong, Wang. "Comparison of Japanese and British Monarchy after World War II." Studies in Social Science Research 2, no. 4 (October 13, 2021): p22. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/sssr.v2n4p22.
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Both Britain and Japan have made reservations and continuations to the monarchy in the process of historical development, and their political systems are constitutional monarchy. The royal family of both countries has a very long history. With the historical development and social change, the monarch has become a spiritual and cultural symbol. The “sanctification” of the monarch and the strong “plot of the monarch” have been deeply rooted in social culture. From the perspective of historical development and social and cultural influence, although there are similarities between the royals of the two countries, their roles in political, economic and social stability are different from the ways in which they are exerted. Through the comparison between Britain and Japanese monarchy in the above three aspects, this paper analyzes the difference between the two countries monarchy in the size of the role, the way to implement the role and the impact, and finally compares and summarizes the role of the two countries monarchy.
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Floss, Pavel. "K některým filosofickým aspektům Dantova díla." FILOSOFIE DNES 7, no. 2 (August 10, 2016): 3–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.26806/fd.v7i2.214.
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Článek se zaměřuje na některé aspekty Dantova spisu De monarchia, především na povahu Alighieriho realizace ideje celosvětové monarchie, jež je jedinou zárukou trvalého míru, který je představen jako nezbytný předpoklad plné realizace všech duchovních potencí lidského rodu jako takového. Ačkoliv Dantovy názory vykazují ovlivnění dobovým averroismem, opírá se ve filosofické argumentaci pro upřednostnění vlády jediného celosvětového vladaře o scholasticky interpretovanou aristotelskou metafyziku. Autor konfrontuje základní momenty Dantovy politické filosofie s názory Marsilia z Padovy a především s koncepcemi Tomáše Akvinského. Ačkoliv Dante přispěl k posílení autonomie světského a vymanění se panovnické moci z nároků, jež si osobovalo dobové papežství, vytvořilo jeho zbožštění panovnické moci ideové předpoklady pro zbožštění státu a novodobý etatismus. The study focuses on aspects of Dante`s De monarchia — particularly on Alighieri`s conception of realization of the idea of universal monarchy as the only guarantee of permanent peace. This is presented as a necessary precondition for a full realization of all spiritual potentialities of the human kind as such. Although Dante`s views display an influence of contemporary Averroism, his philosophical argumentation in favour of the rule of one universal monarch is based on scholastic interpretations of Aristotelian metaphysics. Key moments of Dante`s philosophy are confronted with the views of Marsilius of Padua and, particularly, with the conceptions of Thomas Aquinas. It is then argued that Dante contributed to strengthening of the autonomy of the secular order and to liberation of monarchic rule from power claims of the contemporary papacy. At the same time, however, his deification of monarchic rule created preconditions for deification of the state and modern etatism.
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Floss, Pavel. "K některým filosofickým aspektům Dantova díla." FILOSOFIE DNES 7, no. 2 (August 10, 2016): 3–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.26806/fd.v7i2.372.
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Článek se zaměřuje na některé aspekty Dantova spisu De monarchia, především na povahu Alighieriho realizace ideje celosvětové monarchie, jež je jedinou zárukou trvalého míru, který je představen jako nezbytný předpoklad plné realizace všech duchovních potencí lidského rodu jako takového. Ačkoliv Dantovy názory vykazují ovlivnění dobovým averroismem, opírá se ve filosofické argumentaci pro upřednostnění vlády jediného celosvětového vladaře o scholasticky interpretovanou aristotelskou metafyziku. Autor konfrontuje základní momenty Dantovy politické filosofie s názory Marsilia z Padovy a především s koncepcemi Tomáše Akvinského. Ačkoliv Dante přispěl k posílení autonomie světského a vymanění se panovnické moci z nároků, jež si osobovalo dobové papežství, vytvořilo jeho zbožštění panovnické moci ideové předpoklady pro zbožštění státu a novodobý etatismus. The study focuses on aspects of Dante`s De monarchia — particularly on Alighieri`s conception of realization of the idea of universal monarchy as the only guarantee of permanent peace. This is presented as a necessary precondition for a full realization of all spiritual potentialities of the human kind as such. Although Dante`s views display an influence of contemporary Averroism, his philosophical argumentation in favour of the rule of one universal monarch is based on scholastic interpretations of Aristotelian metaphysics. Key moments of Dante`s philosophy are confronted with the views of Marsilius of Padua and, particularly, with the conceptions of Thomas Aquinas. It is then argued that Dante contributed to strengthening of the autonomy of the secular order and to liberation of monarchic rule from power claims of the contemporary papacy. At the same time, however, his deification of monarchic rule created preconditions for deification of the state and modern etatism.
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Żmigrodzki, Radosław. "Pozycja monarchy w systemie politycznym Hiszpanii." Facta Simonidis 7, no. 1 (December 31, 2014): 9–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.56583/fs.206.
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Niniejsza analiza została poświęcona problematyce pozycji monarchy w Hiszpanii. Odwołano się do bogatej tradycji monarchizmu w Hiszpanii, przypominając koronowane głowy państwa. Interesujące wydały się także wątki dotyczące struktury administracji zapewniającej prawidłowe funkcjonowanie monarchii. Starano się udowodnić tezę, iż monarcha hiszpański jest arbitrem i moderatorem w systemie władzy politycznej. Tezę tę sformułowano pod wpływem postanowień Konstytucji Hiszpanii, z których wynika że król jest szefem państwa, symbolem jego jedności i trwałości, sprawuje arbitraż i moderuje prawidłowe funkcjonowanie instytucji, spełnia najwyższe funkcje reprezentacyjne państwa hiszpańskiego w stosunkach międzynarodowych szczególnie z narodami związanymi z nim historyczną wspólnotą oraz wykonuje funkcje przyznane mu w konstytucji i ustawach.
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Szulc, Tadeusz. "The position of the sovereign in the provisions of the Constitution of 3 May 1791 against the background of the French Constitution of 3 September 1791 and the Constitutional Charter of 4 June 1814." Gubernaculum et Administratio 1(23) (2021): 137–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.16926/gea.2021.01.09.
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Three different monarchical systems emerge from the Constitution. From constitutional monarchy based on the English model, through monarchy with some features of a republic, to a monarchy with the principle of unity of state power. The acts show that the Polish king was situated between a monarch dominated by the legislature and a sovereign monarch. He was not a figurehead. The introduction into the constitution of the principles of the sovereignty of the nation and the tripartite division of power meant that the organs of the state, and the king was one of them, performed only such activities as were allowed by the constitution. This is what the May and French Constitutions of 1791 stated. The Constitutional Charter of 1814 returned to the principle of unity of power. The monarch exercised not only the powers enumerated in the Charter, but also those not reserved to other bodies. The provisions of the Charter proved attractive to monarchies seeking a transition from enlightened absolutism to a constitutional parliamentary monarchy.
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Dorji, Nima. "The Progressive Monarchy of Bhutan: A Not-So-Absolute Monarchy to a Democratic Constitutional Monarchy." Asian Journal of Law and Society 9, no. 3 (October 2022): 440–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/als.2022.34.
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AbstractThis article provides a descriptive account of the evolution of the Bhutanese monarchy, and normative claims about its endurance and its nature, suggesting that the monarchy is both the expression of as well as the guardian of the country’s constitutional identity. Bhutan became a democratic constitutional monarchy by adopting the written Constitution in 2008 after a successful 100 years of hereditary monarchy. The willingness of successive monarchs to evolve based on changing times, their ability to ensure stability and continuity, and work for the benefits of the people and country guided by the principles of Buddhist kingship seem to have contributed not only in them benefitting from unqualified support of the people, but also in attaining the status of an expression of Bhutanese constitutional identity.
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RUSSELL-WOOD, A. J. R. "‘Acts of Grace’: Portuguese Monarchs and their Subjects of African Descent in Eighteenth-Century Brazil." Journal of Latin American Studies 32, no. 2 (May 2000): 307–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00005757.
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This article examines direct appeals to Portuguese monarchs and how this extrajudicial option was invoked by slaves and free persons of African descent in colonial Brazil. It also addresses the production and content of appeals and what these reflect of the lives of Afro-Brazilians, relations between slave and owner, manumissions, judicial and individual abuse of women and popular perceptions and expectations of a monarch. The pros and cons of this appellate recourse are discussed in the context of colonial governance and of how royal acts of private justice reinforced the moral authority of monarchs, the sacred quality of monarchy and those personal qualities of magnanimity and compassion associated with the ideal of kingship.
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Kyriacou, Christos. "Why Monarchy Should Be Abolished." Think 22, no. 65 (2023): 39–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1477175623000210.
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AbstractMonarchy is a form of government that, roughly, dictates that the right to rule is inherited by birth by a single ruler. But monarchy (absolute or constitutional) breaches fundamental moral principles that undergird representative democracy, such as basic moral equality, dignity and desert. Simply put, the monarchs (and their family) are treated as morally superior to ordinary citizens and as a result ordinary citizens are treated in an unfair and undignified manner. For example, monarchs are respected, enjoy dignity, income, opportunity, public office and exalted social status just because of their inherited office, which is due to the mere historical accident of family lineage. Hence, we have good moral reason to abolish monarchy. Finally, I briefly reply to the pragmatic argument for constitutional monarchy, namely, the argument that monarchy can be allowed to play a largely ceremonial role in the context of democracy because it is beneficial for the function of society. As I argue, societies run by presidential democracies can function equally well and, what is more, no matter what the pragmatic reasons for constitutional monarchy are, we still have stronger moral reasons against it. Therefore, it should be abolished.
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Marouan, Blaiha, and El Houcine Oughlane. "The Moroccan Monarchy and the Construction of Social Representations." Contemporary Arab Affairs 13, no. 3 (August 28, 2020): 79–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/caa.2020.13.3.79.
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This article argues that the Moroccan monarchy’s past political projects seek to perpetuate social representations and monarchial rituals. Moreover, the monarchy started with primitive strategies such as radical repression to maintain these representations. Meanwhile, through socio-historical changes, the Moroccan monarchy has been remarkably dynamic in adapting to the new social realities. This explains why the monarchy has reconstructed social representations. Thus, the resilience of the monarchy is not only due to its authoritative features, but in fact, due to the cultural foundations of authoritative relationships that exist in the Moroccan society as well.
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Nefedov, Sergey Alexandrovich. "The origin of Russian absolutism in the context of the military revolution theory." Studia Slavica et Balcanica Petropolitana 2(32) (2022): 3–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu19.2022.201.
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The article is devoted to the interpretation of socio-political processes during the reign of Ivan the Terrible from the standpoint of the theory of military revolution. Following the well-known work of B. Downing, the author identifies ten stages in the evolution of the medieval monarchy to militarybureaucratic absolutism. Such cases are described in the history of the Scandinavian states. Further, the socio-political processes of the times of Ivan the Terrible are analyzed from the point of view of their correspondence to the distinguished steps. It is concluded that these processes follow the scheme of B. Downing. The starting point of development is the medieval monarchy, in which the power of the suzerain is limited to assemblies (conditionally, «parliaments»), where aristocrats predominate, managing the resources of their land holdings. The military revolution downgrades the importance of chivalry and requires the creation of a large army of firearms-wielding mercenary infantrymen. Funding a new army requires a reallocation of resources to the detriment of the aristocracy. The «Parliaments» resist these demands, and a conflict ensues between the monarchs and the aristocracy. The new army ensures the victory of the monarchs. Monarchs abolish «parliaments» or deprive them of real powers. The victorious monarchs subdue the nobility, take away some of its resources. Reforms are being carried out, a new financial system is being created. A new bureaucracy is being created, and commoners are recruited for positions. The nobility is trying to fit into these new structures by taking office positions. Taking into account the criticism of the concept of «absolutism» in the context of the possibility of informal compromises between the monarch and the aristocracy, the author confines himself to considering cases where such compromises obviously could not have happened, when the monarch completely subordinated the aristocracy. The author notes that this conclusion is preliminary, and the problem requires further detailed research.
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d'Oliveira, Hans Ulrich Jessurun. "The EU and Its Monarchies: Influences and Frictions." European Constitutional Law Review 8, no. 1 (February 2012): 63–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1574019612000041.
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Monarchies in Europe — Monarchs as embodiments of sovereignty — Implications for monarchy of the EU as a limitation of sovereignty — Effects of Union law on the prerogatives of monarchs — Monarchs as heads of state in the Union
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Ockey, James. "Monarch, monarchy, succession and stability in Thailand." Asia Pacific Viewpoint 46, no. 2 (August 2005): 115–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8373.2005.00267.x.
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Roiron, Virginie. "The Commonwealth Realms: A Thorn in the Side of the British Monarchy?" Recherches anglaises et nord-américaines 58 (2024): 113–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/11uzh.
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The death of Queen Elizabeth II in September 2022 has given renewed momentum to claims for a republic in a significant number of Commonwealth realms, while also revealing how confused the perception of the role of the British monarch in the Commonwealth is. The latter is indeed both the head of 15 Commonwealth states, and since 1949, has been the “Head of the Commonwealth” as an international organisation of sovereign independent states. With a special focus on the case of Commonwealth realms, this article proposes to examine the extent to which these two roles of the monarch in the Commonwealth are compatible. While the monarch’s position as head of the Commonwealth, mainly shaped by Queen Elizabeth II throughout her reign, conveys the image of the head of a multicultural and multiracial “family of nations”, his role as constitutional monarch of his 14 “other realms”, might well undermine the legitimacy of the monarchy, at both international and national levels, and particularly in the context of increased global demands for reparations and decolonial justice.
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Sharifzhanov, Izmail. "The Crown and Parliament. The Tragic Fates of English King Charles I and Russian Tsar Nicholas II: a Comparative Study." Czasopismo Prawno-Historyczne 61, no. 2 (December 31, 2009): 205–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/cph.2009.2.17.
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This paper examines a very acute problem – the relationships between crowns and their parliaments in history as personified by two political figures: English King Charles I and Russian Tsar Nicholas II. In spite of the three centuries which divide these two monarchs, their fates were strikingly similar, mainly because of their attitudes to national parliaments and constitutional rule in general. This comparative essay provides a basis for understanding the role of individuals in history and their influence on the course of events – the cases where monarchal prejudices, biases, foibles, or obstinacy led to personal as well as national tragedies: to revolutions, civil wars and dictatorships (let it be those of Cromwell or Stalin). Lastly, the paper offers an opportunity to appreciate the national peculiarities of those great tragedies: while England could quite promptly repair the ravages of revolution and restore its monarchy, Russia, on the contrary, lost – vidently, forever – the chance to establish a constitutional monarchy and suffered a long period of political totalitarianism in the twentieth century.
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Medved, Mladen. "Trotsky or Wallerstein?" East Central Europe 45, no. 1 (April 30, 2018): 39–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-04501003.
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This article examines the potentials of world-systems analysis (WSA) and uneven and combined development (UCD) for the history of nineteenth-century Habsburg Monarchy by critically engaging with Andrea Komlosy’s account of the Monarchy, written from the perspective of WSA. It argues that Komlosy does not provide a consistent WSA interpretation of the Monarchy’s history by trying to analyze the Monarchy as a world-economy in its own right, thus excluding geopolitical dynamics and the world-economy. Furthermore, core-periphery relations within the Monarchy are dealt with in a contradictory fashion. Crucially, the quite anomalous state formation is not accounted for. The problematic account of state formation, it is argued, is due to the limitations of WSA. By taking a closer look at the genesis of the Austro–Hungarian Compromise, the article claims that UCD is better suited for explaining state formation in the Monarchy.
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Raevskaya, Marina M., and Irina V. Selivanova. "The Spanish King’s Christmas Messages as a Ritual Genre of Institutional Discourse: A Comparative Study." NSU Vestnik. Series: Linguistics and Intercultural Communication 18, no. 1 (2020): 57–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1818-7935-2020-18-1-57-70.
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The article deals with the Christmas messages of two Spanish monarchs, Juan Carlos I and Philip VI, issued from 1975 to 2018. These texts are considered to be a ritual genre of institutional discourse and are analyzed in the context of political rhetoric. Since the restoration of the monarchy in Spain in 1975, the Spanish King’s Christmas messages are thought to be the main instrument of communication of the Head of State with his citizens. Although they do not have any legal status and belong to the realm of customs and traditions, these speeches receive wide media coverage because they are one of the few occasions when the monarch addresses the Spanish people on television. This paper highlights the idea that the messages are ideologically driven and politically motivated since their major purpose is to strengthen the image of the monarchy and to convince people of the necessity and advantages of peaceful coexistence, respect for the law, and national pride. The article also focuses on the images of the past, the future, the speaker, the addressee (Spanish society), and the country. The scientific value of this paper is in providing a comparative analysis of the communicative potential of the Christmas speeches issued by Juan Carlos I and Felipe VI. It was revealed that the two monarchs appealed to the same values and feelings of their people. Juan Carlos I and Felipe VI underlined the importance of peaceful coexistence in Spain, a highly democratic country where the monarch is the symbol of its unity and permanence. As for linguistic aspects, the speeches comply with the rules of classical oratory and are characterized by a set of common features: for instance, both monarchs employ the same rhetorical devices and communicative strategies in order to impact the audience and make the message more direct and influential. Nevertheless, Felipe VI makes his messages more personal, emotional and appealing, in comparison with the messages of his predecessor. The authors described invariant and variative features of the Christmas speeches issued by two Spanish monarchs taking into account some differences which can be explained by the social, economic and political context of modern Spain.
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Dong, Yukang. "Comparison of Forms and Concepts of Confrontation against Monarch Power in Ancient China and in Medieval Western Europe." Scientific and Social Research 3, no. 3 (September 30, 2021): 109–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.36922/ssr.v3i3.1158.
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Monarchy existed in both ancient China and the Middle-ages Western Europe. It is an inevitable phenomenon of power dynamics for the above two that other societal groups would rise to confront the sovereign authority of the monarch. However, because of the differences in the historical environment between ancient China and the West, the form of the antagonism toward the power of the monarchy and the political concepts embodied therein are naturally quite distinct. In ancient China, resistance against imperial power, both in form and concept, can be roughly divided into “revolution” and “admonishment,” while the political concepts of the Middle-ages Western Europe legally reserved reasonable channels for those opposing the power of the monarchy.
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GAVRILOVIĆ, VLADAN. "THE SERBIAN VOJVODINA AND MONTENEGRO: 1848–1849." ISTRAŽIVANJA, Јournal of Historical Researches, no. 32 (December 3, 2021): 133–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.19090/i.2021.32.133-143.
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The revolution of 1848–1849 had a significant effect on the Serbs in the Habsburg Monarchy, who established their own self-governing entity, the Serbian Vojvodina, within the monarchy. These events also attracted the attention of Serbs living outside the monarchy’s borders, especially those in Montenegro and, in particular, the Metropolitan of Cetinje, Petar II Petrović Njegoš. He wanted to assist his compatriots in the monarchy, and considered this action to be only the first step, albeit a very important one, in the ultimate fight for the liberation and unification of all Serbs within two independent countries: Serbia and Montenegro.
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McCargo, Duncan. "Network Monarchy as Euphoric Couplet." Pacific Affairs 94, no. 3 (September 1, 2021): 549–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.5509/2021943549.
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Since the publication of my article "Network monarchy and crises of legitimacy in Thailand" (Pacific Review, 2005), network monarchy has become an influential concept in the analysis of Thailand's politics. Though widely adopted, the argument has also spawned rival or complementary coinings, ranging from "autonomous political networks" (Joseph Harris) to "working towards the monarchy" (Serhat Uenaldi), and the "deep state" (Eugenie Mérieau), as well as the "parallel state" and the "monarchized military" (Paul Chambers and Napisa Waitoolkiat ). This article revisits the argument, elaborates on the meanings of the original term, and makes a case for network monarchy's continuing salience in the Tenth Reign.
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Lacchè, Luigi. "Granted Constitutions. The Theory of octroi and Constitutional Experiments in Europe in the Aftermath of the French Revolution." European Constitutional Law Review 9, no. 2 (August 23, 2013): 285–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1574019612001150.
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The Charte and the octroi: the origins of the ‘model’ – Theory of the octroi: the tale of the king-patriarch – Absorbing the Revolution into the Monarchy – Different words to say ‘constitution’: Charte constitutionnelle, Landständische Verfassung, Statuto – The granted constitution as context of legitimacy: the monarchy comes before and is within the constitution – Interpreting the granted constitution – The fate of the monarchic constitution
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Nowak, Mariusz. "Konceptualizacja „powinnego” ładu socjo-politycznego w państwach zachodnich w dobie XIX-wiecznych przemian w myśli krakowskiego konserwatysty Henryka Lisickiego." UR Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 23, no. 2 (2022): 21–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.15584/johass.2022.2.2.
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The article presents the views of the representative of Krakow conservative – Henryk Lisicki on the subject of nineteenth-century socio-political changes in Western Europe. His reflections focused on the search for stability of the internal order of those countries, conducted from a moderately conservative position. This meant criticizing the extreme models of socio-political orders that he believed the experience of personal monarchs, an egalitarian republic or authoritarian military dictatorships had brought. In the context of his reflections, the "should" political model was the constitutional monarchy, ensuring the balance of society (even within a strongly diversified one, under the influence of contemporary economic changes), guarantees of civil rights as well as centers of power: the monarch and the representation of the general public, i.e. parliament.
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Cai, Siheng. "Analysis of the Development and Influence of Constitutional Monarchy in Britain and France." Lecture Notes in Education Psychology and Public Media 31, no. 1 (December 7, 2023): 133–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2753-7048/31/20231740.
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In the contemporary, the British monarchy stands as a steadfast symbol of tradition and continuity, juxtaposed against the prevailing dominance of French republican ideals, which champion the values of liberty, equality, and fraternity. This article embarks on an exploration of how historical events have left an indelible mark on present-day national political systems, employing a comparative analysis of the British and French constitutional monarchies. It meticulously scrutinizes the divergent paths these two nations have taken within the realm of constitutional monarchy. The analysis underscores that Britain's evolution has been characterized by a gradual and stable transformation, culminating in the establishment of a ceremonial monarchy. In contrast, France's journey has been tumultuous, marked by revolutionary fervor and a transition between monarchy and republic. The study sheds light on the pivotal influence of radical factions and the multifaceted challenges encountered by countries on their quest for constitutional governance. Moreover, it delves into the contemporary roles of monarchs in political systems, the place occupied by royal families in society, and their significant role in shaping national identity.
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Bieniek, Barbara. "Wygląd i zaangażowanie, czyli rola księżniczki koronnej Wiktorii Bernadotte w podtrzymywaniu szwedzkiej monarchii." Studia Scandinavica 6, no. 26 (December 28, 2022): 139–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.26881/ss.2022.26.09.
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The role of the Swedish monarch is mainly ceremonial and involves representing the state at some national events and in international relations. Outward appearance and social-cultural activity are important for preserving the tradition of having a monarchy in Sweden and for stressing its necessity. The aim of this article is to discuss how the image of the heir apparent to the Swedish throne, Victoria Bernadotte, in terms of both appearance and social-cultural activity, helps to maintain support for the monarchy, even though it has only a symbolic role.
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Łukaszewski, Marcin. "Czy renesans monarchii absolutnej? Zmianyw Konstytucji Księstwa Lichtensteinu z 2003 roku." Refleksje. Pismo naukowe studentów i doktorantów WNPiD UAM, no. 1 (October 31, 2018): 151–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/r.2010.1.10.
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In 2003 citizens of Liechtenstein adopted a package of amendments to the Constitution which allowed for a substantial strengthening of the monarch’s power. These changes have since been severely criticized by the Council of Europe, with concerns as to the possible retreat from a constitutional monarchy leading to the possible renaissance of absolute monarchy. This question is answered in this article, which further proves that the concerns raised by the Council of Europe are unjustified.
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Rubia, Antonio Garrido, Antonia Martinez Rodríguez, and Alberto Mora-Rodríguez. "Public opinion and forms of government: The monarchy–republic debate in Spain." International Journal of Iberian Studies 36, no. 1 (March 1, 2023): 61–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ijis_00091_1.
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This article analyses the factors which affect trust in the Spanish monarchy and public preferences between monarchy and republic. In order to investigate these two factors, 9420 people were interviewed across Spain using a specially designed survey. The data show the extent to which the perception of the monarchy’s effectiveness affects trust in the institution and in the form of government. The answers to these two questions revealed a significant polarization in the Spanish society.
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McAllister, Charles. "Mcgurk, The Tudor Monarchies 1485-1603." Teaching History: A Journal of Methods 28, no. 2 (September 1, 2003): 98–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.33043/th.28.2.98-99.
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John McGurk takes the monarchy, "the most important institution in political and constitutional change" in western Europe in the 1400s and 1500s, as his starting point for a succinct survey of British history during the Tudor age. Change is the key term here, as McGurk seeks to address the controversy on how much the Tudors transformed English medieval government. His fine book's traditional structure is largely chronological, with two introductory chapters on the monarchy (with a detailed tree for the York, Lancastrian, and Tudor families) and historical background followed by six more devoted to the monarchs.
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Pincus, Steven C. A. "From butterboxes to wooden shoes: the shift in English popular sentiment from anti-Dutch to anti-French in the 1670s." Historical Journal 38, no. 2 (June 1995): 333–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00019452.
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ABSTRACTWhile Restoration historians have traditionally assumed that there was little public interest in foreign affairs, and that English attitudes towards Europe were determined either by religious or domestic concerns, this essay argues that there was a lively and sophisticated English debate about Europe which turned on the proper identification of the universal monarch rather than religion. In the later 1660s the English political nation was deeply divided in its understanding of European politics. Enthusiastic supporters of the restored monarchy thought that the republican United Provinces sought universal dominion, while the monarchy's radical critics identified absolutist France as an aspirant to universal monarchy. French success in the early phases of the third Anglo-Dutch war, the failure of the French navy to support the English fleet at sea, and the overthrow of the Dutch republican regime in favour of William III, Prince of Orange, convinced the vast majority of the English that France represented the greater threat. Ultimately popular pressure compelled Charles II to abandon the French alliance. In addition, the popular conviction that Louis XIV had succeeded in corrupting the English court resulted in a new-found desire for popular accountability in foreign affairs, and a consequent diminution of the royal prerogative in that sphere.
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Pérez Carrasco, Mariano. "Guido Vernani, Averroism, and the Modernity of Dante’s Political Thought." Pensamiento. Revista de Investigación e Información Filosófica 79, no. 305 (March 1, 2024): 1455–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.14422/pen.v79.i305.y2023.001.
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The paper presents a reconstruction of the metaphysical core of Dante’s political thought as expressed in the Monarchy, following on the footsteps of Guido Vernani’s critique of Dante’s political ideas in his De reprobatione Monarchie composite a Dante (Bologna, 1327-1334). The paper focuses on the link between Dante’s alleged Averroism, an accusation formulated for the first time by the Dominican friar, but latter repeated by philosophical historiography, and the interpretation of the Monarchy as a sign of the beginning of modern philosophy.
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Watson, Gavin. "Media and Majesty." General: Brock University Undergraduate Journal of History 8 (April 19, 2023): 221–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.26522/tg.v8i.4194.
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The relationship between media and the British monarchy is one that dominates the institution in its modern form. An important chapter in this relationship was the 1953 Coronation of Queen Elizabeth II, the first ever to be televised. Despite being a key cultural figure in most Britons’ lives, scholars have only begun to critically historicize the late Queen alongside the events she ruled over. This article contributes to conversations about the historical significance of the monarch by analysing the planning of her coronation, the themes invoked within the event itself, and public response to the event. It does so by situating the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) as a principal force in mobilizing themes of social unity, mediated intimacy, the ‘magic’ of monarchy, and the Queen as a feminized maternal figure to reify monarchist, conservative, and colonial ideas. Ultimately, the BBC mobilized new technologies to uphold traditional, historical ideas about the role of the monarchy, in a period of imperial dissolution and waning British prestige.
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Desnitsky, A. S. "A Monarchy and a Half: the Ancient Israelite Statehood Evaluated." Orientalistica 3, no. 3 (October 3, 2020): 619–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7043-2020-3-3-619-643.
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This is the last article in the series of six articles, which altogether deal with the reconstruction of the history of the Ancient Israel. Its task is to offer the most plausible model of the emergence and the subsequent development as monarchic states of the kingdoms of Judaea and Israel. Methodologically, the research is based upon the narrative analysis. The key question is whether did exist the unified monarchy with Jerusalem as its capital during the rule of King David. To answer the question whether it did exist indeed and if yes then in what form one must compare the Biblical narratives with their author's ideology. The research shows that the actual “unified monarchy” was It appears that the unified monarchy was more likely “a project”, which in the actual narration was turned into the narrated past.
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Bowie, Karin. "‘A Legal Limited Monarchy’: Scottish Constitutionalism in the Union of Crowns, 1603–1707." Journal of Scottish Historical Studies 35, no. 2 (November 2015): 131–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jshs.2015.0152.
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After the formation of the British composite monarchy in 1603, a distinctive pattern of Scottish constitutionalism emerged in which a desire to maintain the Scottish realm and church encouraged an emphasis on the limitation of the monarch by fundamental law, guaranteed by oaths. The Covenanters attempted to use the National Covenant and the 1651 coronation to force the king to maintain the Presbyterian church as defined by law. Restoration royalists emphasised the untrammelled power of the king, but in the Revolution of 1688-89, the Claim of Right was presented with the oath of accession as a set of conditions designed to re-establish the Scottish realm as a ‘legal limited monarchy’ with a Presbyterian church. Reforms in 1640-41, 1689-90 and 1703-4 placed statutory constraints on the royal prerogative. The making of the union relied on a reassertion of monarchical sovereignty, though Presbyterian unionists ensured that the new British monarch would be required to swear to uphold the church as established by law.
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Valdivieso, Isabel Del Val. "Urban growth and royal interventionism in late medieval Castile." Urban History 24, no. 2 (August 1997): 129–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963926800016357.
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ABSTRACTThroughout the late Middle Ages, Castilian towns underwent a process of rapid economic and political growth which the monarchy sought to control. Accordingly, the monarchy reoriented its policies towards the towns. It attempted to impose the figure of the ‘corregidor’, the representative and defender of royal interests; it intervened wherever possible in the appointment of local government offices; it played its part in urban conflicts, alternately supporting opposing factions in an effort to take advantage of the situation and secure its own interests; and finally, the state established regulations governing economic activity. The process of royal intervention culminated under the Catholic monarchs (1474–1504) with what can be considered as a royal triumph.
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Ploumidis, Spyridon G. "An antidote to anarchy? Images of monarchy in Greece in the nineteenth and the twentieth centuries." Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 45, no. 2 (July 13, 2021): 240–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/byz.2021.6.
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Since Roman times the representation of monarchy as an antidote to anarchy was a strong form of legitimization for the monarchical institution. In modern Greece, this formula dates back to 1821. The Greek Revolution and its republican constitutions were identified by European statesmen with anarchy and demagogy. Thus, a foreign monarch, alien to Greece's internal factions, was deemed the ideal remedy for internecine strife, and the best guarantor of internal unity as well as stability in the Near East. This image of monarchy proved its usefulness again during the First World War, when a controversy between the premier Eleftherios Venizelos and King Constantine over foreign policy and constitutional issues led to the National Schism (1915–17).
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Baloro, John. "The Development of Swaziland's Constitution: Monarchical Responses to Modern Challenges." Journal of African Law 38, no. 1 (1994): 19–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021855300011438.
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At independence in 1968, the monarchy in Swaziland did not suffer the fate of traditional rulers in most of independent Africa whose powers were severely curtailed and subordinated to those of the nationalist leaders. In Swaziland, the King's pre-eminence as the head of the ruling Dlamini clan was constitutionally enshrined within the overall set-up of a constitutional monarchy. The monarchy's control over the strategic resources of the country such as land and mineral resources was also entrenched in the Constitution. Furthermore, the domination of the political scene by the royalist party, the Imbokodvo National Movement, consolidated the King's political powers far beyond what was possibly intended under the dispensation of a constitutional monarchy. As soon as the opposition gained three seats in Parliament, this was seen as a challenge to the power, prestige and authority of the King. It then became easy for the 1968 Independence Constitution to be targeted as a colonial imposition lacking authority as a source of legitimate governance in the country.
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Ramshaw, Gail. "Transfiguring Monarchy." Liturgy 13, no. 2 (March 1996): 35–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0458063x.1996.10392344.
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von Daniels, Detlef. "On monarchy." Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 21, no. 4 (June 13, 2016): 456–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13698230.2016.1196430.
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Mort, Frank. "Safe for Democracy: Constitutional Politics, Popular Spectacle, and the British Monarchy 1910–1914." Journal of British Studies 58, no. 1 (January 2019): 109–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2018.176.
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AbstractHow did the British monarchy respond to the multiple challenges of early twentieth-century mass democracy? Historians have separated the growth of constitutional sovereignty from the practice of a welfare monarchy, or from royalty as decorative and media friendly. This article argues that the political transformation of the modern monarchy was inseparable from innovations to its style and presentation. Opening with the dramatic constitutional crisis that confronted George V and his advisors in 1910, I show how the monarchy's entanglement in high politics forced the crown to assume an increasingly neutral, arbitrarial stance on industrial disputes and on the Irish question, despite the king's own conservatism. Simultaneously, George V invested in styles of royal accessibility and informality that contrasted sharply with other major European dynasties, in a series of royal tours across the industrial heartlands of England and Wales in 1912 and 1913. Extensively covered by the national and imperial press and by the newsreels, these visits to the strongholds of laborism promoted a vision of patrician democracy that drew heavily on traditions of organic, one-nation conservatism. But they also positioned royalty and the people in a new imaginary relationship that was more personal and intimate. Both versions had long-term consequences for the British monarchy across the twentieth century.
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Liu, Yuanlin. "The Possessed: Dostoevsky’s Conscientious Monarchy." English Language and Literature Studies 11, no. 1 (January 19, 2021): 31. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ells.v11n1p31.
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In the mock apocalypse of The Possessed, Fyodor Dostoevsky references biblical imagery to advocate for a conscientious monarchy as the ideal government to lead the Russian masses from deception. While Varvara Petrovna Stavrogin’s oppression of Stepan Trofimovich Verhovensky is similar to the Babylonian kings’ exploitation of the Jews in Daniel, the love between them and Dostoevsky’s eventual glorification of Stepan Trofimovich as the Russian prophet suggest the longevity of a conscientious monarchy, one in which the monarch takes responsibility for the welfare of its subjects and enforces Christian morality. Additionally, Dostoevsky’s description of the young anarchist revolutionaries, Nikolay Vsyevolodovitch Stavrogin and Pyotr Stepanovich Verhovensky, echos imagery of the beast and harlot in Revelation. Through the parent-child relationship between the monarchists and revolutionaries, Dostoevsky argues that the revolutionaries take root in the traditional social hierarchy yet betray it. This paper analyzes how Dostoevsky uses the biblical parallelisms in The Possessed to foreshadow the end to nihilism and defend traditional morality and the tsar as Russia’s God-ordained ruler.
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ROSE, JACQUELINE. "KINGSHIP AND COUNSEL IN EARLY MODERN ENGLAND." Historical Journal 54, no. 1 (January 31, 2011): 47–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x10000567.
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ABSTRACTCounsel was central to negotiating the politics of Reformation monarchy in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century England. In a personal monarchy, particularly one wherein the monarch was supreme governor of the church, shaping the character of the ruler was vital for the smooth functioning of the political system. This article provides a conspectus of a broader project on early modern kingship and counsel which will discuss advice-giving provided by privy councillors, parliaments, preachers, and courtiers between 1509 and 1689. It shows how ecclesiastical counsel was central to defenders of the established church and in absolutist theorizing, and how men between 1558 and 1688 drew on patristic examples of its practice. Comparing ecclesiastical counsel to other genres of advice-giving also shows their common and distinctive features.
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Darensky, V. Yu. "«Dictatorship of Conscience»: Religious and Moral Foundations of the Russian Statehood According to Ivan Solonevich." Orthodoxia, no. 4 (December 26, 2022): 238–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.53822/2712-9276-2021-4-238-263.
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The article examines religious and moral foundations of the Russian statehood as presented by the philosopher and public figure Ivan Solonevich (1891–1953), who, following Vladimir Solovyov, defined his concept as “the dictatorship of conscience”. From Solonevich’s perspective, the specifics of the Russian political tradition consists in its fundamental difference from European feudalism. In Muscovy, the ruling class was selected according to its moral qualities, and the people’s life was based on the self-government (“the people’s monarchy”). Peter the Great ended this tradition by replacing the moral selection criterion with a pragmatic one, which led to the actual destruction of the autocracy and established the dictatorship of the nobility, substituting the people’s monarchy with European absolutism. Due to the unity of the tsar and the people based on the Orthodox faith and the Orthodox Church as the highest authority in worldly affairs, the Russian monarchy was primarily the people’s power and was never established by violence against the people’s will, while its opponents always employed the violence, i.e. murders, uprisings and conspiracies. The foundation of the Russian Orthodox monarchy was the moral feat of the people, its resignation for the sake of fulfilling the will of God. This was possible only in Russia, where the founders of the state themselves were saints. Thus, the Moscow Orthodox Tsardom had no problem with the people’s “control” over the government, which was so pressing in Europe, where outright criminals often became monarchs. In Russia, the principle of absolute trust in the authorities has always been present and has always proven its worth. Only thanks to this trust a small Duchy of Moscow could grow into a great empire. As shown by Ivan Solonevich, the obvious pragmatic effectiveness of the pre-Petrine people’s monarchy was also ensured by a very effective system of the people’s self-government, unparalleled in feudal absolutist Europe.
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Vassilev, Rossen. "Why Was the Monarchy Not Restored in Post-Communist Bulgaria?" East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 24, no. 4 (April 26, 2010): 503–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325409360211.
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The controversy over bringing back Bulgaria’s abolished monarchy reflects in a large measure the prolonged agony the country has been undergoing ever since it launched on a course of painful post-communist reforms. Against the background of a deep economic crisis, mass poverty, the breakdown of law and order, and political chaos that have traumatized the population, the attempts to reinstate the monarchy have failed only because of its low historical legitimacy. While the ex-king’s triumph in the June 2001 election initially seemed to improve the chances for bringing back the monarchy, such a restoration has been rendered less likely now by the numerous failures and blunders of his time in office, particularly his inability to rebuild the ailing national state and economy. In spite of some notable foreign policy successes such as Bulgaria’s entry into NATO and the European Union, ex—Prime Minister Simeon did not live up to the naïvely overoptimistic expectations of Bulgarians who had hoped that he would save their country from the profound economic, social, political, institutional, and even moral crisis into which it has descended. The precipitous fall of the political fortunes of Simeon, especially as a result of the public relations disaster involving the scandalous “restitution” of his family’s properties that turned the ex-monarch into a multimillionaire, does not bode well for the prospect of reintroducing the monarchy. In the eyes of many ordinary Bulgarians, the former king has now turned into a liability and an embarrassing disappointment.
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James, Tom Beaumont. "Forgotten and ephemeral? The Palace of the Kings of Majorca, Perpignan." Antiquity 89, no. 347 (October 2015): 1246–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.15184/aqy.2015.126.
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The titles of these weighty tomes invite questions: the palace of whom? The kings of where? A palace when? Olivier Poisson, concluding the first volume, writes of the restoration programme of 1943–1960 that “le palais est resté, malgré le pari des restaurateurs de la décennie 1950, le souvenir un peu vide et abstrait d’une ‘monarchie oubliée et éphemère’” (p. 539). This ‘forgotten and ephemeral monarchy’ of Majorca, a scion of the kings of Aragon, ruled from 1270–1344. In 1276, the monarchy had made Perpignan the capital of the Kingdom of Majorca and began work on the ‘Palais des Rois de Majorque’. To posterity's good fortune, the final Majorcan monarch, James III (‘the Unfortunate’), left the ‘Lois palatines’ (Palatine Laws) of 1337 that provide key insights into the etiquette and even the significance of colour in the early fourteenth-century palace. Following the dispossession of James III in 1344, Perpignan came into the hands of the Aragonese monarchy until 1462. The Palace then passed into French ownership and was used as a barracks for three decades in the late fifteenth century. Following return to Spanish ownership in 1493, Emperor Charles V, Philip II and their successors made further modifications. The Palace finally came back into French hands in 1659 and was henceforth a barracks, graced by significant extension of the fortifications by Vauban. Under French military control, benign neglect preserved early architectural phases, a signal advantage for those subsequently involved in the restoration of the Palace. Following the fall of France in 1942 (and with Spain in fascist hands), the buildings were largely released from military use and handed to the local authorities of the Pyrénées Orientales. A programme of repair and restoration was established, and brought to fruition by the local socialist mayor, a former member of the Resistance, towards the end of the 1940s. The restored buildings were opened to the public in 1958.
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Caprioli, Francesco. "Why Did Everything Go Wrong? Some Notes on Hispano-Algerian Diplomatic Misunderstanding from a Study of a Letter of Beylerbeyi Hasan Pasha (1545-51)." Traduction et Langues 20, no. 2 (December 31, 2021): 66–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.52919/translang.v20i2.248.
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The Spanish Monarchy became used to negotiating with Algerians in the final decades of the fifteenth centuries, when the Catholic Monarchs began reaching commercial and political agreements with many North African harbours. However, once the Ghazi corsairs from the Levant —Oruç and Hayreddin Barbarossa— conquered Algiers in the late 1510s, Spanish relationships with this harbour completely changed. From that moment on, Algiers tuned into an Ottoman possession subordinated to the House of Osman, posing a real threat to the Spanish Habsburgs’ Mediterranean estates. Although the Spanish Monarchy sent several military expeditions to recover Algiers, none of these attempts was successful. At the same time, Spaniards also considered diplomacy as a useful means of maintaining a channel of communication with Algerians open. Hence, this article focuses on the first half of the sixteenth century and aims to explore the evolution of Spanish diplomacy with Ottoman Algiers to find out why these inter-policy contacts did not achieve the purposes hoped for by the government of the Spanish Monarchy. For that reason, after defining the diplomatic model deployed to negotiate with the Algerians and its goals, I shall explore how the Spanish Monarchy regarded the Ottoman governors of Algiers by studying a letter that beylerbeyi Hasan Pasha sent to the Genoese Admiral Andrea Doria in the summer of 1548. This letter, which is conserved in the Archivo General de Simancas, presents us with a great opportunity to note that the socio-political consideration granted by the Spaniards to their North African interlocutors had considerable influence on the results of diplomatic missions conducted in Algiers.
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Greengrass, M. "Shorter notice. From Renaissance Monarchy to Absolute Monarchy. Russell." English Historical Review 114, no. 455 (February 1999): 183–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/enghis/114.455.183.
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Greengrass, M. "Shorter notice. From Renaissance Monarchy to Absolute Monarchy. Russell." English Historical Review 114, no. 454 (February 1, 1999): 183–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/114.454.183.
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Greengrass, M. "Shorter notice. From Renaissance Monarchy to Absolute Monarchy. Russell." English Historical Review 114, no. 455 (February 1, 1999): 183–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/114.455.183.
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Bushkovitch, Paul. "The Vasiliologion of Nikolai Spafarii Milescu." Russian History 36, no. 1 (2009): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633109x412339.
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AbstractThe Romanian writer Nikolae Milescu (Nikolai Gavrilovich Spafarii) was the author of several books designed for the tsar and the Russian court in the 1670's. Working under the patronage of Tsar Aleksei's favorite, Artamon Matveev, Spafarii composed an account of exemplary monarchs from the past called Vasiliologion. He presented ancient and Biblical monarchs as just and wise but also as great conquerors and builders of cities, even when they were pagans. His portrait of Russian monarchs was closer to traditional Orthodox conceptions, but still stressed military victory and building. Spafarii was one of the first writers in Russia to introduce the Aristotelian political terms, monarchy and aristocracy.
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Biernacka, Maja. "Bohaterowie czy antybohateriowie? Medialne wcielenia monarchów a problem „rozpadu” Hiszpanii." Kultura Popularna 3, no. 49 (March 31, 2017): 70–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0009.8046.
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The article is dedicated to the media images of the Spanish Bourbon monarchy, especially the King Felipe VI and his wife Letizia, accompanied with an analysis of their role as (super) heroes or antiheroes of the nation. The author presents the problem of their standing in the public opinion in the face of participation of the royal family members in numerous political, sex and financial scandals, but also general crisis of the monarchy in Spain. Additional factors which make the King’s role of a superhero infeasible is a high level of contestation of the national idea in the society and augmenting secessionist tendencies, especially in Catalonia. In the atmosphere of probable disintegration of the Spanish state the monarch is unable to take substantial measures but remains obliged to make reference to them in his ceremonial public statements.