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Journal articles on the topic 'Modern republican theory'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 18 May 2024

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1

de Dijn, Annelien. "Rousseau and Republicanism." Political Theory 46, no. 1 (2015): 59–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0090591715609101.

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Rousseau was arguably one of the most important and influential of eighteenth-century republican thinkers. However, contemporary republican theorists, most notably Philip Pettit, have written him out of the republican canon by describing Rousseau as a “populist” rather than a republican. I argue that this miscasting of Rousseau is not just historically incorrect but that it has also led to a weakening of contemporary republican political theory. Rousseau was one of the few early modern republican thinkers to take seriously the problem of the tyranny of the majority and to attempt to formulate
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GOUREVITCH, ALEX. "WILLIAM MANNING AND THE POLITICAL THEORY OF THE DEPENDENT CLASSES." Modern Intellectual History 9, no. 2 (2012): 331–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244312000066.

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This article reappraises the political ideas of William Manning, and through him the trajectory of early modern republicanism. Manning, an early American farmer writing in the 1780s and 1790s, developed the republican distinction between “the idle Few” and “the laboring Many” into a novel “political theory of the dependent classes.” On this theory, it is the dependent, laboring classes who share an interest in social equality. Because of this interest, they are the only ones who can achieve and maintain republican liberty. With this identification of the interests of the dependent classes with
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Hasberg Zirak-Schmidt, David. "Kongebilleder." K&K - Kultur og Klasse 50, no. 133 (2022): 11–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/kok.v50i133.132739.

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This article analyses a conflict between royalist iconography and republican iconoclasm in the visual strategies of the frontispieces to Eikon Basilike and Eikon Alethine, two works that react to the execution of Charles I in 1649. The article argues that the clash between these two visual strategies is emblematic of a clash between a republican and an absolutist notion of sovereignty current in Caroline England. The absolutist notion of sovereignty may be meaningfully approached through Walter Benjamin’s theory of the ambiguous nature of early modern sovereignty. For Benjamin, the early moder
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Smith, Patrick Taylor. "A Neo-Republican Theory of Just State Surveillance." Moral Philosophy and Politics 7, no. 1 (2020): 49–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/mopp-2019-0032.

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AbstractThis paper develops a novel, neo-republican account of just state surveillance in the information age. The goal of state surveillance should be to avoid and prevent domination, both public and private. In light of that conception of justice, the paper makes three substantive points. First, it argues that modern state surveillance based upon information technology and predicated upon a close partnership with the tech sector gives the state significant power and represents a serious potential source of domination. Second, it argues that, nonetheless, state surveillance can serve legitima
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Hazard, Sonia. "Agency, the Idea of Agency, and the Problem of Mediation in America's God and Secularism in Antebellum America." Church History 84, no. 3 (2015): 610–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640715000530.

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A common faith swept the country. According to Mark Noll's now-famous thesis, early republican and antebellum America was characterized by an ideological synthesis of evangelical religion, republican political theory, and common sense epistemology. Noll calls it “the Protestant consensus.” John Modern largely agrees. In Modern's telling, antebellum America was mired in the same entanglement of piety, politics, and epistemology. But in lieu of the civic language of consensus, Modern describes his formation as an “atmosphere,” a kind of conceptual cloud-hanging so thickly in the air that antebel
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Baehr, Peter. "An ‘ancient sense of politics’? Weber, Caesarism and the Republican tradition." European Journal of Sociology 40, no. 2 (1999): 333–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975600007505.

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This article critically examines recent claims that Weber's political thought has close associations with classical republicanism. One salient indication of Weber's distance from this tradition is his theory of Ceasarism, and his view that modern polities are most robust when they assume a version of it consistent with civil liberties. By employing the resources of Begriffsgcschichte, I examine the extent of Weber's departure from the ‘ancient sense of politics’ and the originality of his own political theory.
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Szántó, Veronika. "Did Harrington’s cats catch Harvey’s chick? Vitalistic imagery in early modern republican political theory." History of European Ideas 43, no. 6 (2016): 570–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01916599.2016.1202128.

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Betz, Margaret. "EVOLUTION AND THE MODERN DEUS EX MACHINA." Think 11, no. 30 (2011): 111–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1477175611000406.

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Evolution, the human soul, and the lower status of animals continue to stir debate not only in philosophy, religion and science, but in politics as well. In 2007 during a debate for the Republican candidate for United States President, three out of the ten candidates raised their hand when asked by the moderator, ‘Is there anyone on the stage who doesn't believe in evolution?’ The possibility of a lineage from animal life to distinctly human life offers the opportunity for a host of objections from some politicians, religious leaders and philosophers alike. Those who express an objection to th
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Галиев, Ф. Х., and А. Х. Султанов. "THEORY OF SEPARATION OF AUTHORITIES: A MODERN READING." Теория государства и права, no. 4(25) (January 18, 2022): 96–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.47905/matgip.2021.25.4.008.

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Как известно, в современных условиях в большинстве государств законодательно предусмотрены меры обособления органов одной власти от другой, с той целью, чтобы она ограничивалась собственной компетенцией и, в конечном счете, не допустить нарушений полномочий каждого органа в отдельности. Однако, следует учитывать, что соотношение между полномочиями органов всех ветвей государственной власти определяется в конституции в строгом соответствии с господствующим пониманием в данном государстве сущности демократии и народоправства. В литературе также принято ссылаться на американский парламентаризм, к
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Westphal, Kenneth. "Hegel’s justification of the human right to non-domination." Filozofija i drustvo 28, no. 3 (2017): 579–612. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid1703579w.

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?Hegel? and ?human rights? are rarely conjoined, and the designation ?human rights? appears rarely in his works. Indeed, Hegel has been criticised for omitting civil and political rights all together. My surmise is that readers have looked for a modern Decalogue, and have neglected how Hegel justifies his views, and hence just what views he does justify. Philip Pettit (1997) has refocused attention on republican liberty. Hegel and I agree with Pettit that republican liberty is a supremely important value, but appealing to its value, or justifying it by appeal to reflective equilibrium, are ins
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Holley, Jared. "Rousseau on refined Epicureanism and the problem of modern liberty." European Journal of Political Theory 17, no. 4 (2018): 411–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1474885118788963.

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This article argues that in order to understand the form of modern political freedom envisioned by Rousseau, we have to understand his theory of taste as refined Epicureanism. Rousseau saw the division of labour and corrupt taste as the greatest threats to modern freedom. He identified their cause in the spread of vulgar Epicureanism – the frenzied pursuit of money, vanity and sexual gratification. In its place, he advocated what he called ‘the Epicureanism of reason’, or refined Epicureanism. Materially grounded on an equitable proportion of needs and faculties, this was a hedonist theory of
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Bailyn, Bernard. "Confessional Thoughts on Re-reading The Ideological Origins." New England Quarterly 91, no. 1 (2018): 12–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/tneq_a_00658.

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This essay reflects Professor Bailyn's reaction upon re-reading The Ideological Origins. Struck by the revolutionaries. preoccupation with Power, he explores the vivid representations of its place in early modern political thought and examines the implications in the creation of a system intended to resolve the problems that attend its use and its misuse within a republican form of government.
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Sladecek, Michal. "Defining political community." Filozofija i drustvo, no. 19-20 (2002): 179–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid0209179s.

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This paper considers the concept of political community, its constitution and value. The starting point is that the concept of community is not sufficiently recognized in modern political theories, as well as in contemporary liberal theory. In the last two decades communitarian and republican political theory attempted to revitalize this notion. The first part of the paper elaborates on the polemics between these three theoretical orientations. The concluding part examines the possibilities and prospect for stable political community in conditions of pluralism of particular social communities
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14

Mitchell, Joshua. "Protestant Thought and Republican Spirit: How Luther Enchanted the World." American Political Science Review 86, no. 3 (1992): 688–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1964131.

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Arguments about the emergence of modern political theory often claim that Protestantism's significance was that it evacuated the political world, that a more properly political ethic took its place, a “disenchanted” one. I shall consider Luther's understanding of biblical history, thoughts on the Christian prince, and view of the “bonds of union” between Christians in order to understand the relationship between the political and spiritual realms. I suggest that even though Luther argues for the separation of the two realms, his political realm is by no means disenchanted. His politics can onl
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15

Saxonhouse, Arlene W. "Ancient Greek Tragedy Speaks to Democracy Theory." Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek Political Thought 34, no. 2 (2017): 187–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-12340123.

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Abstract This essay initially distinguishes Athenian democracy from what I call ‘hyphenated-democracies’, each of which adds a conceptual framework developed in early modern Europe to the language of democracy: representative-democracy, liberal-democracy, constitutional-democracy, republican-democracy. These hyphenated-democracies emphasize the restraints placed on the power of political authorities. In contrast, Athenian democracy with the people ruling over themselves rested on the fundamental principle of equality rather than the limitations placed on that rule. However, equality as the def
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16

Mundó, Jordi. "Poder político fiduciario y soberanía popular. Libertad política, confianza y revolución en la filosofía política de Locke." Daímon, no. 81 (June 19, 2020): 33–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.6018/daimon.432081.

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La teoría republicana moderna de la concepción revolucionaria de la soberanía popular tuvo un eslabón fundamental en la filosofía política de John Locke, quien elaboró un argumento en favor de la libertad natural y de la autonomía de juicio de los individuos, y en contra de la sujeción natural y la alienación de la libertad política. Concibe la autoridad política como un poder político fiduciario instituido para el fin del bien público. Cuando los gobernantes actúan para fines distintos de los encomendados, arbitrariamente o por su interés propio, la confianza se pierde y el ejercicio del pode
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17

NELSON, ERIC. "‘TALMUDICAL COMMONWEALTHSMEN’ AND THE RISE OF REPUBLICAN EXCLUSIVISM." Historical Journal 50, no. 4 (2007): 809–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x07006395.

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ABSTRACTThis article makes the case that modern ideological republicanism has its roots, not in Athens or Rome, but in Jerusalem. It begins from the observation that republican political theory underwent a dramatic transformation in the middle of the seventeenth century. Before 1650, republicanism had always been a ‘relative’ position: those who argued in favour of republican government did so because they believed that republics were better than monarchies for various reasons. None of them had any interest in arguing that monarchy was an illegitimate constitutional form. In the second half of
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18

Simpson, Sid. "Making liberal use of Kant? Democratic peace theory and Perpetual Peace." International Relations 33, no. 1 (2018): 109–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0047117818811463.

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The work of Immanuel Kant has been foundational in modern democratic peace theory. His essay Toward Perpetual Peace gives three prescriptions for attaining peace between democracies: republican institutions, a pacific union between states, and an ethos of universal hospitality. Contemporary democratic peace theory, however, has warped the Kantian framework from which it draws inspiration: the third prescription has been gradually substituted for commerce and trade. I argue that this change in emphasis produces tensions between Perpetual Peace and the body of democratic peace theory literature
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19

Dienstag, Joshua Foa. "Serving God and Mammon: The Lockean Sympathy in Early American Political Thought." American Political Science Review 90, no. 3 (1996): 497–511. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2082605.

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This paper seeks to revive the old theory of a “Lockean consensus” in early American political thought against the prevailing “republican” view. The language of “virtue” and “slavery,” which was pervasive at the time of the founding, and which many have been eager to take as evidence for the influence of civic humanism, in fact has a perfectly plain Lockean provenance. This is established first through a reexamination of Locke that links his account of virtue to a Christian asceticism (i.e., the Protestant Ethic) rather than republican philosophy. That the founders understood virtue in this wa
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20

Capps, Patrick, and Julian Rivers. "KANT'S CONCEPT OF INTERNATIONAL LAW." Legal Theory 16, no. 4 (2010): 229–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1352325210000212.

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Modern theorists often use Immanuel Kant's work to defend the normative primacy of human rights and the necessity of institutionally autonomous forms of global governance. However, properly understood, his law of nations describes a loose and noncoercive confederation of republican states. In this way, Kant steers a course between earlier natural lawyers such as Grotius, who defended just-war theory, and visions of a global unitary or federal state. This substantively mundane claim should not obscure a more profound contribution to the science of international law. Kant demonstrates that his c
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21

Li, Kaiyi. "A FAILED CIRCULATION: THE MONTESSORI METHOD AND TEACHING MATERIALS IN REPUBLICAN CHINA (1912-1949)." Revista Tempos e Espaços em Educação 11, no. 26 (2018): 77–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.20952/revtee.v11i26.9011.

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Montessori method arrived in China at the time when Chinese scholars wanted to established Chinese version kindergartens with modern and scientific teaching method and tools. Through translation and expert coming to China, Chinese scholars introduced Montessori thought into China. However, the study on Montessori method only stopped at the step of translating Montessori’s theory and trying to reshape the didactic materials. In spite of two short-lived success examples in the 1920s and 1930s, it was never large-scale applied in China. Except the expensive of the didactic tools, lacking spokesma
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Gat, Azar. "The Democratic Peace Theory Reframed: The Impact of Modernity." World Politics 58, no. 1 (2005): 73–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wp.2006.0017.

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This article argues that the democratic peace theorists have overlooked the defining development that underlies that peace of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries: the industrial-technological revolution. Not only did that revolution make democracy on a country scale possible; it also madeallthe countries that experienced the revolution—democratic and nondemocratic—far less belligerent in comparison with preindustrial times. The democratic peace did not exist among premodern democratic and republican city-states, not because they were not democratic or liberal enough but because they were pr
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Sánchez León, Pablo. "The Study of Nation and Patria as Communities of Identity: Theory, Historiography, and Methodology from the Spanish Case." Genealogy 4, no. 1 (2020): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/genealogy4010023.

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This article argues for a renovation in the study of nationalism by addressing the issue of the rationality underlying the decisions by citizens willing to leave their homelands. From the example of unforced exiles from the 1939 Republican diaspora (and inner exiles as well), the text starts with providing a theory of disidentification from a nation for the sake of civic commitment. Having shown the relevance of jointly studying the language of nation and patria, it focuses on Spanish post-Francoist historiography of the Early modern period for showing its unbalanced account of discourse revol
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Svistun, T. I., and I. L. Ilyicheva. "Precedent Phenomena: Transformation Processes." Discourse 7, no. 6 (2021): 109–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.32603/2412-8562-2021-7-6-109-119.

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Introduction. The precedent phenomenon in the title of a journalistic article is one of the characteristic features of the modern Belarusian mass media discourse. The article examines the pecularities of transformation processes of precedent phenomena in republican and regional newspapers.Methodology and sources. The theoretical basis of this research was formed by the works in the field of discourse theory (T. van Dijk, T. G. Dobrosklonskaya, V. E. Chernyavskaya), as well as the theory of intertextuality and precedence (M. M. Bakhtin, Y. Kristeva, R. Bart, I. V. Arnold, D. B. Gudkov). In the
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Li, Xiaorong. "Where Have All the Guixiu Gone? Chinese “Women of Talent” at the Turn of the Twentieth Century." Journal of Chinese Literature and Culture 10, no. 1 (2023): 81–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/23290048-10362392.

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Abstract Guixiu 閨秀 (cultivated gentlewomen of the inner chambers) and cainü 才女 (women of talent) arguably became authorly identities (referring to women writing in classical verse) as women's literary culture took shape in Ming-Qing China. However, the guixiu and cainü were gradually eclipsed by their rising “modern” sisters, xin nüxing 新女性 (new women) and nü zuojia 女作家 (women writers), during the late-Qing reform (1890s) and the early-Republican New Culture movement (1910s–1920s). This study provides a historical investigation into two cases of the literary practice of men and women who carri
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Gustafson, Sandra M. "Reimagining the Literature of the Modern Republic." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 131, no. 3 (2016): 752–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2016.131.3.752.

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Raúl Coronado'S Ambitious and Beautifully Realized Book About The Literature Of Failed Republican Revolution in Late-eighteenth- and early-nineteenth-century Texas is a major contribution to the expanding field of scholarship that recovers, contextualizes, and interprets Tatino/a writing. This wide-ranging study traces the influence of scholastic thought in Spain and Spanish America, culminating in a discussion of the resonances of that intellectual tradition after 1848, as newly conquered Tejanos faced expropriation and violence by United States Americans. Coronado shows how the ideas of Thom
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Sakamoto, Tatsuya. "Hume’s Idea of a Perfect Commonwealth Revisited." Dialogue and Universalism 32, no. 1 (2022): 47–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/du20223214.

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This paper examines Hume’s theory of republicanism from the perspective of the history of ancient and modern thought. Hume criticized ancient republicanism for its implicit assumption of institutional slavery, and sought the possibility of a republican constitution based on the freedom and equality of citizens. Despite the title “Idea of a Perfect Commonwealth,” its content was a concrete theory and discussed the British society as it existed in the 18th century. His conclusion was the realistic proposal of a highly democratic federal republic, which not only became the origin of the U.S. Cons
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Vrhovski, Jan. "Qinghua School of Logic and the Origins of Taiwanese Studies in Modern Logic." Asian Studies 8, no. 3 (2020): 231–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/as.2020.8.3.231-250.

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The article investigates the early thought of Mou Zongsan and Yin Haiguang, two important founding fathers of Taiwanese philosophy, who contributed significantly to its formation as an academic discipline in the two decades following 1949. The article reveals how their ideas related to modern logic originated from the so-called “Qinghua School of (Mathematical) Logic”. Herewith, the article tries to provide a platform that can be used to answer the questions of continuity and succession between the studies of modern logic as conducted at the most progressive (modernised) universities in late R
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Galkin, I. V. ""Monarchists" and "Republicans" in the Western European Political and Legal Thought of the 17th Century." Lex Russica 74, no. 2 (2021): 134–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/1729-5920.2021.171.2.134-150.

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The paper is devoted to the problem of theoretical approaches to monarchical and republican forms of government that were reflected in the works of representatives of Western European political thought of the 17th century. The seventeenth century is the century that opens the period of Modern Times. It was a turning point not only in the history of Western European civilization, but also in the history of philosophical knowledge and "positive" sciences, including in such a specific field as political thought, which developed at the intersection of philosophy and science. The political theory o
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Landrum, Ty. "The Education of Amour-Propre." Journal of Moral Philosophy 11, no. 3 (2014): 320–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17455243-4681040.

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In the First Discourse, Rousseau complains that modern morals encourage us to think of ourselves in an impersonal and hygienic manner, and to present ourselves in public space as dimensionless members of society. Submission to modern morals encourages conformism, Rousseau argues, and conformism precludes us from having selves of the sort upon which moral freedom depends. In this paper, I argue that Rousseau’s vision of the redemptive promise of amour-propre should be understood in light of his concern to reverse the existential catastrophe of conformism and to precipitate a social climate more
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Xu, Xiaoqun. "‘National Essence’ vs ‘Science’: Chinese Native Physicians' Fight for Legitimacy, 1912–37." Modern Asian Studies 31, no. 4 (1997): 847–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00017182.

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The medical profession in modern China comprised two radically different schools—modern (Western) medicine and native medicine. The difference in philosophy, theory, and technique made a conflict between the two schools almost inevitable, and the conflict was intensified by the modernization process that was quickened during the Republican period. Western-trained or modern doctors advocated national salvation through science and denounced native medicine as superstitious, unscientific, and an impediment to the development of medical science in China. On the other hand, native medical practitio
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Gootenberg, Paul. "Population and Ethnicity in Early Republican Peru: Some Revisions." Latin American Research Review 26, no. 3 (1991): 109–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100023955.

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All numbers on the makeup of Peru's republican population are wrong, the one point on which historians can agree. Peruvian governments had neither the capacity nor the will to mount thorough surveys of their scattered and elusive Andean subjects. Between the late viceregal census of 1791 (reporting a population of 1,076,000) and the first modern effort of 1876 (yielding a count of 2,699,000) lies a century of demographic no man's land, despite partial surveys claimed for 1812, 1836, 1850, and 1862. Unfortunately, historians cannot fly back in time and redo the head counts missed or mismanaged
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Potolsky, Matthew. "Decadence and Realism." Victorian Literature and Culture 49, no. 4 (2021): 563–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1060150320000248.

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This essay proposes a new understanding of the widely recognized disdain for realism and the realist novel among decadent writers, a disdain most critics have interpreted as a protomodernist celebration of artifice. Focusing on Oscar Wilde's dialogue “The Decay of Lying,” the essay argues instead that decadent antirealism is antimodern, embodying a repudiation of contemporary society. Decadent writers regard realism not as hidebound and traditional, as twentieth-century theorists would have it, but as terrifyingly modern. Wilde looks back to neoclassical theories of mimesis and classical Repub
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Levene, D. S. "Sallust'sCatilineand Cato the Censor." Classical Quarterly 50, no. 1 (2000): 170–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/50.1.170.

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That Sallust owed a considerable debt to the writings of Cato the Censor was observed in antiquity, and the observation has often been discussed and expanded on by modern scholars. The ancient references to Sallust's employment of Cato are mainly in the context of his adoption of an archaic style, and specifically Catonian vocabulary. But the choice of Cato as a model had an obvious significance that went beyond the purely stylistic. Sallust's works articulate extreme pessimism at the moral state of late-Republican Rome, and do so partly by contrasting the modern age with a prelapsarian time o
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Jolowicz, Daniel. "Sicily and Roman Republican History in Chariton’s Chaereas and Callirhoe." Journal of Hellenic Studies 138 (2018): 127–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075426918000083.

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AbstractChariton's Chaereas and Callirhoe is a Greek novel that is extremely rich in historical and historiographical allusions. Virtually all of those so far detected derive from Greek texts and events in Greek history. In this article I shift the focus to Roman history, and suggest that Rome is not as absent as it is usually supposed to be in the Greek novels. In support of this claim, I propose that Chariton's choice of Sicily as a topographical setting can be related to three episodes from the Republican period that all involve Roman interventions in Sicily. Section I: the removal of Calli
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Yang, Shu. "Wrestling with Tradition: Early Chinese Suffragettes and the Modern Remodeling of the Shrew Trope." Modern Chinese Literature and Culture 34, no. 1 (2022): 128–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/mclc.2022.0007.

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This article investigates the rehabilitation of the traditional trope of the Chinese shrew in depictions of early Chinese radical suffragettes after the establishment of the Republic of China. It argues that, rather than dying out as China entered the modern age, the shrew became central to the ways in which first-wave feminists were portrayed and perceived in public discourses. Although still typically used to insult women in early Republican China, the archetype of the shrew also functioned as a transgressive model of female empowerment that manifested modern expectations for the qualities o
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Wielomski, Adam. "Republikańskie teokracje kalwińskie w Europie." Civitas. Studia z Filozofii Polityki 28 (June 21, 2021): 41–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/civ.2021.28.06.

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The illiberal democracy is the political system where majority of citizens rule, but where is not the freedom of consciousness or where the liberal dividing of power is absent. In the modern history of Europe the best example of this political system we find in the Calvinist Republics as Geneva, Emden and Netherlands. It’s not the democracy in the contemporary meaning of this word because the notion of “citizen” is aristocratic. The citizens are the members of aristocracy and patricians of towns. But in this time the citizens are the people only. This system is not liberal, because the Catholi
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Christopher Binetti. "Machiavelli’s Republic: A Better Place to Be." Polit Journal Scientific Journal of Politics 3, no. 1 (2023): 9–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.33258/polit.v3i1.834.

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Machiavelli is an underappreciated figure. He is either viewed as an unprincipled, but very Italian figure or treated more fairly, but viewed as a generic European or even Anglicized. This article views Machiavelli as distinctly Italian and as an inheritor of the classical republicanism of Rome on one hand and Aristotle on the other. This article attempts both to explain the modern theory of republicanism and its ancient roots to a wider, more diverse audience and to present Macohiavelli as an Italian thinker, as opposed to as a European thinker. This project is both about ensuring that classi
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O’Neill, Shane. "The Equalization of Effective Communicative Freedom: Democratic Justice in the Constitutional State and Beyond." Canadian Journal of Law & Jurisprudence 17, no. 1 (2004): 83–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0841820900003829.

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The fundamental political concern of liberalism has been to secure equal liberties for all citizens. There has, however, been no agreement among liberals on the extent to which this project depends, both normatively and practically, on the democratization of society. Socialism, on the other hand, has been fundamentally concerned with the realization of emancipated forms of life. But socialists too have disagreed with one another on the extent to which political structures of democratic self-government are central to the revolutionary task of emancipation. Social democracy, as a tradition, has
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Adambekova, G. K., and M. S. Tulegenova. "On the theory and problems of budget allocation in Kazakhstan." Bulletin of "Turan" University, no. 3 (October 4, 2020): 246–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.46914/1562-2959-2020-1-3-246-251.

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In modern conditions, regions in Kazakhstan are developing unevenly, and there is a noticeable disparity. The article considers a number of reasons that contributed to the development of this asymmetry: significant differences in the financial and economic situation of the regions, lack of financial independence, as well as differences in the main indicators of the social sphere. The fact that the budgets of the Republic, regions and individual cities are not balanced with the available resources is highlighted. Accordingly, the budgets of different levels do not receive revenues sufficient to
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Turlayev, A. V., I. A. Poleva, and N. B. Tuyakova. "Citizenship as a legal institution and category of law theory and state." Bulletin of the Karaganda University “Law Series” 107, no. 3 (2022): 30–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.31489/2022l3/30-36.

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The article demonstrates the theoretical and historical problems of defining citizenship as a legal institution and the definition of its main features. The dynamic nature of this political and legal phenomenon, associated in the law theory with the state, is revealed. In a historical retrospective, using the citizenship institution experience for the state-legal regulation purpose relations between the individual and the state is considered. The studies of citizenship in different historical periods, the variability and institution development in the theories and various authors’ approaches a
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YANG, Renren. "Toward a Regime of Emotional Authenticity: Eileen Chang’s Literary Transmediation of Theater and Cinema in Two 1940s Love Stories." Modern Chinese Literature and Culture 35, no. 2 (2023): 354–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/mclc.2023.0040.

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This essay examines Eileen Chang’s transmedial theater and cinema in two 1940s love stories and draws attention to the historical transformation of the emotional regime underlying these literary reworkings. By canvassing the theatrical impulses in “Love in a Fallen City” (1943) and the cinematic residues in “So Much Regret” (1947), this essay argues that Chang’s depictions of romantic relationships in 1940s Shanghai suggest an incompleteness of what Eva Illouz calls the “great transformation of love” from a regime of ritualized emotions to one of emotional authenticity in Late Imperial and Rep
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ALLAN, STACIE. "Myth- and Monarch-Making: Claire de Duras’s Pensées de Louis XIV (1827)." Australian Journal of French Studies: Volume 58, Issue 3 58, no. 3 (2021): 235–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/ajfs.2021.20.

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Louis XIV is one of the most captivating figures in French history despite his myth sitting uneasily alongside a modern Republican France. Louis XIV’s rarely read memoirs provide unique insight into the monarch’s role, demonstrating the tension between God-given right and the day-to-day duties of being a king. Novelist Claire de Duras used the memoirs to compile Pensées de Louis XIV (1827), a collection of seventy selected quotations. This article shows how Duras attempts to reconcile past and present, maintaining the mythical aura of the monarch while also portraying Louis XIV as a figure tha
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Shuger, Debora. "Castigating Livy: The Rape of Lucretia and The Old Arcadia." Renaissance Quarterly 51, no. 2 (1998): 526–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2901576.

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AbstractThe final books of The Old Arcadia rewrite two episodes from Livy's History: the rape of Lucrece and the execution of Brutus's sons. These episodes, which dominate Livy's account of the birth of the Roman republic, provide early modern republicanism with its foundational narrative, one that associates monarchy with aristocratic sexual license, and republicanism with the impartial rule of law. Sidney's plot hinges on this conflict between "unbridled desire" and "never-changing justice," and yet in flat contrast to both ancient and Renaissance republicanism, the work seems to privilege e
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Mou (牟發松), Fasong, and William Green. "A Discussion of Several Issues Concerning the “Tang-Song Transition”." Journal of Chinese Humanities 6, no. 2-3 (2021): 192–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23521341-12340097.

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Abstract Naitō Konan’s hypothesis on the “Tang-Song transition” was first expressed in lecture notes from his 1909 class on modern Chinese history at Kyoto University and, then, expounded in subsequent works such as “A General View of the Tang and Song Dynasties” and “Modern Chinese History.” The theory systematically outlines that an evolutionary medieval to modern transition occurred in Chinese society during the period between the Tang and the Song dynasties, focusing in particular on the areas of politics/government, the economy, and culture. Political change is regarded as the core metric
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Ploumidis, Spyridon G. "An antidote to anarchy? Images of monarchy in Greece in the nineteenth and the twentieth centuries." Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 45, no. 2 (2021): 240–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/byz.2021.6.

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Since Roman times the representation of monarchy as an antidote to anarchy was a strong form of legitimization for the monarchical institution. In modern Greece, this formula dates back to 1821. The Greek Revolution and its republican constitutions were identified by European statesmen with anarchy and demagogy. Thus, a foreign monarch, alien to Greece's internal factions, was deemed the ideal remedy for internecine strife, and the best guarantor of internal unity as well as stability in the Near East. This image of monarchy proved its usefulness again during the First World War, when a contro
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Novoselsky, Sergey S. "Republican Ideas in the Russian Political Thought in 1905: Based on Notes Sent for Consideration of the Council of Ministers of the Russian Empire." Herald of an archivist, no. 2 (2021): 469–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2021-2-469-481.

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The article studies republican ideas as reflected in the Russian public consciousness of the early 20th century. The material for the research is documents identified in the fond of the Council of Ministers of the Russian Empire of the Russian State Historical Archive (RGIA). In recent decades, the problem field of intellectual history, the methods of which have been used in this research, has expanded dramatically: from studying the “great ideas” of outstanding thinkers of the past to researching such ideas that were accepted by a significant number of educated people. In their study of polit
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Conrad, Stephen A. "Metaphor and Imagination in James Wilson's Theory of Federal Union." Law & Social Inquiry 13, no. 01 (1988): 1–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-4469.1988.tb00749.x.

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“Through metaphor, the past has the capacity to imagine us, and we it.” -Cynthia Ozick, in “The Moral Necessity of Metaphor” American federalism is nothing more-und nothing less-than a metaphor. This was how lames Wilson, the most prominent lawyer at the Philadelphia Convention, came to approach the novel problem of understanding and conveying what federalism in a modern republic should mean. The Federal Republic created in 1787 was, for Wilson, more than a mutter of ingenious political design, more than a mutter of the “new science of politics,” and more than a mutter of constitutional law or
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Villa, Dana. "Hegel, Tocqueville, and “Individualism”." Review of Politics 67, no. 4 (2005): 659–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s003467050003566x.

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Critics of liberal individualism have pointed out the many failures of “atomism” as a method in social and political philosophy. Their methodological criticisms have a tendency, however, to devolve into repudiations of moral individualism as such. In part, this is due to a misreading of Hegel and Tocqueville, two critics of individualism who nevertheless upheld the importance of individual rights and what Hegel called “freedom of subjectivity.” My essay brings these two very different theorists together in order to show how each deliberately dispensed with the ontology inherited from eighteent
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Ndegwa, Stephen N. "Citizenship and Ethnicity: An Examination of Two Transition Moments in Kenyan Politics." American Political Science Review 91, no. 3 (1997): 599–616. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2952077.

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In some African countries, democratic openings have intensified ethnic competition and led to protracted transitions or outright conflict. In Kenya, I argue, the stalled transition reflects the effects ofrepublicancitizenship in ethnic political communities andliberalcitizenship in the national political community. This duality in citizenship engenders conflict over democracy—conceived as liberal majoritarian democracy—and results in ethnic coalitions disagreeing over which institutions are appropriate for a multiethnic state. I provide evidence from discourses over institutions from two trans
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