Journal articles on the topic 'Monarchy – Great Britain – History'
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1
Chumachenko, V. Y., and O. H. Kozynets. "Constitutional and legal status of the british monarch." Analytical and Comparative Jurisprudence, no. 5 (December 30, 2022): 62–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2788-6018.2022.05.11.
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The article examines the issue of the essence of the constitutional and legal status of the monarch of Great Britain. It is noted that the constitutional experience of Great Britain is unique. This country has almost the oldest constitutional history and practice.
The relevance of the research topic is due to the fact that starting from the 17th century the role of the monarch in state administration was constantly changing by permanently reducing the powers of the royal power As a result of the adoption by the Parliament of the Bill of Rights in 1689 and the Act of Organization in 1701, the departure from absolutism and the final establishment of the constitutional monarchy were legally fixed in England.
The article aims to investigate the main aspects of the constitutional and legal status of the British monarch
It is noted that today the monarch is the head of state and the formal source of sovereign power, and also acts as a symbol of the unity of the nation and the guarantor of state continuity and stability in society. In Great Britain, the vast majority of the powers of the head of state are exercised by other bodies, primarily the government and its head, so we can state that the real powers of the monarch in Great Britain are largely limited.
During the reign of Elizabeth II, who will die in 2022, the monarchy was seen more as a symbolic institution representing the united British people. Later, the Eldest son of the late Queen of Great Britain – 73-year-old Charles – came to power. He became the new monarch and received the title of king.
As a result of the research, the authors come to the conclusion that the Monarch is recognized as the source of sovereign power, a symbol of the unity of the nation, and the head of the Anglican and Presbyterian churches. Due to the fact that the Monarch is a politically neutral figure, he acts as a guarantor of stability in the state and society. At the same time, although the monarch is part of the parliament, in English legal doctrine it is customary to put the head of state in the first place in the system of higher state authorities.
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Tulejski, Tomasz. "Quo vadis Britannia? Davida Hume’a rozważania nad angielską konstytucją." Przegląd Sejmowy 4(171) (2022): 163–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.31268/ps.2022.130.
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The reign of the Hanoverian dynasty was a period of stability and prosperity in Great Britain, until the 1770s. The perfect symbiosis between the Whig oligarchy and the Crown was the cause of exceptional political stability. During this period, however, there were also neither major constitutional disorders nor sophisticated systematic analyses. According to the author, the most important attempt to describe British political mechanics is the political reflection of David Hume. David Hume, the most eminent British philosopher of the 18th century, is the author of an original and penetrating analysis of British political institutions. Arguing without regard to party sympathies, he broke down Whig and Tory conceptions of political systems, and instead proposed a dynamic vision of Great Britain’s political system, from its past as a barbarian monarchy, through a civilised monarchy, to a mixed modern monarchy. He sees this evolution as a dialectical struggle between power and liberty, the two most important forces that govern political systems. This article presents an attempt to reconstruct Hume’s coherent constitutional theory based on historical, political, and philosophical aspects of his argument. According to the author, all three perspectives form a coherent argument that makes Hume one of the classics of English constitutionalism. The author develops these ideas on the basis of a detailed analysis of Hume’s works, starting with the History of England.
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Whatmore, Richard. "Vattel, Britain and Peace in Europe." Grotiana 31, no. 1 (2010): 85–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187607510x540231.
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AbstractThis paper underlines Vattel's commitment to maintaining the sovereignty of Europe's small states by enunciating the duties he deemed incumbent upon all political communities. Vattel took seriously the threat to Europe from a renascent France, willing to foster an equally aggressive Catholic imperialism justified by the need for religious unity. Preventing a French version of universal monarchy, Vattel recognised, entailed more than speculating about a Europe imagined as a single republic. Rather, Vattel believed that Britain had to be relied upon to prevent excessive French ambition, and to underwrite the independence of the continent's smaller sovereignties. Against those who saw Britain as another candidate for the domination of Europe, Vattel argued that Britain's commercial interests explained why it was a different kind of state to the great empires of the past. The paper goes on to consider the reception of Vattel's ideas after the Seven Years War. Although further research is required into readings of Vattel, especially in the smaller states of Europe in the later eighteenth century, the paper concludes that by the 1790s Vattel was being used to justify war to defeat the gargantuan imperialist projects of newly republican France, in order to maintain Europe itself, and the smaller states within it.
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Tóth, Pál Péter. "Hungarians in the Successor States: From World War I to World War II." Nationalities Papers 24, no. 3 (September 1996): 425–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999608408457.
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A direct consequence of World War I was the collapse of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy and the establishment of new states in its place. This has had far-reaching consequences for both regional and world politics. The existing balance of power as well as social, economic and political problems within the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, including the nationality conflicts, led to this result. In spite of the unavoidable collapse, the successors, the new states, were not the result of a natural evolution, but were the creations of the major powers—France, Great Britain, the United States and Italy—who through the creation of their new post-war order ignored the long-term interests of the region and the actual ethnic composition of the land.
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deGategno, Paul J. "Replying to a Crisis: James Macpherson's The Rights of Great Britain Asserted against the Claims of America." Britain and the World 11, no. 2 (September 2018): 195–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2018.0299.
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The chaotic period of the American Revolution engaged many writers on both sides of the Atlantic arguing for and against the claims of the American colonists. One of the most popular and effective statements of the British position regarding the rebellion emerged from James Macpherson, poet of Ossian, historian, and government writer. As an accomplished literary talent in the service of politics, Macpherson wrote the pamphlet, The Rights of Great Britain Asserted against the Claims of America (1775), designing a persuasive appeal to the British public for preserving order and supporting the Monarchy. Macpherson displays a controlled, often dispassionate voice in dealing with the American rebellion, while seeking humane solutions with creativity, conviction, and agility in an environment of popular discontent and political instability. Finally, as a poet, he insisted on balancing the historian's empirical demand for facts with sensitivity and a liberal spirit of dialogue often in opposition to the dominant opinion of his King and ministers.
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Petler, D. N. "Ireland and France in 1848." Irish Historical Studies 24, no. 96 (November 1985): 493–505. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400034489.
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It has long been recognised that the French revolution of 1848 had a profound effect on the rest of Europe. The overthrow of the Orleans monarchy and the establishment of the second republic were seen as heralding the dawn of a new age. Established governments, most of which had recognised that the Continent was approaching a period of crisis, anxiously expected the spread of the revolutionary contagion and the outbreak of a major European war, whilst the discontented elements found encouragement and inspiration from the events in Paris. In Great Britain the reaction to the events across the English Channel reflected this trend. This is the beginning', noted one member of the cabinet, recalling 1792; who will live to see the end?' The Chartists were jubilant, declaring that the time was now ripe to achieve their demands.
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Tilly, Charles. "The Emergence of Citizenship in France and Elsewhere." International Review of Social History 40, S3 (December 1995): 223–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000113653.
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In April 1793, France was waging war both inside and outside its borders. Over the previous year, the French government had taken up arms against Austria, Sardinia, Prussia, Great Britain, Holland and Spain. In its first seizure of new territory since the Revolution began in 1789, it had recently annexed the previously Austrian region we now call Belgium. Revolutionaries had dissolved the French monarchy in September 1792, then guillotined former king Louis XVI in January 1793. If France spawned violence in victory, it redoubled domestic bloodshed in defeat; a major French loss to Austrian forces at Neerwinden on 18 March 1793, followed by the defection of General Dumouriez, precipitated both a call for expanded military recruitment and a great struggle for control of the revolutionary state. April saw the formation of the Committee of Public Safety, fearsome instrument of organizational combat. France's domestic battle was to culminate in a Jacobin seizure of power.
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Boyce, D. G. "Brahmins and carnivores: the Irish historian in Great Britain." Irish Historical Studies 25, no. 99 (May 1987): 225–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400026602.
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This paper is concerned with the teaching of Irish history in Great Britain, with the students, the teachers and their subject. Each merits a brief mention before any detailed discussion, in order to draw attention to the problems that exist, and to clear up any misunderstanding or ignorance about the task that is to be performed.In the great controversy between Edmund Burke and Thomas Paine occasioned by the French Revolution, Paine made at least one telling remark in his refutation of Burke’s defence of tradition and usage: he declared that an hereditary monarch was about as sensible as an hereditary mathematician. An hereditary Irish studies student in Great Britain makes about as much sense as both. Much nonsense is talked about the inherited genes of the Irish in Britain, on the assumption that (somehow) an interest in, and ability to comprehend, Irish studies can be transmitted from one generation of Irish immigrants to another. This may be the case; but if it is, it probably takes its rise from social rather than hereditary factors; and it is no more likely to produce an intelligent, perceptive student of Ireland than of France.
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Khorosheva, Aleksandra. "Leopold I and Belgian Policy on the Eve of the Crimean War." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 6 (2022): 83. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640020486-2.
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In this article, the author analyses the foreign policy efforts of King Leopold I of Belgium, namely his attempts during the international crisis to maintain the European balance on which the future of the Belgian state depended. Prior to the Crimean War, the monarch believed that the main threat of destabilisation emanated from France and sought the support of the three great powers, namely Great Britain, Austria and Russia, but soon the aggravation of the Eastern Question, in which the powers that had guaranteed Belgian neutrality in 1831 and 1839 became adversaries, presented Leopold I with a challenge to mediate a peaceful resolution of the conflict. The purpose of this study is to trace the extent to which the head of a neutral state tried to mediate and reconcile the parties and to show the results of his activities. The sources are documents from the Foreign Policy Archive of the Russian Empire, as well as published personal correspondence between the king and monarchs, statesmen, and representatives of foreign powers. The author concludes that the formation of the Anglo-French military-political alliance in March 1854 and the declaration of war on Russia forced the King to adapt his policy to the existing international situation, including the settlement of relations between Belgium and France. At the same time, documents indicate that Leopold I's position towards Russia had not changed and that the dialogue between the two countries, based on mutual support, persisted.
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Tirenin, Gregory. "From Jacobite to Loyalist: The Career and Political Theology of Bishop George Hay." British Catholic History 35, no. 3 (May 2021): 265–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/bch.2021.3.
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Although Catholics were marginalized and strongly associated with Jacobitism under the early Hanoverians, the reign of George III saw a gradual assimilation of Catholics into mainstream political culture. The Vicars Apostolic of Great Britain played a key role in this process by emphasizing passivity and loyalty. The bishop who most strongly personified this Jacobite to loyalist transition was George Hay (1729-1811). A convert to Catholicism from the Scottish Episcopalian faith, Hay served the Jacobite Army as a medic in 1745 and was imprisoned following that conflict. After his conversion and subsequent ordination, Hay became coadjutor of the Lowland District of Scotland in 1769 and was promoted to the Apostolic Vicarate in 1778. Hay actively engaged with many high-profile statesmen and political thinkers, including Edmund Burke. Most notably, he constructively utilized Jacobite political theology to criticise revolutionary ideology. His public involvement in politics was most remarkable during the American and French Revolutions, when he confidently deployed the full force of counterrevolutionary doctrines that formerly alienated Catholics from the Hanoverian state. However, since the Age of Revolution presented a stark duality between monarchy and republicanism, Hay’s expressions of passive obedience and non-resistance endeared him and the Catholic Church to the British establishment.
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Walker, Timothy. "Atlantic Dimensions of the American Revolution: Imperial Priorities and the Portuguese Reaction to the North American Bid for Independence (1775-83)." Journal of Early American History 2, no. 3 (2012): 247–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18770703-00203003.
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This article explains and contextualizes the reaction of the Portuguese monarchy and government to the rebellion and independence of the British colonies in North America. This reaction was a mixed one, shaped by the simultaneous but conflicting motivations of an economic interest in North American trade, an abhorrence on the part of the Portuguese Crown for democratic rebellion against monarchical authority and a fundamental requirement to maintain a stable relationship with long-time ally Great Britain. Although the Lisbon regime initially reacted very strongly against the Americans’ insurrection, later, under a new queen, the Portuguese moderated their position so as not to damage their long-term imperial political and economic interests. This article also examines the economic and political power context of the contemporary Atlantic World from the Portuguese perspective, and specifically outlines the multiple ties that existed between Portugal and the North American British colonies during the eighteenth century. The argument demonstrates that Portugal reacted according to demands created by its overseas empire: maximizing trading profits, manipulating the balance of power in Europe among nations with overseas colonies and discouraging the further spread of aspirations toward independence throughout the Americas, most notably to Portuguese-held Brazil. The Portuguese role as a fundamental player in the early modern Atlantic World is chronically underappreciated and understudied in modern English-language historiography. Despite the significance of Portugal as a trading partner to the American colonies, and despite the importance of the Portuguese Atlantic colonial system to British commercial and military interests in the eighteenth century, no scholarly treatment of this specific subject has ever appeared in the primary journals that regularly consider Atlantic World imperial power dynamics or the place of the incipient United States within them. This contribution, then, helps to fill an obvious gap in the historical literature of the long eighteenth century and the revolutionary era in the Americas.
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Batakovic, Dusan. "On parliamentary democracy in Serbia 1903-1914 political parties, elections, political freedoms." Balcanica, no. 48 (2017): 123–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1748123b.
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Parliamentary democracy in Serbia in the period between the May Coup of 1903 and the beginning of the First World War in 1914 was, as compellingly shown by the regular and very detailed reports of the diplomatic representatives of two exemplary democracies, Great Britain and France, functional and fully accommodated to the requirements of democratic governance. Some shortcomings, which were reflected in the influence of extra-constitutional (?irresponsible?) factors, such as the group of conspirators from 1903 or their younger wing from 1911 (the organisation Unification or Death), occasionally made Serbian democracy fragile but it nonetheless remained functional at all levels of government. A comparison with crises such as those taking place in, for example, France clearly shows that Serbia, although perceived as ?a rural democracy? and ?the poor man?s paradise?, was a constitutional and democratic state, and that it was precisely its political freedoms and liberation aspirations that made it a focal point for the rallying of South-Slavic peoples on the eve of the Great War. Had there been no firm constitutional boundaries of the parliamentary monarchy and the democratic system, Serbia would have hardly been able to cope with a series of political and economic challenges which followed one another after 1903: the Tariff War 1906-11; the annexation of Bosnia-Herzegovina 1908/9; the Balkan Wars 1912-13; the crisis in the summer of 1914 caused by the so-called Order of Precedence Decree, i.e. by the underlying conflict between civilian and military authorities. The Periclean age of Serbia, aired with full political freedoms and sustained cultural and scientific progress is one of the most important periods in the history of modern Serbian democracy.
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Nizhnik, Nadezhda S. "History of the Russian Empire in the context of theoretical and legal analysis (To the 300th anniversary of the Russian Empire)." Gosudarstvo i pravo, no. 11 (2021): 186. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s102694520017466-3.
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The review of the XVIII International Scientific Conference "State and Law: evolution, current state, development prospects (to the 300th anniversary of the Russian Empire)" was held on April 29-30, 2021 at the St. Petersburg University of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. The Russian Empire existed on the political map of the world from October 22 (November 2), 1721 until the February Revolution and the overthrow of the Monarchy on March 3, 1917. The Russian Empire was the third largest state that ever existed (after the British and Mongolian Empires): It extended to the Arctic Ocean in the north and the Black Sea in the south, to the Baltic Sea in the west and the Pacific Ocean in the east. The Russian Empire was one of the great powers along with Great Britain, France, Prussia (Germany) and Austria-Hungary, and since the second half of the XIX century – also Italy and the United States. The capital of the Russian Empire was St. Petersburg (1721 - 1728), Moscow (1728 - 1732), then again St. Petersburg (1732 - 1917), renamed Petrograd in 1914. Therefore, it is natural that a conference dedicated to the 300th anniversary of the formation of the Russian Empire was held in St. Petersburg, the former imperial capital. The conference was devoted to problems concerning various aspects of the organization and functioning of the state and law, a retrospective analysis of the activities of state bodies in the Russian Empire. The discussion focused on various issues: the character of the Russian Empire as a socio-legal phenomenon and the subject of the legitimate use of state coercion, the development of political and legal thought, the regulatory and legal foundations of the organization and functioning of the Russian state in the XVIII century – at the beginning of the XX century, the characteristics of state bodies as an element of the mechanism of the imperial state in Russia, the organizational and legal bases of the activities of bodies that manage the internal affairs of the Russian Empire, as well as the image of state authorities and officials-representatives of state power.
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Barros, Wirley. "444 pedras da réplica amazônica da “Saint Edward’s Crown” - Project 444 Stones: Arte - Ciência - História - Reflexão Política." BOLETIM DO MUSEU DE GEOCIÊNCIAS DA AMAZÔNIA 7 (2020), no. 2 (December 1, 2020): 1–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.31419/issn.2594-942x.v72020i2a1woob.
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Project by authorship and idealization of the paraense doctor Wirley Otávio Oliveira de Barros, which involves art, science, history and political reflection, developed in the city of Belém, capital of the State of Pará, in the middle of the Amazon region, registered in a notary through a Notarial Act. This grandiose work was developed with scientific support Museum of Geosciences of the Amazon (MUGEO) of the Institute of Geosciences (IG) of the Federal University of Pará (UFPA) through Prof. Dr. Marcondes Lima da Costa, with a PhD in Mineralogy and Geochemistry from Universität Erlangen-Nürnberg (Friedrich-Alexander), in Germany (1982) and with a post-doctorate in mineralogy-geochemistry from IG-USP (2001); chemist Dr. Suyanne Flávia Rodrigues, with a doctorate in Mineralogy and Geochemistry from the Graduate Program in Geology and Geochemistry (PPGG) at IG / UFPA and MsC. geologist Gisele Tavares Marques, also from PPGG. This project, which will soon be presented to the public, was duly informed to Her Majesty, Queen Elizabeth Alexandra Mary Windsor (Elizabeth II), of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, in addition to Head of Commonwealth Realms and Defender of Faith, as it presents as a prominent item the replica work of “Saint Edward's Crown” or “St. Stephen’s Crown ”, as mentioned in the Royal letter received on February 3, 2016, signed by Miss Jennie Vine (Deputy to the Senior Correspondence Officer for Buckingham Palace), who on this occasion conveys the monarch's personal message. This is the official coronation crown of British monarchs, consisting of 444 stones of distinct mineral gems, which inspired the title attributed to the project. Therefore, it is a replica of a symbol of POWER, whose heraldic meaning of CRUZ DE MALTA and FLOR-DE-LIS guide the conduct and political profile of the ruler. In this regard, the author also addresses a message to the "men of power", made through a personal text of his own.
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CRAIG, DAVID M. "THE CROWNED REPUBLIC? MONARCHY AND ANTI-MONARCHY IN BRITAIN, 1760–1901." Historical Journal 46, no. 1 (March 2003): 167–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x02002893.
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In the last two decades historians have been increasingly interested in the modernization of the monarchy, and the nature of the republican threat. This review evaluates some of this recent literature. The first section argues that while Walter Bagehot's views about ceremony in The English constitution (1867) have influenced historical writing, these approaches do not yield much information about what the monarchy actually meant to people. The second section turns to the political powers of the monarchy, and examines the wide range of views about what the constitutional limits of royal power were. It also shows that even radical writers were often unable to dispel the monarchy from their imaginations. Finally, the review suggests that criticism of the royal family was not necessarily republican, and arose more from concern that particular figures were failing to conform to shared public values. Pure republicans were few, and did not usually focus their energies on the monarchy, but rather on the nature of parliamentary representation and the power of the Lords.
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Fedyukin, I. I., and A. D. Novikova. "Letters of Friedrich Christian Weber to John Robeson from Russia, 1718-1719." MGIMO Review of International Relations 15, no. 2 (May 10, 2022): 85–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2022-2-83-85-107.
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The article examines the correspondence of the Hanoverian resident in Russia Friedrich Christian Weber over the period from January 1718 to the spring of 1720. The set of letters includes over two hundred reports written by the diplomate in French and currently deposited in the French Manuscripts collection of the Bodleian Library of the University of Oxford. The goal of this article is to present this source to the scholarly audience and to offer its preliminary analysis. Although Weber was formally a Hanoverian resident, he represented the interests of England, because the Elector of Hanover, since 1714, was also the monarch of Great Britain. The addressee of Weber’s letters was John Robethon, George I's diplomatic secretary. The article examines various aspects of Weber's diplomatic activities, including the methods he used to collect information in Russia and send it to England, such as bribing Russian officials, resorting to secret agents, ciphers, sending dispatches “under the cover, and others. The letters also reflect the tasks set before him by his government, first of all, investigating the nature of relations between the Russian court and the Jacobites and monitoring the progress of the Congress of Åland, including the views of the Russian and Swedish courts regarding the prospects of a separate peace treaty between them. The article also considers Weber’s approach to the analysis of the international situation and the political situation in Russia. He concluded that a separate treaty between Russia and Sweden was highly unlikely and sought to convey this to his addressee. In spite of this the British government continued to view the ongoing negotiations at Åland as a threat. Beginning in May 1718, the Court of St. James repeatedly instructed Weber to find ways to disrupt Congress. The set of letters shed light on the history of Russian foreign policy at the final stage of the Great Northern War on the eve of the conclusion of the Peace of Nystad.
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Petrova, Maria. "Behaviour Strategies of the Foreign Diplomats at the Perpetual Diet of the Holy Roman Empire in the 18th Century." ISTORIYA 12, no. 12-1 (110) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840018149-2.
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The article analyses the changes that took place in the official diplomatic communication of European rulers after the Thirty Years' War and the conclusion of the Peace of Westphalia in 1648, which affirmed a number of sovereign rights to the Estates of the Holy Roman Empire of the German nation (and former vassals of the emperor), including the right to send and receive ambassadors. The new sovereigns, primarily the princes-electors, began to fight for the so-called royal honours (honores regii), which were de facto expressed in a certain set of ceremonies in relation to the ambassadors of the crowned heads and republics assimilated to them. The arena of the struggle for the royal honours was the Imperial Diet of the Holy Roman Empire in Regensburg — a general assembly of all Imperial Estates (in the middle of the eighteenth century — their representatives), by which since the end of the 17th century foreign diplomats had been accredited (first France, a little later — Great Britain, the United Provinces of the Netherlands, in the middle of the eighteenth century — Russia). Having declared their representatives in 1702 as the ministers of the first rank, the electors tried for a century to force the “old” monarchs to send ambassadors to the Diet, and they, by custom, were sent only to the sovereigns. Comparing the various ways out of the ceremonial impasse, the author comes to the conclusion that the struggle for elusive precedence, which foreign diplomats of the second rank (envoys or ministers plenipotentiary) waged with the representatives of the electors at the Imperial Diet, was a deliberately unwinnable strategy, leading either to their isolation or to the recall from their posts. A much more effective strategy that did not damage state prestige was to send to Regensburg so-called ministers without character or residents, who occupied a less honorable position in comparison with ambassadors and envoys, but according to their status were freed from the opportunity to compete with them and, as a result, to come into conflict.
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Khomenkova, Viktoriia. "Inventing Cornwall: Regional Autonomy in Early Stuart England." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 5 (2022): 21. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640022416-5.
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Cornwall is an isolated region located on the peninsula of the same name in the southwest of Britain. The region was a territorial and ethno-cultural autonomy within the Early Modern composite monarchy. It has had an undefined constitutional status and specific privileges for centuries. Such autonomies were an important tool in maintaining the stability of the monarchy and the system of potestary relations. The construction of autonomies and corresponding regional identities took place at different levels, for example among intellectuals. Their work resulted in the creation of locally oriented narratives. The purpose of this article is to analyse the reflections of contemporaries on the status of Cornwall as part of the British composite monarchy. A treatise by Richard Carew, A Survey of Cornwall, was drawn upon as the main source. In this text Cornwall appears as a semi-autonomous region incorporated into the English monarchy. Carew offers his own version of the ethnogenetic myth, according to which the settlement of Britain begins precisely from the coast of Cornwall. This fact made this region the “key” to the whole history of Britain. Thus, the author postulates its inclusion in the English political and cultural space. Nevertheless, the Cornish managed to maintain their regional characteristics, which are actualized in modern Cornwall.
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Chutong, Wang. "Comparison of Japanese and British Monarchy after World War II." Studies in Social Science Research 2, no. 4 (October 13, 2021): p22. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/sssr.v2n4p22.
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Both Britain and Japan have made reservations and continuations to the monarchy in the process of historical development, and their political systems are constitutional monarchy. The royal family of both countries has a very long history. With the historical development and social change, the monarch has become a spiritual and cultural symbol. The “sanctification” of the monarch and the strong “plot of the monarch” have been deeply rooted in social culture. From the perspective of historical development and social and cultural influence, although there are similarities between the royals of the two countries, their roles in political, economic and social stability are different from the ways in which they are exerted. Through the comparison between Britain and Japanese monarchy in the above three aspects, this paper analyzes the difference between the two countries monarchy in the size of the role, the way to implement the role and the impact, and finally compares and summarizes the role of the two countries monarchy.
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Smith, H. "The Idea of a Protestant Monarchy in Britain 1714-1760." Past & Present 185, no. 1 (November 1, 2004): 91–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/past/185.1.91.
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Luft, David S. "Austrian Intellectual History and Bohemia." Austrian History Yearbook 38 (January 2007): 108–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800021445.
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This is an essay about the cultural, political, and geographical location of Austrian intellectual history and the special place of Bohemia and Moravia in that history. A great deal has been written about the multinational and supranational quality of Austrian culture and intellectual life. In practice, however, the Austria referred to in such arguments is usually the Habsburg monarchy of the two generations before World War I. Austrian intellectual history has generally been either strongly centered in Vienna or oriented to a very broad concept of Austria that includes the monarchy as a whole in the late nineteenth century. What is lost between the metropolis and the vast monarchy of many peoples is the centuries-long relationship between Austrian and Bohemia that was the basis for Austrian intellectual life in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. I argue here that we should think of Bohemia in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries as part of Austrian intellectual history in a way that other regions and historic lands in the Habsburg monarchy were not.
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Trevor-Roper, Hugh. "Pietro Giannone and Great Britain." Historical Journal 39, no. 3 (September 1996): 657–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00024481.
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ABSTRACTPietro Giannone was a revolutionary thinker who sought in the early decades of the eighteenth century to free Italy from the inveterate, legally entrenched feudal power of the church and then to free Christianity itself from the stifling and corrupting embrace of the political church. This essay tells the improbable story of how his writings were taken up and disseminated in Britain by the non-juring bishop and antiquary Richard Rawlinson, the learned but morally unsound Scottish journalist Archibald Bower, and an odd crew of Jacobites. It is shown that the translations of Giannone got into some very influential hands and represent part of an undervalued Jacobite contribution to the origins of the Scottish Enlightenment and to the thought of Edward Gibbon.
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Rich, Norman, F. R. Bridge, and Samuel R. Williamson. "The habsburg Monarchy among the Great Powers, 1815-1918." American Historical Review 97, no. 1 (February 1992): 247. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2164664.
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Dufresne, Yannick, Nadjim Fréchet, Catherine Ouellet, and Clifton van der Linden. "For Crown and country: ethnic nationalism and support for the monarchy in Canada, New Zealand, and Australia." British Journal of Canadian Studies 34, no. 2 (September 1, 2022): 143–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/bjcs.2022.8.
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The Australian, Canadian, and New Zealand publics have long been divided on the issue of whether their countries should remain constitutional monarchies or become republics. A maturing sense of nationhood in each country has spurred debate as to the continuing relevance of remaining constitutional ties with Britain. This article aims to test whether support toward monarchy is explained by ethnic nationalism, a conception of nationhood founded on cultural unity. To do so, we rely on national electoral studies, covering the period from 1964 to 2021. This data allows for a fine-grained description of the attitudes toward monarchy among various sub-groups. Our findings suggest that reluctance to break away from the monarchy can be understood as part of a nationalist response to growing ethnic diversity and an accompanying perception of cultural threat. These findings contribute to a better understanding of public attitudes toward the monarchy in three Commonwealth countries.
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Richards, Stephen. "The SS Great Britain (review)." Technology and Culture 49, no. 1 (2007): 127–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tech.2008.0017.
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Stewart Weaver. "Great Britain and the World." Reviews in American History 37, no. 3 (2009): 352–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/rah.0.0112.
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Fisher, Patty. "History of School Meals in Great Britain." Nutrition and Health 4, no. 4 (January 1987): 189–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026010608700400402.
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This paper describes the early origins of the school meals service, their rapid growth in the second world war, their post war development and their recent retrenchment. The factors contributing to their early success and the problems to be overcome are discussed.
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Mitton, D., and R. Ackroyd. "History of photodynamic therapy in Great Britain." Photodiagnosis and Photodynamic Therapy 2, no. 4 (December 2005): 239–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s1572-1000(05)00111-0.
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Fyodorov, Sergey. "The British Composite Monarchy: Supreme Power and Ethnocultural Processes." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 5 (2022): 34. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640018557-0.
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The concept of the composite monarchy as it developed by contemporary historiography, is an effective analytical research tool for study of extensive territorial states with a complex internal structure. This concept clearly demonstrates the diversity of ethnopolitical and ethnocultural processes undergone within such polities in the Early Modern Europe. Composite monarchies had been developed under the persistent impact of the two concurring discourses: the universalistic and particularistic ones. These discourses, in turn, structured the outlines and internal structural boundaries within composite states. The history of Britain in the High Middle Ages and particularly under the Tudors and the early Stuarts evidenced the emergence of so called «composite» (or multiple) identities. Being developed within complex and territorially heterogenous polities, «composite» identities took the form of the so-called consensual identities, associated with the minor regional and local ethnical communities which functioned under the pressure of the composite state. Conditions for several acculturation strategies (assimilation, separation, marginalization and integration) appeared inside of the Late Medieval and Early Modern states but an integration was the only possible way for developing of consensual identity within the composite monarchies. Acculturation allowed to actualize the historical and cultural heritage of the regional and local communities as well as to structure their collective consciences.
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Mort, Frank. "Accessible sovereignty: popular attitudes to the British monarchy during the Great War." Social History 45, no. 3 (July 2, 2020): 328–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071022.2020.1771865.
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Saunders, Cheryl. "Australian Federalism and the Role of the Governor-General." International Journal of Legal Information 28, no. 2 (2000): 407–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0731126500009185.
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Australia is both a federation and a constitutional monarchy. The Commonwealth of Australia Constitution Act 1900, which made the Australian Constitution law, refers to the establishment of the federation “under the Crown of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland.” In fact, however, since 1973, the appropriate style of the monarch in relation to Australia has been “Queen of Australia.” And ever since federation, the monarch has been represented in Australia by a Governor-General, who progressively has acquired a more significant role, in parallel with the acquisition of Australian independence.
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PRICE, MUNRO. "VERSAILLES REVISITED: NEW WORK ON THE OLD REGIME." Historical Journal 46, no. 2 (June 2003): 437–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x03003005.
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Over the last thirty years, the absolute monarchy in France has been a subject of much controversy among historians. The traditional view, which can be traced back to Tocqueville, sees it primarily as an ‘administrative monarchy’, an essential step in the formation of a centralized French state. More recently, this approach has come under sustained attack from (mostly Anglo-American) scholars, who have emphasized in contrast the limits of absolutism, and in particular the persistent power of local and central elites in relation to the crown. In the light of these disputes, this article argues that the French absolute monarchy was above all a political compromise, in which neither crown nor elites had the definitive upper hand, but which could only function effectively through the co-operation of both sides. An aspect that has not sufficiently been stressed, however, is the fragility of the arrangement: it was ambiguous in practice if not in theory, and ultimately unable to deliver the resources necessary to sustain France's great-power status in the eighteenth century.
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Evans, R. J. W. "Remembering the Fall of the Habsburg Monarchy One Hundred Years on: Three Master Interpretations." Austrian History Yearbook 51 (April 2, 2020): 269–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237820000181.
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AbstractThis article was first conceived as a commemorative address for the centenary of the extinction of the Habsburg monarchy, which occurred in November 1918. It seeks to take a correspondingly broad view, geographically and chronologically, of the factors that occasioned that collapse. It addresses three main themes, structured loosely around three classic historiographical analyses of the monarchy as a whole. The great irony of the last phase of Habsburg rule in Central Europe is that it was undermined by precisely those elements in the politics and society of the region that seemed, on the face of things, to derive most advantage from it. The article concentrates on the long-term dysfunctionality caused by the evolution of the Hungarian and German problems, and by the progressive enfeeblement of dynastic institutions. It also engages more briefly with a countervailing phenomenon, that some of those interests most conspicuously spurned by central government might have been the readiest to rescue it. On the argument presented here, World War I, which finally brought the monarchy low, was a catalyst rather than an independent determiner of that outcome.
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Lowry, Bullitt, and J. M. Bourne. "Britain and the Great War, 1914-1918." Journal of Military History 55, no. 1 (January 1991): 117. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1986146.
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Goldstein, Erik. "Great Britain and Greater Greece 1917–1920." Historical Journal 32, no. 2 (June 1989): 339–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00012188.
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The First World War saw the collapse of the old order in the Eastern Mediterranean with the disintegration of the Ottoman empire, an event which threatened to create a dangerous power vacuum. Great Britain for the pastcentury had attempted to prevent just such a crisis by supporting the maintenance of the territorial integrity of the Ottoman state. Britain had a number of crucial strategic concerns in the Eastern Mediterranean, in particular the Suez Canal and the Straits. The former was the more critical interest and Britain was determined to keep this essential link to its Indian empire firmly under its own control. As to the Straits Britain, which was concerned about over-extending its strategic capabilities, was content to see this critical waterway dominated by a friendly state. The question inevitably arose therefore as to what would replace the Ottoman empire. One alternative was Greece, a possibility which became increasingly attractive with the emergence of the supposedly pro-British Eleftherios Venizelos as the Greek leader in early 1917.
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Malakhovsky, Alexey Kimovich, and Al-Imad Fakeer. "Particular qualities of press in Transjordan and Arabian Peninsula between World War I and World War II." RUDN Journal of Studies in Literature and Journalism 24, no. 1 (December 15, 2019): 134–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-9220-2019-24-1-134-140.
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The article analyzed particular qualities of press in Transjordan and Arabian Peninsula which was making its first steps during the period of transition from Ottoman influence to British colonial dependency marked by formation of modern territorial configuration for the states of the region. At present the region attracts particular attention of the world mass media. Authors underscore peculiarities of Hashemite Transjordan’s press, as well as of that of Saudi Arabia, of North Yemen monarchy and of South Yemen colonized by Great Britain. The authors conclude that the press of the region is decades behind the press of advanced Arab states.
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Wallace, Ian. "GDR Studies in Great Britain." East Central Europe 14, no. 1 (1987): 17–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633087x00025.
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Pichkov, O. B. "HISTORY OF POVERTY REDUCTION INITIATIVES IN GREAT BRITAIN." RUDN Journal of Economics 25, no. 2 (2017): 199–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2329-2017-25-2-199-208.
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Costu, Mehmet Davut. "Little Turkey in Great Britain." British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies 46, no. 1 (September 23, 2018): 204–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13530194.2018.1507434.
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Kiernan, Kathleen E. "Transitions in Young Adulthood in Great Britain." Population Studies 45, no. 1 (March 1991): 95–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0032472031000145916.
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Cronin, James E., and Charles Tilly. "Popular Contention in Great Britain, 1758-1834." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 28, no. 1 (1997): 101. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/206176.
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Buick, A. "The Socialist Party of Great Britain Centenary." History Workshop Journal 59, no. 1 (March 1, 2005): 286–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hwj/dbi029.
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Carr, W. "Exile in Great Britain. Refugees from Hitler's Germany." German History 2, no. 1 (January 1, 1985): 67–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gh/2.1.67.
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Dunkley, Peter, and Charles Tilly. "Popular Contention in Great Britain, 1758-1834." American Historical Review 102, no. 3 (June 1997): 814. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2171560.
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Penn, Roger, and Damon Berridge. "Football and the Military in Contemporary Britain." Armed Forces & Society 44, no. 1 (December 12, 2016): 116–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x16682784.
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This article examines the relationship between football (soccer) and the military in Britain to explore how “invisible nationalism” has evolved. Here, invisible nationalism refers to the phenomena by which the presence of the military at major British sporting events is both highly visual and has been rendered culturally and politically invisible: It is hidden “in plain sight.” We applied the conceptual framework associated with the “Annales” School of structuralist history to explore how the inextricable links between football, the military, the monarchy, and established church have influenced the evolution of invisible nationalism. We conducted ethnographic fieldwork, including observations, interviews, and focus groups, and also analyzed visual data. These comprised television broadcasts of national sporting events and figures taken at English football clubs. We conclude that the power of the dominant metanarratives of British nationalism serves to render these phenomena invisible to most spectators, especially those who consume football via television.
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Miziniak, Helena. "Polish Community in Great Britain." Studia Polonijne 43, Specjalny (December 20, 2022): 49–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.18290/sp2243.5s.
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The article presents the activity of Poles in Great Britain in the 20th century, beginning with the end of World War II, when a large group of Polish refugees and veterans settled in the UK. In 1947, the Federation of Poles was established to represent Polish community in Great Britain. The Association of Polish Women (1946) and the Relief Society for Poles (1946) were also formed at the same time.
The article shows the involvement of the Polish community in Great Britain in the context of Polish history. This involvement included the organisation of anti-communist protests, carrying out various actions to inform people about the situation in Poland, organising material aid, supporting Poland at the time of the system transformation, and supporting Poland’s accession to the European Union. Over the decades, the Polish community in Great Britain has managed to set up numerous veterans’ and social organisations, Polish schools, it also built churches in order to preserve Polish culture abroad.
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Szántay, Antal. "Cameralism in the Habsburg Monarchy and Hungary." History of Political Economy 53, no. 3 (June 1, 2021): 551–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182702-8993400.
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The article argues that Cameralism and the Habsburg Monarchy were in strong mutual interchange during the eighteenth century. After the Great Turkish War and the War of the Spanish Succession, the Habsburg Monarchy had to incorporate vast territories into the monarchy’s governmental system. Integration, unification, and centralization were on the agenda. Viennese government circles relied on Cameralism as the leading theory of state, economy, and society, while Cameralism rose, broadened, and became institutionalized in administration and higher education. The most important works of late-seventeenth-century Cameralism were formulated in the service of Emperor Leopold I. Cameralism with different branches of knowledge serviceable for the state became fully institutionalized in the higher education in the Habsburg Monarchy—including Hungary. Cameralism, specifically the ideas of Johann Heinrich Gottlob von Justi, can be linked to the fundamental administrative reforms of Count Friedrich Wilhelm von Haugwitz under Maria Theresa in the 1740s and of Emperor Joseph II in the 1780s. Justi developed an idea of government characterized by centralization, uniformity, and bureaucracy, which became a priority goal of Joseph II’s reforms. Finally, Cameralism was the backbone of policies in finances, taxation, and trade regulations though more openminded toward rising economic ideas.
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van Roon, Ger. "Great Britain and the Oslo States." Journal of Contemporary History 24, no. 4 (October 1989): 657–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002200948902400405.
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Martill, David M. "The early history of pterosaur discovery in Great Britain." Geological Society, London, Special Publications 343, no. 1 (2010): 287–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1144/sp343.18.
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Eisner, H. S. "A history of mine safety research in Great Britain." Journal of Occupational Accidents 9, no. 2 (August 1987): 153–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0376-6349(87)90032-0.
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