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Journal articles on the topic 'Modern republican theory'
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1
de Dijn, Annelien. "Rousseau and Republicanism." Political Theory 46, no. 1 (October 9, 2015): 59–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0090591715609101.
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Rousseau was arguably one of the most important and influential of eighteenth-century republican thinkers. However, contemporary republican theorists, most notably Philip Pettit, have written him out of the republican canon by describing Rousseau as a “populist” rather than a republican. I argue that this miscasting of Rousseau is not just historically incorrect but that it has also led to a weakening of contemporary republican political theory. Rousseau was one of the few early modern republican thinkers to take seriously the problem of the tyranny of the majority and to attempt to formulate a cogent answer to that problem. Ignoring his contribution to republican political thought therefore cuts off contemporary republicans from an important resource for thinking about this problem.
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GOUREVITCH, ALEX. "WILLIAM MANNING AND THE POLITICAL THEORY OF THE DEPENDENT CLASSES." Modern Intellectual History 9, no. 2 (July 10, 2012): 331–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244312000066.
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This article reappraises the political ideas of William Manning, and through him the trajectory of early modern republicanism. Manning, an early American farmer writing in the 1780s and 1790s, developed the republican distinction between “the idle Few” and “the laboring Many” into a novel “political theory of the dependent classes.” On this theory, it is the dependent, laboring classes who share an interest in social equality. Because of this interest, they are the only ones who can achieve and maintain republican liberty. With this identification of the interests of the dependent classes with the common good, Manning inverted inherited republican ideas, and transformed the language of liberty and virtue into one of the first potent, republican critiques of exploitation. As such, he stands as a key figure for understanding the shift in early modern republicanism from a concern with constitutionalism and the rule of law to the social question.
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Hasberg Zirak-Schmidt, David. "Kongebilleder." K&K - Kultur og Klasse 50, no. 133 (June 6, 2022): 11–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/kok.v50i133.132739.
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This article analyses a conflict between royalist iconography and republican iconoclasm in the visual strategies of the frontispieces to Eikon Basilike and Eikon Alethine, two works that react to the execution of Charles I in 1649. The article argues that the clash between these two visual strategies is emblematic of a clash between a republican and an absolutist notion of sovereignty current in Caroline England. The absolutist notion of sovereignty may be meaningfully approached through Walter Benjamin’s theory of the ambiguous nature of early modern sovereignty. For Benjamin, the early modern sovereign is simultaneously a tyrant and a martyr. This double nature of the figure of the sovereign is the result of early modern political theology. The republican notion of sovereignty, which develops in the 1640s, is characterized by its emphasis on popular sovereignty. According to this view, only parliament could legitimately represent the interests of the commonwealth. However, the republican conceptualization of sovereignty ultimately fails because it fails to visually represent the abstract notion of popular sovereignty.
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Smith, Patrick Taylor. "A Neo-Republican Theory of Just State Surveillance." Moral Philosophy and Politics 7, no. 1 (May 26, 2020): 49–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/mopp-2019-0032.
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AbstractThis paper develops a novel, neo-republican account of just state surveillance in the information age. The goal of state surveillance should be to avoid and prevent domination, both public and private. In light of that conception of justice, the paper makes three substantive points. First, it argues that modern state surveillance based upon information technology and predicated upon a close partnership with the tech sector gives the state significant power and represents a serious potential source of domination. Second, it argues that, nonetheless, state surveillance can serve legitimate republican ends and so unilateral and private technological attempts to block it may be wrongful. Third, it argues that, despite the serious normative failings of current institutions, state surveillance can be justly regulated and made accountable through a legal liability regime that incentivizes tech company intermediaries to ally with civil society groups in order to safeguard the privacy rights of potential subjects of state surveillance.
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Hazard, Sonia. "Agency, the Idea of Agency, and the Problem of Mediation in America's God and Secularism in Antebellum America." Church History 84, no. 3 (September 2015): 610–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640715000530.
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A common faith swept the country. According to Mark Noll's now-famous thesis, early republican and antebellum America was characterized by an ideological synthesis of evangelical religion, republican political theory, and common sense epistemology. Noll calls it “the Protestant consensus.” John Modern largely agrees. In Modern's telling, antebellum America was mired in the same entanglement of piety, politics, and epistemology. But in lieu of the civic language of consensus, Modern describes his formation as an “atmosphere,” a kind of conceptual cloud-hanging so thickly in the air that antebellum Americans inhaled it with every breath. This pervasive atmosphere is what Modern means by “the secular.”
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Baehr, Peter. "An ‘ancient sense of politics’? Weber, Caesarism and the Republican tradition." European Journal of Sociology 40, no. 2 (November 1999): 333–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975600007505.
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This article critically examines recent claims that Weber's political thought has close associations with classical republicanism. One salient indication of Weber's distance from this tradition is his theory of Ceasarism, and his view that modern polities are most robust when they assume a version of it consistent with civil liberties. By employing the resources of Begriffsgcschichte, I examine the extent of Weber's departure from the ‘ancient sense of politics’ and the originality of his own political theory.
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Szántó, Veronika. "Did Harrington’s cats catch Harvey’s chick? Vitalistic imagery in early modern republican political theory." History of European Ideas 43, no. 6 (July 13, 2016): 570–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01916599.2016.1202128.
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Betz, Margaret. "EVOLUTION AND THE MODERN DEUS EX MACHINA." Think 11, no. 30 (December 21, 2011): 111–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1477175611000406.
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Evolution, the human soul, and the lower status of animals continue to stir debate not only in philosophy, religion and science, but in politics as well. In 2007 during a debate for the Republican candidate for United States President, three out of the ten candidates raised their hand when asked by the moderator, ‘Is there anyone on the stage who doesn't believe in evolution?’ The possibility of a lineage from animal life to distinctly human life offers the opportunity for a host of objections from some politicians, religious leaders and philosophers alike. Those who express an objection to the theory of evolution take issue with the idea that humanity is merely another link in the chain, albeit the last link. They share a desire to see human life as somehow unique, different, better.
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Галиев, Ф. Х., and А. Х. Султанов. "THEORY OF SEPARATION OF AUTHORITIES: A MODERN READING." Теория государства и права, no. 4(25) (January 18, 2022): 96–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.47905/matgip.2021.25.4.008.
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Как известно, в современных условиях в большинстве государств законодательно предусмотрены меры обособления органов одной власти от другой, с той целью, чтобы она ограничивалась собственной компетенцией и, в конечном счете, не допустить нарушений полномочий каждого органа в отдельности. Однако, следует учитывать, что соотношение между полномочиями органов всех ветвей государственной власти определяется в конституции в строгом соответствии с господствующим пониманием в данном государстве сущности демократии и народоправства. В литературе также принято ссылаться на американский парламентаризм, который в течение двух столетий развивается в условиях двухпартийной системы. В Соединенных Штатах Америки подобный механизм способствует тому, что демократам и республиканцам с определенной степенью частоты удается попеременно сменять друг друга. В этом отношении картина политической борьбы между партией, преобладающей в конгрессе, и главой государства, представляющим противоположную силу, содержит черты, которые в крайне невыгодном свете отражают особенности американской политической жизни. Достаточно вспомнить ожесточенные схватки между Президентом США Дональдом Трампом (республиканцем) и палатой представителей Конгресса, где преобладали демократы. В столь ожесточенной борьбе дело доходило до процедуры импичмента, вершиной же подобного противостояния стало то, что больше месяца американцы не могли получить официальные результаты итогов выборов нового главы государства. Авторы статьи делают вывод о том, что следует стремиться к тому, чтобы в представительном учреждении депутаты различных политических партий постоянно взаимодействовали, а не противостояли друг другу. Подобный подход будет способствовать реализации всех законодательно закрепленных функций парламента. В этом нам видится один из главных инструментов, который позволит преодолеть парадокс XX века, когда теория разделения властей на практике подчас приобретала центробежный характер. Obviously, in modern conditions in most states, legislative measures are provided for separating the bodies of one government from another, in order to limit it to its own competence and, ultimately, to prevent violations of the powers of each body separately. However it should be borne in mind that the correlation between the powers of the bodies of all branches of state power is determined in the constitution in strict accordance with the prevailing understanding in the given state of the essence of democracy and the rule of the people. In the literature, it is also customary to refer to American parliamentarianism, which has been developing in a two-party system for two centuries. In the United States of America, this arrangement encourages Democrats and Republicans to alternate with a certain degree of frequency. In this regard, the picture of the political struggle between the dominant party in Congress and the head of state representing the opposite force contains features that reflect in an extremely unfavorable light the peculiarities of American political life. Suffice it to recall the fierce battles between US President Donald Trump (Republican) and the Democratic-dominated House of Representatives. In such a fierce struggle, the matter came to the impeachment procedure, the peak of such a confrontation was that for more than a month the Americans could not get the official results of the election of the new head of state. The authors of the article conclude that one should strive to ensure that in a representative institution the deputies of various political parties constantly interact, and not oppose each other. This approach will contribute to the implementation of all legislatively enshrined functions of the parliament. Thus, we see one of the main tools that will allow us to overcome the paradox of the 20th century, when the theory of separation of powers in practice sometimes acquired a centrifugal character.
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Westphal, Kenneth. "Hegel’s justification of the human right to non-domination." Filozofija i drustvo 28, no. 3 (2017): 579–612. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid1703579w.
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?Hegel? and ?human rights? are rarely conjoined, and the designation ?human rights? appears rarely in his works. Indeed, Hegel has been criticised for omitting civil and political rights all together. My surmise is that readers have looked for a modern Decalogue, and have neglected how Hegel justifies his views, and hence just what views he does justify. Philip Pettit (1997) has refocused attention on republican liberty. Hegel and I agree with Pettit that republican liberty is a supremely important value, but appealing to its value, or justifying it by appeal to reflective equilibrium, are insufficient both in theory and in practice. By reconstructing Kant?s Critical methodology and explicating the social character of rational justification in non-formal domains, Hegel shows that the republican right to non-domination is constitutive of the equally republican right to justification (Forst 2007) - both of which are necessary requirements for sufficient rational justification in all non-formal domains, including both claims to rights or imputations of duties or responsibilities. That is the direct moral, political and juridical implication of Hegel?s analysis of mutual recognition, and its fundamental, constitutive role in rational justification. Specific corollaries to the fundamental republican right to non-domination must be determined by considering what forms of illicit domination are possible or probable within any specific society, in view of its social, political and economic structures and functioning.
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Holley, Jared. "Rousseau on refined Epicureanism and the problem of modern liberty." European Journal of Political Theory 17, no. 4 (August 12, 2018): 411–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1474885118788963.
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This article argues that in order to understand the form of modern political freedom envisioned by Rousseau, we have to understand his theory of taste as refined Epicureanism. Rousseau saw the division of labour and corrupt taste as the greatest threats to modern freedom. He identified their cause in the spread of vulgar Epicureanism – the frenzied pursuit of money, vanity and sexual gratification. In its place, he advocated what he called ‘the Epicureanism of reason’, or refined Epicureanism. Materially grounded on an equitable proportion of needs and faculties, this was a hedonist theory of self-command designed to cultivate the temperate enjoyment of sensual pleasure. I argue that Rousseau hoped that a shift from vulgar to refined Epicureanism would secure political freedom in modernity by grounding the politics of the general will in an economics of balanced growth and a reinvigorated appreciation of natural beauty. This perspective provides a new way of both clarifying the role of economic justice and aesthetic judgment in Rousseau's republican state theory, and of assessing the consistency of his moral and political thought.
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Bailyn, Bernard. "Confessional Thoughts on Re-reading The Ideological Origins." New England Quarterly 91, no. 1 (March 2018): 12–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/tneq_a_00658.
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This essay reflects Professor Bailyn's reaction upon re-reading The Ideological Origins. Struck by the revolutionaries. preoccupation with Power, he explores the vivid representations of its place in early modern political thought and examines the implications in the creation of a system intended to resolve the problems that attend its use and its misuse within a republican form of government.
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Sladecek, Michal. "Defining political community." Filozofija i drustvo, no. 19-20 (2002): 179–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid0209179s.
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This paper considers the concept of political community, its constitution and value. The starting point is that the concept of community is not sufficiently recognized in modern political theories, as well as in contemporary liberal theory. In the last two decades communitarian and republican political theory attempted to revitalize this notion. The first part of the paper elaborates on the polemics between these three theoretical orientations. The concluding part examines the possibilities and prospect for stable political community in conditions of pluralism of particular social communities and ethnocultural heterogeneity.
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Mitchell, Joshua. "Protestant Thought and Republican Spirit: How Luther Enchanted the World." American Political Science Review 86, no. 3 (September 1992): 688–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1964131.
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Arguments about the emergence of modern political theory often claim that Protestantism's significance was that it evacuated the political world, that a more properly political ethic took its place, a “disenchanted” one. I shall consider Luther's understanding of biblical history, thoughts on the Christian prince, and view of the “bonds of union” between Christians in order to understand the relationship between the political and spiritual realms. I suggest that even though Luther argues for the separation of the two realms, his political realm is by no means disenchanted. His politics can only be understood in light of his claims about the purview of God the Father and God the Son. “Political vacuum theories,” I suggest, misconstrue the relationship between politics and religion in Protestant thought.
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Saxonhouse, Arlene W. "Ancient Greek Tragedy Speaks to Democracy Theory." Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek Political Thought 34, no. 2 (November 11, 2017): 187–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-12340123.
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Abstract This essay initially distinguishes Athenian democracy from what I call ‘hyphenated-democracies’, each of which adds a conceptual framework developed in early modern Europe to the language of democracy: representative-democracy, liberal-democracy, constitutional-democracy, republican-democracy. These hyphenated-democracies emphasize the restraints placed on the power of political authorities. In contrast, Athenian democracy with the people ruling over themselves rested on the fundamental principle of equality rather than the limitations placed on that rule. However, equality as the defining normative principle of democracy raises its own problems, namely: How do we – of limited vision – identify who is equal, and what injustices attend the criteria used to establish who is equal? Consideration of several ancient tragedies illustrates how the Athenian playwrights explored these questions and how they identified the challenges faced by those who understand democracy as grounded on egalitarian principles.
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Mundó, Jordi. "Poder político fiduciario y soberanía popular. Libertad política, confianza y revolución en la filosofía política de Locke." Daímon, no. 81 (June 19, 2020): 33–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.6018/daimon.432081.
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La teoría republicana moderna de la concepción revolucionaria de la soberanía popular tuvo un eslabón fundamental en la filosofía política de John Locke, quien elaboró un argumento en favor de la libertad natural y de la autonomía de juicio de los individuos, y en contra de la sujeción natural y la alienación de la libertad política. Concibe la autoridad política como un poder político fiduciario instituido para el fin del bien público. Cuando los gobernantes actúan para fines distintos de los encomendados, arbitrariamente o por su interés propio, la confianza se pierde y el ejercicio del poder político regresa a las manos del pueblo libre. Modern republican theory of the revolutionary conception of popular sovereignty had a fundamental link in the political philosophy of John Locke, who elaborated an argument in favour of the natural freedom and autonomy of judgment of individuals, and against the natural subjection and alienation of political freedom. He conceives of political authority as a fiduciary political power instituted for the end of public good. When the trustees act for ends other than those entrusted, arbitrarily or for his own interest, trust is forfeited and the exercise of political power returns to the hands of the free people.
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NELSON, ERIC. "‘TALMUDICAL COMMONWEALTHSMEN’ AND THE RISE OF REPUBLICAN EXCLUSIVISM." Historical Journal 50, no. 4 (November 8, 2007): 809–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x07006395.
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ABSTRACTThis article makes the case that modern ideological republicanism has its roots, not in Athens or Rome, but in Jerusalem. It begins from the observation that republican political theory underwent a dramatic transformation in the middle of the seventeenth century. Before 1650, republicanism had always been a ‘relative’ position: those who argued in favour of republican government did so because they believed that republics were better than monarchies for various reasons. None of them had any interest in arguing that monarchy was an illegitimate constitutional form. In the second half of the seventeenth century, however, we see for the first time the appearance of what we might call republican ‘exclusivism’, the claim that republics are the only legitimate regimes. This article argues that the ‘exclusivist’ turn was prompted by the Christian encounter with a tradition of rabbinic commentary on two chapters of the Hebrew Bible (Deut. 17 and 1 Sam. 8), according to which the Israelite request for a mortal king was regarded as an instance of the sin of idolatry. It further demonstrates that the English pamphleteers at the centre of this story – John Milton, James Harrington, and Algernon Sidney – were themselves deeply conscious of the degree to which their views had been shaped by the writings of the ‘Talmudical commonwealthsmen’.
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Simpson, Sid. "Making liberal use of Kant? Democratic peace theory and Perpetual Peace." International Relations 33, no. 1 (December 2, 2018): 109–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0047117818811463.
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The work of Immanuel Kant has been foundational in modern democratic peace theory. His essay Toward Perpetual Peace gives three prescriptions for attaining peace between democracies: republican institutions, a pacific union between states, and an ethos of universal hospitality. Contemporary democratic peace theory, however, has warped the Kantian framework from which it draws inspiration: the third prescription has been gradually substituted for commerce and trade. I argue that this change in emphasis produces tensions between Perpetual Peace and the body of democratic peace theory literature it spawned. Moreover, I contend that a look back at Kant’s essay sheds light on why this transformation occurred. Finally, I use this new look back at Perpetual Peace to reformulate the relationship between peace, democracy, and commerce so as to offer a new perspective on the democratic peace theory/capitalist peace theory debate.
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Dienstag, Joshua Foa. "Serving God and Mammon: The Lockean Sympathy in Early American Political Thought." American Political Science Review 90, no. 3 (September 1996): 497–511. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2082605.
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This paper seeks to revive the old theory of a “Lockean consensus” in early American political thought against the prevailing “republican” view. The language of “virtue” and “slavery,” which was pervasive at the time of the founding, and which many have been eager to take as evidence for the influence of civic humanism, in fact has a perfectly plain Lockean provenance. This is established first through a reexamination of Locke that links his account of virtue to a Christian asceticism (i.e., the Protestant Ethic) rather than republican philosophy. That the founders understood virtue in this way is then established through an exploration of Adams and Jefferson. In both cases, it was a Lockean slavery which they feared and a Lockean virtue which they sought. A Lockean sympathy did exist among the founders; in order to understand it, however, it must be distinguished from modern liberalism, with which it has only tenuous connections.
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Capps, Patrick, and Julian Rivers. "KANT'S CONCEPT OF INTERNATIONAL LAW." Legal Theory 16, no. 4 (December 2010): 229–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1352325210000212.
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Modern theorists often use Immanuel Kant's work to defend the normative primacy of human rights and the necessity of institutionally autonomous forms of global governance. However, properly understood, his law of nations describes a loose and noncoercive confederation of republican states. In this way, Kant steers a course between earlier natural lawyers such as Grotius, who defended just-war theory, and visions of a global unitary or federal state. This substantively mundane claim should not obscure a more profound contribution to the science of international law. Kant demonstrates that his concept of law forms part of a logical framework by which to ascertain the necessary institutional characteristics of the international legal order. Specifically, his view is that the international legal order can only take a noncoercive confederated form as its subjects become republican states and that in these circumstances law can exist without a global state. Put another way, Kant argues that if we get state-building right, the law of nations follows.
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Li, Kaiyi. "A FAILED CIRCULATION: THE MONTESSORI METHOD AND TEACHING MATERIALS IN REPUBLICAN CHINA (1912-1949)." Revista Tempos e Espaços em Educação 11, no. 26 (June 28, 2018): 77–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.20952/revtee.v11i26.9011.
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Montessori method arrived in China at the time when Chinese scholars wanted to established Chinese version kindergartens with modern and scientific teaching method and tools. Through translation and expert coming to China, Chinese scholars introduced Montessori thought into China. However, the study on Montessori method only stopped at the step of translating Montessori’s theory and trying to reshape the didactic materials. In spite of two short-lived success examples in the 1920s and 1930s, it was never large-scale applied in China. Except the expensive of the didactic tools, lacking spokesman and teachers were the main reason for the failure of the method.
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Gat, Azar. "The Democratic Peace Theory Reframed: The Impact of Modernity." World Politics 58, no. 1 (October 2005): 73–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wp.2006.0017.
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This article argues that the democratic peace theorists have overlooked the defining development that underlies that peace of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries: the industrial-technological revolution. Not only did that revolution make democracy on a country scale possible; it also madeallthe countries that experienced the revolution—democratic and nondemocratic—far less belligerent in comparison with preindustrial times. The democratic peace did not exist among premodern democratic and republican city-states, not because they were not democratic or liberal enough but because they were premodern. Other factors that have emanated from the modern transformation and may generate greater aversion to war apply mostly to liberal democratic countries while being only variably connected to their regime. Such factors include the staggering rise in the standard of living; the decrease in hardship, pain, and death; the dominance of metropolitan life and the service economy; the spread of the consumer and entertainment society; sexual promiscuity; women's franchise; and the shrinking ratio of young males in the population.
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Sánchez León, Pablo. "The Study of Nation and Patria as Communities of Identity: Theory, Historiography, and Methodology from the Spanish Case." Genealogy 4, no. 1 (March 2, 2020): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/genealogy4010023.
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This article argues for a renovation in the study of nationalism by addressing the issue of the rationality underlying the decisions by citizens willing to leave their homelands. From the example of unforced exiles from the 1939 Republican diaspora (and inner exiles as well), the text starts with providing a theory of disidentification from a nation for the sake of civic commitment. Having shown the relevance of jointly studying the language of nation and patria, it focuses on Spanish post-Francoist historiography of the Early modern period for showing its unbalanced account of discourse revolving around patria in favor of that of nation. Thereafter, it provides a comparative overview of the scholarly interest in patriotism in modern history as depending on different national trajectories of political culture. Finally, it claims a methodological reorientation in the study of nationalism and patriotism by distinguishing between nation and patria as terms, as concepts, and as analytical categories defining distinctive collective identities.
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Svistun, T. I., and I. L. Ilyicheva. "Precedent Phenomena: Transformation Processes." Discourse 7, no. 6 (December 21, 2021): 109–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.32603/2412-8562-2021-7-6-109-119.
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Introduction. The precedent phenomenon in the title of a journalistic article is one of the characteristic features of the modern Belarusian mass media discourse. The article examines the pecularities of transformation processes of precedent phenomena in republican and regional newspapers.Methodology and sources. The theoretical basis of this research was formed by the works in the field of discourse theory (T. van Dijk, T. G. Dobrosklonskaya, V. E. Chernyavskaya), as well as the theory of intertextuality and precedence (M. M. Bakhtin, Y. Kristeva, R. Bart, I. V. Arnold, D. B. Gudkov). In the course of the study, a structural and semantic analysis of the headings and a content analysis of the articles of Belarusian newspapers were carried with the focus on difference between center and periphery. The research material was the republican and regional newspapers of Belarus in the period from 2017 to 2020 years (a total of 400 articles with heading complexes).Results and discussion. The activity of precedent information in the Belarusian journalism of the period under review is evidenced by numerous references, allusions, intertextual inclusions recorded in various republican and regional media, both unchanged and transformed. In the case of transformation, the elements of the original text, name, statement, situation can be shortened, replaced or addition may take place. In some cases, to draw attention to the media text, the author uses transformations not only at the lexical, but also at the phonetic, morphemic, syntactic levels. In general, transformed precedent phenomena prevail in Belarusian publications (about 75 %). The most subject to transformation are precedent statements and texts, and the least – situations. These tendencies are typical for both republican and regional publications.Conclusion. The application of the precedent phenomenon actualizes the background knowledge of the reader, referring to the phenomena that have already received a certain interpretation and assessment. The transformation of the precedent phenomenon allows you to link information about the event or the fact described by the author with the information already available in the linguo-cognitive base, updating and multiplying it, expanding and enriching the communicative space.
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Li, Xiaorong. "Where Have All the Guixiu Gone? Chinese “Women of Talent” at the Turn of the Twentieth Century." Journal of Chinese Literature and Culture 10, no. 1 (April 1, 2023): 81–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/23290048-10362392.
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Abstract Guixiu 閨秀 (cultivated gentlewomen of the inner chambers) and cainü 才女 (women of talent) arguably became authorly identities (referring to women writing in classical verse) as women's literary culture took shape in Ming-Qing China. However, the guixiu and cainü were gradually eclipsed by their rising “modern” sisters, xin nüxing 新女性 (new women) and nü zuojia 女作家 (women writers), during the late-Qing reform (1890s) and the early-Republican New Culture movement (1910s–1920s). This study provides a historical investigation into two cases of the literary practice of men and women who carried the legacy of their Ming-Qing predecessors into the Republican era: Wang Wenru 王文濡 (1867–1935) and his Xiangyan zazhi 香艷雜誌 (Xiangyan Magazine, 1914–1916) and Gu Xianrong 顧憲融 (1901–1955), who published the Hongfan jingshe nü dizi ji 紅梵精舍女弟子集 (Collection of Female Disciples from the Abode of Red Brahman, 1928). They reveal the persistence of guixiu culture in a diversified and transformed world of literary production and consumption from the 1910s to the 1920s.
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Gustafson, Sandra M. "Reimagining the Literature of the Modern Republic." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 131, no. 3 (May 2016): 752–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2016.131.3.752.
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Raúl Coronado'S Ambitious and Beautifully Realized Book About The Literature Of Failed Republican Revolution in Late-eighteenth- and early-nineteenth-century Texas is a major contribution to the expanding field of scholarship that recovers, contextualizes, and interprets Tatino/a writing. This wide-ranging study traces the influence of scholastic thought in Spain and Spanish America, culminating in a discussion of the resonances of that intellectual tradition after 1848, as newly conquered Tejanos faced expropriation and violence by United States Americans. Coronado shows how the ideas of Thomas Aquinas and his Spanish interpreters—notably Francisco Suárez (1548-1617), a Jesuit and the leading member of the Thomist School of Salamanca, whose ideas were broadly influential in the Hispanic world—presented a durable alternative to the liberal philosophy of John Tocke and Adam Smith. In part through Suárez's influence, the Roman Catholic concept of the corpus mysticum fed into a distinctive vision of the modern republic that elevated the pueblo over the individual. That this alternative tradition failed initially to gain political and cultural ground explains the melancholy title of Coronado's study, while the possibility of recuperating this history as a usable past animates the project as a whole.
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Sakamoto, Tatsuya. "Hume’s Idea of a Perfect Commonwealth Revisited." Dialogue and Universalism 32, no. 1 (2022): 47–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/du20223214.
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This paper examines Hume’s theory of republicanism from the perspective of the history of ancient and modern thought. Hume criticized ancient republicanism for its implicit assumption of institutional slavery, and sought the possibility of a republican constitution based on the freedom and equality of citizens. Despite the title “Idea of a Perfect Commonwealth,” its content was a concrete theory and discussed the British society as it existed in the 18th century. His conclusion was the realistic proposal of a highly democratic federal republic, which not only became the origin of the U.S. Constitution through James Madison, but also serves as a valuable source of enlightenment and inspiration for our time, when the challenges and problems of party politics and mass democracy have become extremely serious.
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Vrhovski, Jan. "Qinghua School of Logic and the Origins of Taiwanese Studies in Modern Logic." Asian Studies 8, no. 3 (September 22, 2020): 231–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/as.2020.8.3.231-250.
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The article investigates the early thought of Mou Zongsan and Yin Haiguang, two important founding fathers of Taiwanese philosophy, who contributed significantly to its formation as an academic discipline in the two decades following 1949. The article reveals how their ideas related to modern logic originated from the so-called “Qinghua School of (Mathematical) Logic”. Herewith, the article tries to provide a platform that can be used to answer the questions of continuity and succession between the studies of modern logic as conducted at the most progressive (modernised) universities in late Republican China (especially Qinghua University) on the one side, and the formation and development of studies in logic in post-1949 Taiwan, on the other.
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Galkin, I. V. ""Monarchists" and "Republicans" in the Western European Political and Legal Thought of the 17th Century." Lex Russica 74, no. 2 (February 25, 2021): 134–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/1729-5920.2021.171.2.134-150.
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The paper is devoted to the problem of theoretical approaches to monarchical and republican forms of government that were reflected in the works of representatives of Western European political thought of the 17th century. The seventeenth century is the century that opens the period of Modern Times. It was a turning point not only in the history of Western European civilization, but also in the history of philosophical knowledge and "positive" sciences, including in such a specific field as political thought, which developed at the intersection of philosophy and science. The political theory of the period, was able to rise to the realization of the objective of the imperfection of existing political institutions and give its recommendations for addressing the identified deficiencies, as far as it was possible in terms of initial imperfections is given to us in sensations of the world. The political thought of the historical period under consideration showed a lively theoretical polemic between the supporters of the monarchical and republican forms of government. The revolutionary situation developed in some of the advanced European states during the alarming seventeenth century made it possible to understand the advantages or disadvantages of the existing forms of government. It seems quite natural that the formation of the theoretical views of specific political thinkers or jurists was formed under the influence of the dominant ideology (or competing ideologies) of that time. Moreover, it should be noted that the monarchist or republican views of specific authors are not always theoretically well-reasoned, but are often based on the subjective preferences of thinkers. Thus, this paper highlights a rather ambiguous problem of the features of monarchical and republican forms of government in the political thought of the 17th century.
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Landrum, Ty. "The Education of Amour-Propre." Journal of Moral Philosophy 11, no. 3 (May 2, 2014): 320–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17455243-4681040.
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In the First Discourse, Rousseau complains that modern morals encourage us to think of ourselves in an impersonal and hygienic manner, and to present ourselves in public space as dimensionless members of society. Submission to modern morals encourages conformism, Rousseau argues, and conformism precludes us from having selves of the sort upon which moral freedom depends. In this paper, I argue that Rousseau’s vision of the redemptive promise of amour-propre should be understood in light of his concern to reverse the existential catastrophe of conformism and to precipitate a social climate more hospitable to self-creation. This concern informs the moral purpose of Rousseau’s austerely republican societies, and it determines the role of amour-propre in animating the best citizens. Recent interpretive trends give too little scope to the indicated concern. In consequence, they obscure one of the richest dimensions of Rousseau’s social theory.
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Xu, Xiaoqun. "‘National Essence’ vs ‘Science’: Chinese Native Physicians' Fight for Legitimacy, 1912–37." Modern Asian Studies 31, no. 4 (October 1997): 847–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00017182.
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The medical profession in modern China comprised two radically different schools—modern (Western) medicine and native medicine. The difference in philosophy, theory, and technique made a conflict between the two schools almost inevitable, and the conflict was intensified by the modernization process that was quickened during the Republican period. Western-trained or modern doctors advocated national salvation through science and denounced native medicine as superstitious, unscientific, and an impediment to the development of medical science in China. On the other hand, native medical practitioners insisted that what they learned and practiced was part of the national essence (guocui) and should be protected against the cultural invasion of imperialism (diguo zhuyi wenhua qinlue) including Western medicine. To be sure, both sides used such rhetoric to camouflage the business competition between them, but this rivalry and its implications did point to a profound cultural conflict between Chinese tradition and Western influence in China's modernization. It epitomized a burning issue of the day: whether or not China's modernization meant Westernization and whether a respectable position for China in the modern world was to be achieved through Westernization or preservation of what was regarded or claimed as national heritage.
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Gootenberg, Paul. "Population and Ethnicity in Early Republican Peru: Some Revisions." Latin American Research Review 26, no. 3 (1991): 109–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100023955.
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All numbers on the makeup of Peru's republican population are wrong, the one point on which historians can agree. Peruvian governments had neither the capacity nor the will to mount thorough surveys of their scattered and elusive Andean subjects. Between the late viceregal census of 1791 (reporting a population of 1,076,000) and the first modern effort of 1876 (yielding a count of 2,699,000) lies a century of demographic no man's land, despite partial surveys claimed for 1812, 1836, 1850, and 1862. Unfortunately, historians cannot fly back in time and redo the head counts missed or mismanaged by successive governments, although this miracle has seemingly been worked for the older Incan and conquest periods.1 The best scholars can attempt at this point is to untangle the confusions of existing census documents and bring new evidence to bear on their strengths and weaknesses.
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Potolsky, Matthew. "Decadence and Realism." Victorian Literature and Culture 49, no. 4 (2021): 563–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1060150320000248.
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This essay proposes a new understanding of the widely recognized disdain for realism and the realist novel among decadent writers, a disdain most critics have interpreted as a protomodernist celebration of artifice. Focusing on Oscar Wilde's dialogue “The Decay of Lying,” the essay argues instead that decadent antirealism is antimodern, embodying a repudiation of contemporary society. Decadent writers regard realism not as hidebound and traditional, as twentieth-century theorists would have it, but as terrifyingly modern. Wilde looks back to neoclassical theories of mimesis and classical Republican political theory to imagine a different, older world, one in which art improves upon brute reality and in which the artist stands apart from the social forces that realist novels make central to their literary universes.
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Levene, D. S. "Sallust'sCatilineand Cato the Censor." Classical Quarterly 50, no. 1 (May 2000): 170–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/50.1.170.
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That Sallust owed a considerable debt to the writings of Cato the Censor was observed in antiquity, and the observation has often been discussed and expanded on by modern scholars. The ancient references to Sallust's employment of Cato are mainly in the context of his adoption of an archaic style, and specifically Catonian vocabulary. But the choice of Cato as a model had an obvious significance that went beyond the purely stylistic. Sallust's works articulate extreme pessimism at the moral state of late-Republican Rome, and do so partly by contrasting the modern age with a prelapsarian time of near-untrammelled virtue, brought to an end only by the fall of Carthage and the consequent dominance of Roman power, which in turn led to moral corruption. Similarly, Cato famously stood in his own day for moral rectitude—and specifically appealed to past virtue as the standard to which he wished to hold his contemporaries. Sallust, by writing in a Catonian style, aligns himself with that tradition.
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Jolowicz, Daniel. "Sicily and Roman Republican History in Chariton’s Chaereas and Callirhoe." Journal of Hellenic Studies 138 (2018): 127–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075426918000083.
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AbstractChariton's Chaereas and Callirhoe is a Greek novel that is extremely rich in historical and historiographical allusions. Virtually all of those so far detected derive from Greek texts and events in Greek history. In this article I shift the focus to Roman history, and suggest that Rome is not as absent as it is usually supposed to be in the Greek novels. In support of this claim, I propose that Chariton's choice of Sicily as a topographical setting can be related to three episodes from the Republican period that all involve Roman interventions in Sicily. Section I: the removal of Callirhoe (described at the beginning of the novel as an ἄγαλμα) from Syracuse recalls Verres’ provincial mismanagement of Sicily (73–71 BC), specifically his removal from Syracuse of Sappho's statue. Section II: the character of the pirate Theron is freighted with markers that point to the ‘pirate’ Sextus Pompey and his conflict with Octavian from 42–36 BC. Section III: Chaereas’ triumphant return to Syracuse at the end of the novel, loaded with spoils from the Persian king, symbolically reverses and redresses Marcellus’ sack of Syracuse in 211 BC. These all have significant ramifications for how readers (ancient and modern) approach the Greek novels.
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Yang, Shu. "Wrestling with Tradition: Early Chinese Suffragettes and the Modern Remodeling of the Shrew Trope." Modern Chinese Literature and Culture 34, no. 1 (June 2022): 128–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/mclc.2022.0007.
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This article investigates the rehabilitation of the traditional trope of the Chinese shrew in depictions of early Chinese radical suffragettes after the establishment of the Republic of China. It argues that, rather than dying out as China entered the modern age, the shrew became central to the ways in which first-wave feminists were portrayed and perceived in public discourses. Although still typically used to insult women in early Republican China, the archetype of the shrew also functioned as a transgressive model of female empowerment that manifested modern expectations for the qualities of the new woman. Starting from analyses on how the male-dominated media deployed variations of the traditional shrew to describe the visible and confrontational nature of the radical suffragettes, this article then turns to explore how the women themselves played a part in shaping their public images. They, as social actors, exhausted every right and freedom to carve out new subjectivities for themselves to perform in society. In sometimes aligning with and other times rejecting their public labeling as shrews, the suffragettes opened a new direction for understanding the vitality of the shrew trope and for conceiving of the newly emergent public or political woman at the turn of the twentieth century.
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Wielomski, Adam. "Republikańskie teokracje kalwińskie w Europie." Civitas. Studia z Filozofii Polityki 28 (June 21, 2021): 41–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/civ.2021.28.06.
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The illiberal democracy is the political system where majority of citizens rule, but where is not the freedom of consciousness or where the liberal dividing of power is absent. In the modern history of Europe the best example of this political system we find in the Calvinist Republics as Geneva, Emden and Netherlands. It’s not the democracy in the contemporary meaning of this word because the notion of “citizen” is aristocratic. The citizens are the members of aristocracy and patricians of towns. But in this time the citizens are the people only. This system is not liberal, because the Catholics are persecuted. The aim of this text is the presentation vision and ideology of theses Republics. It’s the mixture of sovereignty of the people-citizens with the theocratic tendency of Calvinism. In the theory of Calvin, and in the practice of theses Republics we are the tension between the “too swords”: spiritual (Calvinist consistories) and temporal (political power). In the literature we are many of allusions that the theological-political thought of Jean Calvin is inspired by medieval papal theocracy. It’s theocracy with “purified” Word of God, and inspired by the fear of the “caesaropapism”. This fear was just. Every theocratic rule in the Calvinist republican regime is finished by the supremacy of temporal swords. This text present the process of change from papocaesarism to caesaropapism in every republican case.
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Christopher Binetti. "Machiavelli’s Republic: A Better Place to Be." Polit Journal Scientific Journal of Politics 3, no. 1 (January 31, 2023): 9–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.33258/polit.v3i1.834.
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Machiavelli is an underappreciated figure. He is either viewed as an unprincipled, but very Italian figure or treated more fairly, but viewed as a generic European or even Anglicized. This article views Machiavelli as distinctly Italian and as an inheritor of the classical republicanism of Rome on one hand and Aristotle on the other. This article attempts both to explain the modern theory of republicanism and its ancient roots to a wider, more diverse audience and to present Macohiavelli as an Italian thinker, as opposed to as a European thinker. This project is both about ensuring that classical republican is available to persons from all cultures and backgrounds, but also de-Europeanize and de-Anglicize the cultural assumptions around Machiavelli. He is thus best understood as uniquely and irreducibly Italian and also part of a universal movement towards better government. At a time in which majoritarian democracies are out of control all over the world, the checks and balances inherent in classical republicanism serve both as a counterweight and also as a complement to modern democracy.
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O’Neill, Shane. "The Equalization of Effective Communicative Freedom: Democratic Justice in the Constitutional State and Beyond." Canadian Journal of Law & Jurisprudence 17, no. 1 (January 2004): 83–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0841820900003829.
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The fundamental political concern of liberalism has been to secure equal liberties for all citizens. There has, however, been no agreement among liberals on the extent to which this project depends, both normatively and practically, on the democratization of society. Socialism, on the other hand, has been fundamentally concerned with the realization of emancipated forms of life. But socialists too have disagreed with one another on the extent to which political structures of democratic self-government are central to the revolutionary task of emancipation. Social democracy, as a tradition, has involved the attempt to show how these core political projects of the modern era, liberalism and socialism, are mutually interdependent. The most appropriate emancipatory project for late modern, increasingly complex societies, from a social-democratic perspective is to create and maintain a social structure that can deliver equal and effective liberties for all citizens. This achievement is to be best understood in republican terms, as the realization of a democratic form of life in which free and equal citizens engage one another in the collective task of autonomous self-governance. Jürgen Habermas has been one of the most significant intellectual contributors to the development of the idea of social democracy as an emancipatory project. Over several decades from the early 1960s to the present, Habermas has set about recasting critical social theory in terms of a theory of communicative action. The main legal and political implications of this critical perspective are outlined in his discourse theory of democracy Habermas considers the realization of rights through the democratic self-organization of legal communities to be the normative core of emancipatory politics in the modern era.
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Adambekova, G. K., and M. S. Tulegenova. "On the theory and problems of budget allocation in Kazakhstan." Bulletin of "Turan" University, no. 3 (October 4, 2020): 246–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.46914/1562-2959-2020-1-3-246-251.
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In modern conditions, regions in Kazakhstan are developing unevenly, and there is a noticeable disparity. The article considers a number of reasons that contributed to the development of this asymmetry: significant differences in the financial and economic situation of the regions, lack of financial independence, as well as differences in the main indicators of the social sphere. The fact that the budgets of the Republic, regions and individual cities are not balanced with the available resources is highlighted. Accordingly, the budgets of different levels do not receive revenues sufficient to solve problems in the social sphere and the economy to cover mandatory expenses. The state needs to decide how to distribute power and responsibility for solving financial and economic problems between the center and the regions, as well as redistribute available resources between budgets of different levels, and develop inter-budgetary relations. The article examines the sources of budget resources, levers of influence on the overall economic situation in the region, the regional budget mechanism and the internal structure of the regional budget mechanism. The influence of the mechanism of budget resources distribution on the socio-economic development of regions is studied, the Republican and local budgets, the regulation of budget revenues and their distribution are considered. The paper uses complex and systematic approaches to the processes and phenomena under study.
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Turlayev, A. V., I. A. Poleva, and N. B. Tuyakova. "Citizenship as a legal institution and category of law theory and state." Bulletin of the Karaganda University “Law Series” 107, no. 3 (September 30, 2022): 30–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.31489/2022l3/30-36.
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The article demonstrates the theoretical and historical problems of defining citizenship as a legal institution and the definition of its main features. The dynamic nature of this political and legal phenomenon, associated in the law theory with the state, is revealed. In a historical retrospective, using the citizenship institution experience for the state-legal regulation purpose relations between the individual and the state is considered. The studies of citizenship in different historical periods, the variability and institution development in the theories and various authors’ approaches are undertaken. The investigation purpose is to identify the main citizenship features by determining the goals and political and legal institution objectives. With the general and special research methods support, the analysis and generalization of historical and theoretical material, political and legal acts that define the concept and signs of citizenship as a legal and theoretical category are carried out. As a result, citizenship is considered as the main and defining republic feature as one of the main state forms. It is a political and legal category requiring legal regulation. The article concludes that citizenship is the main factor in the modern state existence, with a republican government form. The relationship between the individual and the state, mediated in the citizenship form, needs more detailed legal regulation.
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YANG, Renren. "Toward a Regime of Emotional Authenticity: Eileen Chang’s Literary Transmediation of Theater and Cinema in Two 1940s Love Stories." Modern Chinese Literature and Culture 35, no. 2 (December 2023): 354–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/mclc.2023.0040.
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This essay examines Eileen Chang’s transmedial theater and cinema in two 1940s love stories and draws attention to the historical transformation of the emotional regime underlying these literary reworkings. By canvassing the theatrical impulses in “Love in a Fallen City” (1943) and the cinematic residues in “So Much Regret” (1947), this essay argues that Chang’s depictions of romantic relationships in 1940s Shanghai suggest an incompleteness of what Eva Illouz calls the “great transformation of love” from a regime of ritualized emotions to one of emotional authenticity in Late Imperial and Republican China. The essay also demonstrates how the great transformation of love is gendered: what Chang underscores is the modern woman’s lack of “moral clarity” in her pursuit of love as a result of the painful clash between a theater-based presentational style and a cinema-based representational style of affective communication.
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ALLAN, STACIE. "Myth- and Monarch-Making: Claire de Duras’s Pensées de Louis XIV (1827)." Australian Journal of French Studies: Volume 58, Issue 3 58, no. 3 (December 1, 2021): 235–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/ajfs.2021.20.
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Louis XIV is one of the most captivating figures in French history despite his myth sitting uneasily alongside a modern Republican France. Louis XIV’s rarely read memoirs provide unique insight into the monarch’s role, demonstrating the tension between God-given right and the day-to-day duties of being a king. Novelist Claire de Duras used the memoirs to compile Pensées de Louis XIV (1827), a collection of seventy selected quotations. This article shows how Duras attempts to reconcile past and present, maintaining the mythical aura of the monarch while also portraying Louis XIV as a figure that might appeal to a post-Revolutionary, post-Imperial society.
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Shuger, Debora. "Castigating Livy: The Rape of Lucretia and The Old Arcadia." Renaissance Quarterly 51, no. 2 (1998): 526–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2901576.
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AbstractThe final books of The Old Arcadia rewrite two episodes from Livy's History: the rape of Lucrece and the execution of Brutus's sons. These episodes, which dominate Livy's account of the birth of the Roman republic, provide early modern republicanism with its foundational narrative, one that associates monarchy with aristocratic sexual license, and republicanism with the impartial rule of law. Sidney's plot hinges on this conflict between "unbridled desire" and "never-changing justice," and yet in flat contrast to both ancient and Renaissance republicanism, the work seems to privilege equity over law, clemency over justice, noble natures over impersonal codes. In what follows, I have tried to recover the unfamiliar politics - not republican and yet scarcely absolutist - structuring The Old Arcadia.
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Mou (牟發松), Fasong, and William Green. "A Discussion of Several Issues Concerning the “Tang-Song Transition”." Journal of Chinese Humanities 6, no. 2-3 (May 11, 2021): 192–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23521341-12340097.
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Abstract Naitō Konan’s hypothesis on the “Tang-Song transition” was first expressed in lecture notes from his 1909 class on modern Chinese history at Kyoto University and, then, expounded in subsequent works such as “A General View of the Tang and Song Dynasties” and “Modern Chinese History.” The theory systematically outlines that an evolutionary medieval to modern transition occurred in Chinese society during the period between the Tang and the Song dynasties, focusing in particular on the areas of politics/government, the economy, and culture. Political change is regarded as the core metric, demonstrated in concentrated form by the government’s transformation from an aristocratic to a monarchical autocratic system alongside a rise in the status and position of the common people. The “Tang-Song transition theory,” underpinned theoretically by a cultural-historical perspective, advocates for a periodization of Chinese history based on the stages and characteristics of China’s cultural development, which is also attributed to cultural shifts, downward to the commoner class from a culture monopolized by the aristocracy during the period between the Tang and Song, with concomitant changes in society. For over a century since it was first proposed, the “Tang-Song transition theory” has had far-reaching influence in Chinese, Japanese, and Western academic circles, continuing to be lively and vigorous even now. We might be able to find the cause in its originality and liberality, which leave significant room for later thinkers’ continued adherence and development or criticism and falsification and continue to inspire new questions. Naitō’s proposal was also intimately connected to his observations of China’s circumstances in the late Qing dynasty and early Republican period, which also provided a “sample of the era” regarding realistic approaches to historical studies.
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Ploumidis, Spyridon G. "An antidote to anarchy? Images of monarchy in Greece in the nineteenth and the twentieth centuries." Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 45, no. 2 (July 13, 2021): 240–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/byz.2021.6.
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Since Roman times the representation of monarchy as an antidote to anarchy was a strong form of legitimization for the monarchical institution. In modern Greece, this formula dates back to 1821. The Greek Revolution and its republican constitutions were identified by European statesmen with anarchy and demagogy. Thus, a foreign monarch, alien to Greece's internal factions, was deemed the ideal remedy for internecine strife, and the best guarantor of internal unity as well as stability in the Near East. This image of monarchy proved its usefulness again during the First World War, when a controversy between the premier Eleftherios Venizelos and King Constantine over foreign policy and constitutional issues led to the National Schism (1915–17).
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Novoselsky, Sergey S. "Republican Ideas in the Russian Political Thought in 1905: Based on Notes Sent for Consideration of the Council of Ministers of the Russian Empire." Herald of an archivist, no. 2 (2021): 469–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2021-2-469-481.
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The article studies republican ideas as reflected in the Russian public consciousness of the early 20th century. The material for the research is documents identified in the fond of the Council of Ministers of the Russian Empire of the Russian State Historical Archive (RGIA). In recent decades, the problem field of intellectual history, the methods of which have been used in this research, has expanded dramatically: from studying the “great ideas” of outstanding thinkers of the past to researching such ideas that were accepted by a significant number of educated people. In their study of political thought, historians are increasingly turning not just to statesman who held power and were directly involved in decision-making, but to officials and public figures whose influence was indirect. At the height of the revolutionary crisis of 1905 brought about by the Russo-Japanese war, the representatives of the Russian public, together with the government, strove to overcome it as soon as possible. According to the Imperial Edict to the Governing Senate of February 18, 1905, their notes, letters,and suggestions on issues of improving state order were to be sent for consideration of the Council of Ministers; from October 19, 1905 they were directed to its chairman S. Yu. Witte. These documents represent a unique public opinion survey, mostly of representatives of the Zemstvo, urban milieu, and nobility; they have not yet been considered in Russian historiography. Although republican ideas were firmly associated in the Russian public consciousness with revolutionary ideas, as early as in 1905 some fundamental principles underlying modern republican theory were reflected in the political thought of the Russian public loyal to the government. The research shows that many public figures who addressed to the power their proposals for resolving national political crisis, defended ideals of political freedom, preponderance of law over the “human factor” in politics; they saw the main task of the existing and planned political institutions in protecting rights and freedoms of imperial citizens and in realizing interests of the society and proposed to expand the independence of local government.
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Conrad, Stephen A. "Metaphor and Imagination in James Wilson's Theory of Federal Union." Law & Social Inquiry 13, no. 01 (1988): 1–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-4469.1988.tb00749.x.
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“Through metaphor, the past has the capacity to imagine us, and we it.” -Cynthia Ozick, in “The Moral Necessity of Metaphor” American federalism is nothing more-und nothing less-than a metaphor. This was how lames Wilson, the most prominent lawyer at the Philadelphia Convention, came to approach the novel problem of understanding and conveying what federalism in a modern republic should mean. The Federal Republic created in 1787 was, for Wilson, more than a mutter of ingenious political design, more than a mutter of the “new science of politics,” and more than a mutter of constitutional law or constitutionalism itself-unless the Constitution were seen to “comprehend” the moral purpose and moral promise of the new nation. To Wilson, this view of the importance of the moral content of republican federalism was entailed by the “knowledge” that he took to be the necessary foundation of the Republic. It was this knowledge of certain fundamental principles- of “moral science,‘I human nature, and the nature of language, and, more generally, of “cultivation” us a political and social process that was also an end in itself-that ultimately justified “the People” us the “sublime” metaphor governing American constitutional theory. Yet, for all Wilson's faith in figurative “comprehensiveness,” his distinctive approach to securing the New Republic through a federal union of the American People seems to have proved less and less compelling to his contemporaries the more he tried to pursue it as far us his vision of a politics of cultivation directed.
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Villa, Dana. "Hegel, Tocqueville, and “Individualism”." Review of Politics 67, no. 4 (2005): 659–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s003467050003566x.
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Critics of liberal individualism have pointed out the many failures of “atomism” as a method in social and political philosophy. Their methodological criticisms have a tendency, however, to devolve into repudiations of moral individualism as such. In part, this is due to a misreading of Hegel and Tocqueville, two critics of individualism who nevertheless upheld the importance of individual rights and what Hegel called “freedom of subjectivity.” My essay brings these two very different theorists together in order to show how each deliberately dispensed with the ontology inherited from eighteenth-century social contract theory, the better to focus on associational life and public freedom. The end result is not a relapse into the rhetoric of civic republicanism, but a refurbishment of that tradition from the standpoint of modern liberty: the liberty of the individual. This common project links Hegel, the idealist philosopher, and Tocqueville, the liberal-republican, in unexpected but complementary ways.
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Ndegwa, Stephen N. "Citizenship and Ethnicity: An Examination of Two Transition Moments in Kenyan Politics." American Political Science Review 91, no. 3 (September 1997): 599–616. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2952077.
Full textAbstract:
In some African countries, democratic openings have intensified ethnic competition and led to protracted transitions or outright conflict. In Kenya, I argue, the stalled transition reflects the effects ofrepublicancitizenship in ethnic political communities andliberalcitizenship in the national political community. This duality in citizenship engenders conflict over democracy—conceived as liberal majoritarian democracy—and results in ethnic coalitions disagreeing over which institutions are appropriate for a multiethnic state. I provide evidence from discourses over institutions from two transition periods in Kenya: at independence and in the recent shift from one-party rule. This study makes two contributions. First, it adds to current citizenship theory, which is largely derived from Western experience, by demonstrating that republican and liberal citizenships are not necessarily compatible and that the modern nation-state is not the only relevant community for forming citizens. Second, it adds to studies of African transitions by highlighting citizenship issues in institutional design with regard to ethnicity in Kenya.