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1
Spaans, Ronny. Dangerous Drugs. NL Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/9789462982543.
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In the 17th century, the Dutch Republic was the centre of the world trade in exotic drugs and spices. They were sought after both as medicines, and as luxury objects for the bourgeois class, giving rise to a medical and moral anxiety in the Republic. This ambivalent view on exotic drugs is the theme of the poetry of Joannes Six van Chandelier (1620-1695). Six, who himself ran the drug shop ‘The Gilded Unicorn’ in Amsterdam, addresses a number of exotic medicines in his poems, such as musk, incense, the miracle drug theriac, Egyptian mumia, and even the blood of Charles I of England. In Dangerous Drugs, these texts are studied for the first time. The study shows how Six, through a process of self-presentation as a sober and restrained merchant, but also as a penitent sinner, thirsting for God’s grace, links early modern drug abuse to different desires, such as lust, avarice, pride and curiosity. The book shows also how an early modern debate on exotic drugs contributed to an important shift in early modern natural science, from a drug lore based on mythical and fabulous concepts, to a botany based on observation and systematic examination.
2
Zell, Michael. Rembrandt, Vermeer, and the Gift in Seventeenth-Century Dutch Art. NL Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/9789463726429.
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Rembrandt, Vermeer, and the Gift in Seventeenth-Century Dutch Art offers a new perspective on the art of the Dutch Golden Age by exploring the interaction between the gift's symbolic economy of reciprocity and obligation and the artistic culture of early modern Holland. Gifts of art were pervasive in seventeenth-century Europe, and many Dutch artists, like their counterparts elsewhere, embraced gift giving to cultivate relations with patrons, art lovers, and other members of their social networks. Rembrandt also created distinctive works to function within a context of gift exchange, and both Rembrandt and Vermeer engaged the ethics of the gift to identify their creative labor as motivated by what contemporaries called a "love of art," not materialistic gain. In the merchant republic’s vibrant market for art, networks of gift relations and the anti-economic rhetoric of the gift mingled with the growing dimension of commerce, revealing a unique chapter in the interconnected history of gift giving and art making.
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Agamov-Tupit͡syn, Viktor. Bespoletnoe vozdukhoplavanie: Statʹi, ret︠s︡enzii i razgovory s khudozhnikami. Moskva: Novoe literaturnoe obozrenie, 2018.
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4
Nelson, Eric. Republican Visions. Edited by John S. Dryzek, Bonnie Honig, and Anne Phillips. Oxford University Press, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199548439.003.0010.
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This article examines republican conception of political theory in Europe during the early modern period. It explains that there were two distinct kinds of republican political theory. One was Roman in origin and the other was Greek which valued the natural ordering of the state made possible by the regulation of wealth. The article discusses republicanism in Italy and suggests that the battle between Rome and Greece defined the development of republican political theory throughout the early-modern period.
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The Stewardship Theory of the Presidency: Theodore Roosevelt's Political Theory of Republican Progressive Statemanship and the Foundation of the Modern Presidency. Storming Media, 1997.
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6
Driediger-Murphy, Lindsay G. Roman Republican Augury. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198834434.001.0001.
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This book proposes a new way of understanding augury, a form of Roman state divination designed to consult the god Jupiter. Previous scholarly studies of augury have tended to focus either upon its legal-constitutional aspects or upon its role in maintaining and perpetuating Roman social and political structures. This book contributes to the study of Roman religion, theology, politics, and cultural history by focusing upon what augury can tell us about how Romans understood their relationship with their gods. The current scholarly consensus holds that augury, like other forms of Roman public divination, told Romans what they wanted to hear. Modern scholars speak of augury as a way of gaining control over the gods, of priests and magistrates as ‘creating’ the divine will regardless of the empirical results of augural rituals, and of Jupiter as being ‘bound’ to actualize whatever signs human beings chose to report. This book challenges this consensus, arguing that augury in both theory and practice left space for perceived expressions of divine will which contradicted human wishes. When human and divine will clashed, it was the will of Jupiter, not that of the man consulting him, which was supposed to prevail. In theory as in practice, it was the Romans, not their supreme god, who were ‘bound’ by the auguries and auspices.
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Whatmore, Richard, and John Greville Agard Pocock. Machiavellian Moment: Florentine Political Thought and the Atlantic Republican Tradition. Princeton University Press, 2016.
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8
Pocock, John Greville Agard, and John Greville Agard Greville Agard Pocock. Machiavellian Moment: Florentine Political Thought and the Atlantic Republican Tradition. Princeton University Press, 2009.
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9
The Machiavellian Moment: Florentine Political Thought and the Atlantic Republican Tradition. Princeton University Press, 2003.
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10
Dunbar, Peter, and Mike Haridopolos. The Modern Republican Party in Florida. University Press of Florida, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5744/florida/9780813066127.001.0001.
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The Modern Republican Party in Florida chronicles the emergence of the modern Republican Party in Florida. It provides the historic political foundation for the modern political era in Florida; it identifies the key elements of Republican Party organizations and structures that became the foundation for the current Republican network; and it contrasts the current political environment to the one-party era of the Democratic Pork Chop Gang. The narrative of the book describes the successes in the state-wide campaigns for governor and for positions on the Florida Cabinet. It provides an overview of the role of both Florida Republicans in national, presidential politics and Floridians serving in the United States House and Senate. It describes the decennial redistricting struggles and other obstacles that Republicans overcame as they became the majority in both Houses of the state Legislature, and it discusses the opportunities for women and minorities that accompanied this Republican emergence. Within the narrative are descriptions of the changes in state government made by Republicans or with their bipartisan cooperation. The book also provides an overview of the Republican influence on the state policies for public education and school choice; criminal justice and prison reform; taxation and business incentives; and consumer protection and environment preservation, including the protection of the Florida Everglades. The book identifies the officeholders, volunteers, and party officials who contributed to, and became part of, the Republican network. It also discusses the ever-changing elements of the Florida political arena, which includes voters with no party affiliation, soft money committees, and independent campaign consultants.
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Dagger, Richard. Republicanism. Edited by George Klosko. Oxford University Press, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199238804.003.0043.
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Republicanism is an ancient tradition of political thought that has enjoyed a remarkable revival in recent years. Aristotle and Polybius are the two Greek thinkers most often associated with republicanism. As with liberalism, conservatism, and other enduring political traditions, there is considerable disagreement as to exactly what republicanism is. Whether republicanism itself is an adequate or distinctive political philosophy is the subject of a broader controversy. Whether John Adams, Thomas Paine, Montesquieu, or any other modern thinker really was a classical republican, or even a republican at all, is not a settled matter. Republicans have generally opposed monarchy and favored representative government, but there is also reason to be cautious here—and reason to look more closely at the definition of republicanism before turning to its history. How does a republic differ from a democracy? If a democracy maintains its respect for the rule of law, then it is a democratic republic; if not, it may be a populist, majoritarian, or plebiscitarian form of democracy, but it cannot be a republic.
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Thurber, Timothy N. Forgotten Architects of the Second Reconstruction. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252036866.003.0009.
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This chapter analyzes how the Republican Party responded to two central demands—economic opportunity and voting rights—of the modern African American freedom struggle from the 1940s through the early 1970s. It argues that scholars have underestimated the role of the Republican Party in shaping the Second Reconstruction. Liberal Democrats and civil rights organizations had to respond to what Republicans believed about the role of race in American life and the place of federal authority in racial matters, as they struggled to get legislation through Congress and approved by the White House. Republican support, they correctly believed, was essential to what did become law. At the same time, a critical mass of the Republican Party was willing to support proposals that earlier generations of Republicans had overwhelmingly rejected.
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Bellamy, Richard. Citizenship. Edited by George Klosko. Oxford University Press, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199238804.003.0034.
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Normative theorizing about citizenship has been dominated by three different models—the republican, the legal, and the liberal democratic—reflecting respectively the civic experiences of city republics, empires, and nation-states. The first two originated in ancient Greece and Rome. These provided the classical models of citizenship not only by belonging to the “classical” period of history but also in setting the terms of much later debate. The key contemporary debate surrounds whether we are witnessing the emergence of a fourth, cosmopolitan, model of citizenship appropriate to a global age, and how far it departs from these earlier three. Aristotle's Politics provides the canonical text of the Greek version of republican citizenship, with ancient Athens as the model. Legal citizenship has private interests and their protection at its heart. The sociologists T. H. Marshall and Stein Rokkan established what has become the standard narrative of the evolution of modern democratic citizenship. This article also discusses liberal democratic citizenship and cosmopolitan citizenship.
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Maisel, L. Sandy. 2. A brief history of American political parties. Oxford University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780195301229.003.0002.
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‘A brief history of American political parties’ traces the development of the modern political parties in the US from the initial emergence of parties as the Founders differed on policies they believed served the nation's best interests. The modern day Democratic Party has been transformed from its early manifestation as the Democratic-Republican Party, whilst the Republican Party was formed as a result of the division over the issue of slavery and eclipsed earlier parties such as the National Republicans and Whigs as the major alternative to the Democrats. The subsequent widening of the franchise impacted on the character of both parties.
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Barducci, Marco. Republicanism and Ancient Constitutionalism. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198754589.003.0004.
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Grotius has been regarded a major bridging figure between Dutch and English republican culture. In particular, after the settlement of the English Commonwealth, the ‘States’ became a veritable model of political, religious, and commercial liberty for the neighbouring Republic. However, in examining the role of Grotius as a source on the Dutch Republic, scholars have rather pointed to his natural law theory, which was the object of contrasting interpretations which fell also into monarchical and parliamentary field. Was Grotius a republican thinker? Were his works constitutive of the Dutch republican culture? If so, did English authors read and use them in ways that were consistent with Grotius’ republican beliefs? Chapter 3 aims to respond to these questions. Along with an analysis of the impact of Grotius’ use of history on English historiography, it will also compare his praise of the Batavian Republic with the English political language of ‘ancient constitutionalism’.
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Harris, Douglas B., and Lonce H. Bailey. The Republican Party. ABC-CLIO, LLC, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9798216007777.
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Will the modern Republican Party be able to convince the American people that its policies and positions are the right ones to guide the United States? This book examines the status of the Republican Party in the early 21st century, considers where it came from, and predicts where it's heading. An ideal research tool for advanced high school students in government and history classes as well as undergraduate students enrolled in political science and history courses, The Republican Party: Documents Decoded presents documents, transcripts of speeches, photographs, political cartoons, and campaign materials to define the status of the Republican Party in the early 21st century. Focusing on its leaders, key principles, organization, and the basis of its political support, the book provides readers with the knowledge and understanding to answer the key questions: For what does the party actually stand? What must Republicans do to move past recent negative perceptions of their party? And can it reclaim the White House in 2016? The source documents and commentary by expert scholars will help students and readers to analyze and evaluate the content themselves in order to reach their own conclusions of where today's Republican party stands on the key issues, such as health care reform, relations between church and state, foreign policy, education, reproductive rights, gun control, and immigration.
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Maisel, L. Sandy. 2. A brief history of American political parties. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780190458164.003.0002.
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‘A brief history of American political parties’ traces the development of US politics from the initial emergence of parties as the Founders differed on policies they believed served the nation's interests. The modern Democratic Party has transformed from its early manifestation as the Democratic-Republican Party, while the Republican Party was formed as a result of the division over slavery and eclipsed earlier parties, including the National Republicans and Whigs, as the major alternative to the Democrats. Despite party changes, the election process remains the same; it is still about organizing, understanding the rules and the voters, and knowing how to appeal to the voters most efficiently under the rules.
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Ditz, Toby L. Manhood and the US Republican Empire. Edited by Ellen Hartigan-O'Connor and Lisa G. Materson. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190222628.013.7.
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This chapter shows how republican and imperial grammars of manhood, and the gender order in which they were embedded, defined boundaries of civic and political inclusion in three areas of United States law and policy: the military, land and labor, and immigration. In each, specific models of labor, marriage, and domestic life defined manliness, conferring full privileges of citizenship on some men but denying it to others. Even as they generated racial and class distinctions, grammars of manhood also created openings for challenges by subordinate and marginal men. These dynamics included bids to create an egalitarian interracial republic followed by racist backlash, competition between yeoman ideals and liberal political economy’s manly wage-earning domestic provider, and alternative marriage practices among immigrants and their policing—all in the context of the nation’s colonial past, its aggressive territorial expansionism, and patterns of global labor migration shared with other former slave-based regimes.
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Palmer, R. R. The Batavian Republic. Princeton University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691161280.003.0021.
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This chapter details the Dutch Revolution of 1794–1795, which resulted in the Batavian Republic, the first and the most important of the “satellite” or “sister” republics created under French auspices. The Batavian Republic was important not only in itself but more broadly. It was hoped, by enemies of Great Britain, that the alliance of the French and Batavian Republics, controlling the whole coast without interruption from the Frisian Islands to the Pyrenees, and using the extensive shipping, banking, and other resources of the two together, would form an invincible combination against British trade and sea power. And when Italian, Swiss, German, or Irish revolutionaries wished to explain to the French what they wanted in the following years, they often named the Batavian Republic as their model.
20
Ardito, Alissa M. Machiavelli and the Modern State. Cambridge University Press, 2014.
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21
Silverstein, Helena. The Supreme Court. ABC-CLIO, LLC, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9798216021612.
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This accessible guide to the U.S. Supreme Court explains the Court's history and authority, its structure and processes, its most important and enduring legal decisions, and its place in the U.S. political system. A 2018 Pew Research Center poll found that while 78 percent of Democrats and Democratic-leaning independents believed that the Supreme Court should base its decisions on the "modern" meaning of the Constitution, 67 percent of Republicans and Republican-leaning independents asserted that Justices should rely on the Constitution's "original meaning." The Court often is the final arbiter of polarizing battles that originate in other branches of government. At the same time, however, its structural insulation from Congress, the Presidency, and electoral politics make the Supreme Court—at least in theory—well positioned to rise above the rough-and-tumble of politics. This book examines the power of the Supreme Court in America's system of democratic governance in several ways. These include: reviewing debates over whether justices should interpret the Constitution in line with its "original meaning" or in accordance with present-day understandings; exploring the processes and factors that shape how cases are chosen and decided; considering contentious battles over the selection of justices; and examining the impact of the Court on American culture and society.
22
Rosillo-López, Cristina. Political Conversations in Late Republican Rome. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192856265.001.0001.
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We are familiar with the notion that the Roman political world of the Late Republic included lofty speeches and sessions of the Senate, but also need to remember that another important aspect of Late Republican politics revolved around senators talking among themselves, chatting in the corner. The present book intends to analyse senatorial political conversations and illuminate the oral aspects of Roman politics. It argues that Roman senators and their entourages met in person to have conversations in which they discussed politics, circulated political information, and negotiated strategies; this extra-institutional sphere had a relevant impact both on politics and institutions, as well as determining how the Roman Republic functioned. The main point of this book is to offer a new perspective on Roman politics through the proxy of conversations and meetings. Orality has represented an important component in analysis of Roman institutions: oratory before the people in assemblies and contiones, addresses and discussions in the Senate, speeches in the law courts. Orality was also crucial in rumours and public opinion. The present research posits that, in Rome, oral was the default mode of communication in politics, especially outside institutions. Only when they could not reach each other in person did Roman senators and their peers resort to letters. The book suggests that the study of politics should not be restricted to the senatorial group, but that other persons should be considered as important actors with their own agency (albeit in different degrees), such as freedmen and elite women.
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Lærke, Mogens. Spinoza and the Freedom of Philosophizing. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192895417.001.0001.
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In the seventeenth century, a new kind of public sphere emerged in the Dutch Republic. Courtly structures of political advice made room for new, republican forms of public consultation between the sovereign powers and the general citizenry. Missing, however, were guidelines for how and when to address questions of public import, how to shape citizens sufficiently unprejudiced and in possession of their own free judgment to speak up for themselves in public deliberations, and how to ensure that citizens would candidly engage in public speech with the best interest of the republic in mind, and not simply pursue their private advantage with deception and flattery. This book argues that Spinoza’s freedom of philosophizing and the systematic theory he developed to defend it in his 1670 Tractatus theologico-politicus were conceived to provide just such guidelines. It shows how he understood the freedom of philosophizing as a collective style of reasoning and argument based on mutual teaching and advising, providing a model for the public sphere in a free republic. The book studies the conditions under which Spinoza believed such a public sphere of free philosophizing would flourish, including democratic-republican realignment of the structures of political counsel and sovereign command, popular reform of civic education and instruction in the arts and sciences, establishment of a national religion allowing better regulation of a multi-religious society, and the teaching of theological and political doctrines of universal faith and social contract designed to promote the practice of true religion and prevent citizens from persecuting each other.
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Raimondi, Fabio. Constituting Freedom. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198815457.001.0001.
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This work begins with a question posed by Machiavelli: ‘In what mode a free state, if there is one, can be maintained in corrupt cities; or, if there is not, in what mode to order it.’ The book analyses the different solutions proposed by Machiavelli starting with the hypothesis of the ‘civil principality’, passing through both the definition of the republican ‘civil and free way of life’ and the examination of the history of the Florentine institutions, to two short writings from the years 1520–22. In the Discursus florentinarum rerum and the Minuta di provisione per la riforma dello Stato di Firenze, Machiavelli exposed publicly for the first time, his proposals to bring back republican freedom to Florence after the fall of the first republic and the Medici’s return. The main thesis put forward in this work is that Machiavelli, when he worked for the Medici, was always a committed republican, even if he believed that the city’s constitution needed to change after the fall of Soderini. In the Discursus and in the Minuta Machiavelli proposed a constitution in which the ‘humours’ were forced to mix together in order to generate a new form of ‘equality’ that according to Machiavelli is the main characteristic of a free, just, and stable republic. The aim was not to obtain equilibrium among the parts of the city leaving them unaltered, but to mix them.
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Graubart, Karen B. Republics of Difference. Oxford University PressNew York, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190233839.001.0001.
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Abstract Medieval and early modern Spanish monarchs governed through jurisdictional pluralism, placing corporate groups into competition with one another and delegating tax collection and the management of civil conflict to them. Doing so enabled some autonomy, but also constrained the way they interacted with others. This book examines these subordinate republics in two asynchronous locations: peoples of Muslim, Jewish, and sub-Saharan African descent in fifteenth-century Seville, and Indigenous and (sometimes) Black peoples in sixteenth and seventeenth-century Lima. It does so through two lenses–space and jurisdiction–which enable the reader to reimagine and supplement absent archival materials. At times, those in power wished to separate the subordinate republics: to contain their contamination, or to protect them from predatory influences. Using arcGIS mapping in conjunction with archival documentation, the book explores the ways that members of these republics utilized the urban environment in contradistinction to narratives of separation, producing their own hierarchies that intersected with local society. Jurisdiction was also permeable, as urban residents could venue-shop, but the existence of judges and law within communities meant that they could occasionally enact justice on their own terms. Finally, the book turns to two case studies, of Black republics (one extant in Seville but mostly refused in the empire), and of Lima’s Cercado, an Indian town on the city's outskirts. These cases demonstrate the key functions of the republics but also the ways they participated in the racialization of identities in the Spanish world. The limited autonomy of the subordinate republic could also be a vehicle for producing discriminatory difference.
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Raschieri, Amedeo. The Fragments of Republican Orators in Quintilian’s Institutio oratoria. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198788201.003.0006.
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This chapter analyses the quotations from the orators of the Republican period in Quintilian’s Institutio oratoria. The method of quotation is extremely varied and the author shows a good first-hand knowledge of many speeches, especially those of more recent writers including Caelius Rufus, Asinius Pollio, and Messala Corvinus. Regardless of Cicero’s excellence, these orators fit well within the large educational project proposed by Quintilian. They are used as moral models, as well as lexical, rhetorical, and stylistic examples, often accepted but sometimes rejected, and always included in a more general literary, historical, and cultural framework. In addition to the most important Greek authors, Cicero, and more recent Latin authors, Roman orators of the Republican period are fundamental models both for orators in training and those already practising, in an emulative and anti-dogmatic vision, aware of the new linguistic and social needs, but eager to find solid roots in the past.
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Manning, Susan. Modern Dance in the Third Reich, Redux. Edited by Rebekah J. Kowal, Gerald Siegmund, and Randy Martin. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199928187.013.36.
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This chapter reviews the literature on modern dance in Germany under National Socialism (1933–1945). In the current consensus, three interrelated explanations are advanced for why so many modern dancers collaborated with the National Socialists: shared roots in the life reform and physical culture movement at the turn of the twentieth century; crises during the Weimar Republic that culminated in the Great Depression; and the changing cultural policy of Goebbels’s Cultural Ministry. This chapter probes varied interpretations of how and why Mary Wigman, Rudolf Laban, and other modern dancers adapted their mode of Ausdruckstanz as Deutscher Tanz (“German dance”) and poses new research questions. The complex question of modern dance in the Third Reich is viewed in relation to changing historiographic models for understanding Germany between the two world wars.
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Teoh, Karen M. Rare Flowers, Modern Girls, Good Citizens. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190495619.003.0005.
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Chinese-language girls’ schools in British Malaya and Singapore grew out of the national modernization movement in late Qing and early Republican China, and therefore also contained the contradictions of the “woman question” of that period. These schools were sites of modernization and politicization for overseas Chinese women, introducing non-gender-specific curricula, notions of gender equality, and ideals of national citizenship. Arguably, they may have done more to usher in modernity for girls and women than contemporaneous English schools in Malaya and Singapore, challenging the received wisdom that modernizing change was a Western-driven movement. At the same time, these schools sometimes perpetuated traditional gender role expectations even more energetically than occurred in China, because those beliefs were associated with the cultural heritage that they were supposed to uphold, especially in a Western imperial milieu. Chinese political and social modernization hence became associated with cultural conservatism.
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Rosenthal, Michael A. Spinoza’s Political Philosophy. Edited by Michael Della Rocca. Oxford University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780195335828.013.016.
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This article argues that Spinoza is a modern republican political philosopher. He combines Machiavelli’s idea of liberty with Hobbes’s version of the social contract. This claim has four basic elements. First, Spinoza rejects Hobbes’s view that the individual must alienate his natural rights to form a state through a contract. Rather, the contract’s validity depends on a continuous and dynamic transfer of power from its citizens, which is defined as participation in public life. Second, the stability of a state depends on how effectively the regime can foster participation in the state. Spinoza uses his theory of the imagination and passions to explain how the state can overcome free-rider problems in the social contract. Hence the republican ideal of government is expressed not so much in any particular constitutional form of the state but in how well each form can foster participation. Although democracy expresses the highest degree of participation—and hence stability—aristocracy and even monarchy can be also optimized. Third, the participation of the individual in the state is not an end in itself but the means to the individual’s own freedom. So, although participation in the state is a necessary condition of individual well-being, it is certainly not sufficient to become virtuous. Fourth, the participation of individuals in the state, the quality and structure of state stability, as a well as the freedom of the state and individual, all depend on the degree of rationality manifest in both the individual and in the institutional structures of the state.
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Ardito, Alissa M. Machiavelli and the Modern State: The Prince, the Discourses on Livy, and the Extended Territorial Republic. Cambridge University Press, 2015.
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Machiavelli and the Modern State: The Prince, the Discourses on Livy, and the Extended Territorial Republic. Cambridge University Press, 2015.
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32
Ardito, Alissa M. Machiavelli and the Modern State: The Prince, the Discourses on Livy, and the Extended Territorial Republic. Cambridge University Press, 2015.
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Ardito, Alissa M. Machiavelli and the Modern State: The Prince, the Discourses on Livy, and the Extended Territorial Republic. Cambridge University Press, 2014.
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34
Shapcott, Richard. The Responsible Cosmopolitan State. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190905651.003.0004.
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The adoption of republican constitutions restraining the state in relationship to its own population was a revolutionary step in human freedom and the evolution of modern political communities. Contemporary conditions of enhanced interdependence suggest that this development needs to be extended to those beyond the state who may be subject to its domination. These conditions suggest the need for states to extend their republican accountability beyond their borders. This can be done by rewriting some of the clauses of their social contract via the means of a constitutional transformation which includes subjecting foreign policy to the rule of law and judicial oversight.
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Buchler, Justin. Extreme Reversion Points and Party Leadership from 2011 through 2016. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190865580.003.0007.
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When a majority party works on normal legislation, it faces a collective action problem of sincere voting, and must prevent legislators from centrist districts from voting against noncentrist legislation. From 2011 through 2016, though, Republican Party leadership faced a different challenge, and leaders were pitted against the extremists in their caucus. This occurred because of a change to the legislative agenda resulting from the combination of extreme polarization and divided government introduced by the 2010 election. With no incentive to work on normal legislation, the agenda did little but avoid reversion points, like debt ceiling breaches, which the extreme elements in the caucus actually found acceptable. Speaker Boehner was forced to solve a new collective action problem, then, convincing a group of Republicans to join with Democrats on bipartisan deals to avoid these reversion points. While historically unusual, the dynamic is what would be expected from the unified model.
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Charnock, Emily J. The Rise of Political Action Committees. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190075514.001.0001.
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This book explores the origins of political action committees (PACs) in the mid-twentieth century and their impact on the American party system. It argues that PACs were envisaged, from the outset, as tools for effecting ideological change in the two main parties, thus helping to foster the partisan polarization we see today. It shows how the very first PAC, created by the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) in 1943, explicitly set out to liberalize the Democratic Party by channeling campaign resources to liberal Democrats while trying to defeat conservative Southern Democrats. This organizational model and strategy of “dynamic partisanship” subsequently diffused through the interest group world—imitated first by other labor and liberal allies in the 1940s and 1950s, then adopted and inverted by business and conservative groups in the late 1950s and early 1960s. Previously committed to the “conservative coalition” of Southern Democrats and northern Republicans, the latter groups came to embrace a more partisan approach and created new PACs to help refashion the Republican Party into a conservative counterweight. The book locates this PAC mobilization in the larger story of interest group electioneering, which went from a rare and highly controversial practice at the beginning of the twentieth century to a ubiquitous phenomenon today. It also offers a fuller picture of PACs as not only financial vehicles but electoral innovators that pioneered strategies and tactics that have come to pervade modern US campaigns and helped transform the American party system.
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Hawley, Michael C. Natural Law Republicanism. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197582336.001.0001.
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By any metric, Cicero’s works are some of the most widely read in the history of Western thought. This book suggests that perhaps Cicero’s most lasting and significant contribution to philosophy lies in helping to inspire the development of liberalism. Individual rights, the protection of private property, and political legitimacy based on the consent of the governed are often taken to be among early modern liberalism’s unique innovations and part of its rebellion against classical thought. However, this book demonstrates that Cicero’s thought played a central role in shaping and inspiring the liberal republican project. Cicero argued that liberty for individuals could arise only in a res publica in which the claims of the people to be sovereign were somehow united with a commitment to universal moral law, which limits what the people can rightfully do. Figures such as Hugo Grotius, John Locke, and John Adams sought to work through the tensions in Cicero’s vision, laying the groundwork for a theory of politics in which the freedom of the individual and the people’s collective right to rule were mediated by natural law. This book traces the development of this intellectual tradition from Cicero’s original articulation through the American founding. It concludes by exploring how modern political ideas remain dependent on the conception of just politics first elaborated by Rome’s great philosopher-statesman.
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Watt, David Harrington. Antifundamentalism in Modern America. Cornell University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9780801448270.001.0001.
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This book provides a pathbreaking account of the role that the fear of fundamentalism has played—and continues to play—in American culture. Fundamentalism has never been a neutral category of analysis, and the book scrutinizes the various political purposes that the concept has been made to serve. In 1920, the conservative Baptist writer Curtis Lee Laws coined the word “fundamentalists.” The book examines the antifundamentalist polemics of Harry Emerson Fosdick, Talcott Parsons, Stanley Kramer, and Richard Hofstadter, which convinced many Americans that religious fundamentalists were almost by definition backward, intolerant, and anti-intellectual and that fundamentalism was a dangerous form of religion that had no legitimate place in the modern world. For almost fifty years, the concept of fundamentalism was linked almost exclusively to Protestant Christians. The overthrow of the Shah of Iran and the establishment of an Islamic republic led to a more elastic understanding of the nature of fundamentalism. In the late 1970s and early 1980s, Americans became accustomed to using fundamentalism as a way of talking about Muslims, Jews, Hindus, Sikhs, and Buddhists, as well as Christians. Many Americans came to see Protestant fundamentalism as an expression of a larger phenomenon that was wreaking havoc all over the world. This book provides an overview of the way that the fear of fundamentalism has shaped American culture, and it will lead readers to rethink their understanding of what fundamentalism is and what it does.
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Palmer, R. R. The Revolution comes to Italy. Princeton University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691161280.003.0024.
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The year 1796 was marked by Napoleon Bonaparte's brilliant victories in North Italy. The French victories in Italy made possible the creation of the Cisalpine Republic in the Po valley. Milan immediately became, in 1796, a center to which patriots and revolutionaries congregated from all parts of Italy. Other Italian republics were soon set up on the model of the Cisalpine, and in fact, by the turn of 1797–1798, there was a general alarm at the prospect of a “Cisalpinization” of Europe. The Cisalpine Republic is best understood in a broad perspective. This chapter begins with a view of “world revolution” as seen in 1796 from Paris. It then turns to the French attitude to revolution in Italy, then shifts the point of observation to Italy itself, in an attempt to describe the sources of revolutionary agitation in that country from an Italian standpoint. The closing section presents an account of the Kingdom of Corsica.
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Reeder, Linda. Italy in the Modern World. Bloomsbury Publishing Plc, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781350005211.
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Providing a comprehensive history of Italy from around 1800 to the present, Italy in the Modern World traces the social and cultural transformations that defined the lives of Italians during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The book focuses on how social relations (class, gender and race), science and the arts shaped the political processes of unification, state building, fascism and the postwar world. Split up into four parts covering the making of Italy, the liberal state, war and fascism, and the republic, the text draws on secondary literature and primary sources in order to synthesize current historiographical debates and provide primary documents for classroom use. There are individual chapters on key topics, such as unification, Italians in the world, Italy in the world, science and the arts, fascism, the World Wars, the Cold War, and Italy in the twenty-first century, as well as a wealth of useful features for students, including: * Comprehensive bibliographic essays covering each of the four parts. * 23 images and 12 maps Italy in the Modern World also firmly places both the nation and its people in a wider global context through a distinctly transnational approach. It is essential reading for all students of modern Italian history.
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Kraut, Richard. Plato against Democracy. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198817277.003.0005.
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This essay examines the Republic’s most important argument against democracy, and claims that it remains, even amidst the dominance of democratic theory, a powerful critique not only of Athenian democracy but also of representative democracy. Plato’s basic idea is that a regime is inherently defective if it gives people a right to participate in political office whether or not they have demonstrated any qualifications for doing so. I examine several ways in which modern and contemporary democratic theorists respond to Plato’s critique, and argue that they are problematic. Perhaps Plato was right, then: democracy is not the best possible political system.
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Kahn, Paul W. The Law of Nations at the Origin of American Law. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198805878.003.0018.
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This chapter proposes a new way of understanding the relationship between domestic law and the law of nations in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century. It develops a theoretical structure by elaborating two competing models of order: project and system. These models differ fundamentally in their understanding of the source of order: a project relies on an external principle of order; a system relies on an immanent principle of order. Modern ideas of law have had to negotiate the tension between project and system. This paper argues that in the early American Republic, one locus of this tension was in the relationship of domestic, constitutional law to the law of nations, and that the reconciliation took the form of a theodicy.
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Mathisen, Erik. The Loyal Republic. University of North Carolina Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469636320.001.0001.
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This is the story of how Americans attempted to define what it meant to be a citizen of the United States, at a moment of fracture in the republic's history. As Erik Mathisen demonstrates, prior to the Civil War, American national citizenship amounted to little more than a vague bundle of rights. But during the conflict, citizenship was transformed. Ideas about loyalty emerged as a key to citizenship, and this change presented opportunities and profound challenges aplenty. Confederate citizens would be forced to explain away their act of treason, while African Americans would use their wartime loyalty to the Union as leverage to secure the status of citizens during Reconstruction. In The Loyal Republic, Mathisen sheds new light on the Civil War, American emancipation, and a process in which Americans came to a new relationship with the modern state. Using the Mississippi Valley as his primary focus and charting a history that traverses both sides of the battlefield, Mathisen offers a striking new history of the Civil War and its aftermath, one that ushered in nothing less than a revolution in the meaning of citizenship in the United States.
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Boyer, John W. Austria 1867–1955. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198221296.001.0001.
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Abstract This book connects the political history of German-speaking provinces of the Habsburg Empire before 1914 (Vienna and the Alpine Lands) with the history of the Austrian Republic that emerged in 1918. It presents the case of modern Austria as a fascinating example of democratic nation-building. The construction of an Austrian political nation began in 1867 under Habsburg Imperial auspices, with the German-speaking bourgeois Liberals defining the concept of a political people (Volk) and giving that Volk a constitution and a liberal legal and parliamentary order to protect their rights against the Crown. The decades that followed saw the administrative and judicial institutions of the Liberal state solidified, but in the 1880s and 1890s the membership of the Volk exploded to include new social and economic strata from the lower bourgeoisie and the working classes. The war crisis of 1914/1918 exploded the Empire and also accelerated the emergence of new structures of democratic self-governance in the Austrian lands, enshrined in the republican Constitution of 1920. The catastrophe of 1938 resulting in the Nazi occupation closed off the temptation to view Austria as having a vague attachment to a larger German nation. After 1945 the surviving legatees of the Revolution of 1918 reassembled under the four-power Allied occupation. They then fashioned a shared political culture which proved sufficiently flexible to accommodate intense partisanship, but a partisanship in which each side claimed resources within the given democratic legal order, rather than seeking to dominate the general political system solely for their own purposes.
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Schofield, Malcolm. Cicero. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199684915.001.0001.
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This engagingly written book offers an innovative account of Cicero’s treatment of key political ideas: liberty and equality, government, law, cosmopolitanism and imperialism, republican virtues, and ethical decision-making in politics. Cicero (106–43 BC) is well known as a major participant in the turbulent politics of the last three decades of the Roman Republic. But he was a political thinker, too, influential for many centuries on the Western intellectual and cultural tradition. His theoretical writings stand as the first surviving attempt to articulate a philosophical rationale for republicanism. They were not written in isolation either from the stances he took in his political oratory of the period, or from his discussions in his voluminous correspondence with friends and acquaintances of immediate political issues or questions of character or behaviour. The book situates the intimate interrelationships between Cicero’s writings in all these modes within the historical context of a fracturing traditional Roman political order, while exhibiting the continuing attractions of his conceptual landscape, as well as some of its limitations as a response to the crisis that was engulfing Rome.
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Buchler, Justin. Incremental Polarization. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190865580.001.0001.
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This book provides a unified spatial model of legislative elections, parties, and roll call voting to address three primary questions: why do legislators adopt extreme positions, how do they win given their extremism, and what role do parties play in promoting polarization? The book links spatial models of elections to spatial models of roll call voting in the legislature, and suggests that the key to understanding polarization is to reverse the order of conventional models and place the legislative session before the election because legislators adopt positions in the policy space, extreme or otherwise, through the incremental process of casting roll call votes. Linking a spatial model of an election to a model of roll call voting, the book derives the following. When a legislative caucus is ideologically homogeneous, electorally diverse, and policy motivated, it will empower party leaders to solve the collective action problem of sincere voting by counterbalancing members’ electoral pressure to vote as centrists. The result is that the caucus achieves policy goals at the cost of some electoral security, but agenda paradoxes minimize the electoral damage done, so most incumbents win re-election anyway at only slightly diminished margins. This model explains the development of polarization in the House of Representatives throughout the post–World War II period, and key votes on legislation such as the Affordable Care Act. Moreover, even the unusual politics within the Republican Party during the divided government period from 2011 through 2016 follow naturally from extensions of the model.
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Buchler, Justin. Conclusions. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190865580.003.0008.
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Several puzzles remain unresolved by the unified model. The first is why legislators have noncentrist preferences in the first place. The unified model, because it begins with a legislative session, takes preferences as initial conditions, so it is unsuited to explaining this puzzle. Second, while the model focuses on explaining polarization in the House of Representatives, the Senate too has become more polarized. Finally, it remains to be seen what will happen to the divisions among congressional Republicans as the legislative agenda shifts back to an agenda under unified government. Moving forward, spatial models of elections must consider the institutional rules of the office being sought, and explore alternative structures. Party scholars must also rethink the role of parties in representation if their primary purpose is to prevent responsiveness to legislators’ constituents.
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Popadyuk, Tatyana, Saidkhror Gulyamov, and Sharafutdin Khashimkhodzhaev, eds. IX INTERNATIONAL SCIENTIFIC-PRACTICAL CONFERENCE “MANAGERIAL SCIENCES IN THE MODERN WORLD”. EurAsian Scientific Editions, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.56948/zajh8343.
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On 9 November 2021, 9th International Scientific-Practical Conference “Managerial Sciences in the Modern World” was opened. This year, the event took place in the online format because of the strained epidemiological situation. A total of about 450 specialists took part in the conference. “Managerial Sciences” has already become a kind of brand, with more than half a dozen different round table discussions, sections”, said Arkady Trachuk, Dean of the Faculty “Higher School of Management” at the Financial University under the Government of the Russian Federation, who moderated the plenary session. He said that the 2021 conference participants included representatives from Latvia, Republic of Fiji, Kuwait, India, Uzbekistan, and Russia. Russia was represented by seven regions: Moscow and Moscow Region, Bryansk-, Tver-, Saratov-, Arkhangelsk regions, Republic of Tatarstan and Krasnodar Territory. Delegates from 25 universities, including 6 foreign higher educational establishments, took part in the sections’ work. The central event of the first day of the conference was a plenary session during which presentations were delivered by representatives of Germany, Slovenia, Uzbekistan and Russia. The plenary session was opened by Arkady Trachuk. His presentation focused on the goals of introducing digital technologies in the Russian industry. The speaker presented the results of the research implemented by a team of scholars from the Department of Management and Innovation at the Faculty “Higher School of Management”. Alexander Brem, Head of Technological Entrepreneurship and Digitalisation at Stifterverband Consulting Company funded by Daimler Foundation (Germany), talked about artificial intelligence as an innovation management technology. The expert is convinced that artificial intelligence will become the core technology to drive the technological development in the 21st century. Jörg Geisler, head of Finance and Risk Management at S-Kreditpartner GmbH, expert on consumer lending at savings banks (Germany), dwelled on an important subject – “Risk management at times of digital innovation” by the example of the banking industry. Samo Bobek, Dean of the Faculty of Economics and Business (FEB) at the University of Maribor, Professor of e-business and information management (Slovenia), delivered a presentation on “Digital transformation impact on business models”. His presentation dealt with digital transformation of business models. Azizjon Bobojonov, Head of International Project Office, Associate Professor of the Department “Digital Economy and Information Technologies” at Tashkent State University of Economics (Republic of Uzbekistan), talked in his presentation “Reinventing the services in the digital age” about new discoveries in the service industry in the epoch of digital transformation. The plenary session was followed by thematic sessions in the following areas: • Change management and leadership • Business strategies and sustainable development • International management and business • Theoretical issues of management • Theory and practice of project management • Corporate governance and corporate social responsibility • Operations and business process management • Strategic financial management • Public sector management and efficiency problems • Major cities and urban agglomerations management • Real sector investment management • Crisis and business continuity management • Systems analysis in management • Knowledge and talent management • Sports digitalisation management • Digital marketing and marketing communications • Shaping innovation strategy in the conditions of the fourth industrial revolution.
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Denton, Kirk A. Lu Xun, Returning Home, and May Fourth Modernity. Edited by Carlos Rojas and Andrea Bachner. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199383313.013.1.
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Leaving home was the quintessential modern act for Chinese intellectuals in the early twentieth century, as home had come to represent cultural backwardness and oppression by the early Republican period. At the same time as they wrote of leaving it, however, modern Chinese writers also often wrote of returning home. This chapter analyzes the complex relationships between the individual and his home in Lu Xun’s first-person reminiscences. As representations of the return of a repressed past, literary representations of returning home complicate facile narratives of modern subject formation and suggest that the experience of modernity in this period of transition was an ambivalent and uneasy one. A closer look at such narratives of returning home suggests that the relationship with tradition in Chinese modernity is far more difficult and conflicted than the paradigm of “May Fourth iconoclasm” and its discourse of modernity’s radical rupture with tradition allows.
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Duttlinger, Carolin. Attention and Distraction in Modern German Literature, Thought, and Culture. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192856302.001.0001.
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Abstract Attention and distraction are anthropological constants, central to the way we experience the world; often cast as adversaries, they are in fact closely intertwined, and their relationship is not constant but highly changeable—a barometer of social and cultural change. This wide-ranging interdisciplinary study explores the interplay of attention and distraction from the Enlightenment to the present day, with a particular focus on twentieth-century Germany. Building on the Enlightenment tradition of mental self-observation, nineteenth-century Germany was the birthplace of experimental psychology which sought to measure and potentially enhance attention. Around 1900, this new, psychologically informed understanding of the self began to shape domains such as work and leisure, consumerism and education. In the Weimar Republic, the new discipline of psychotechnics was seen as central to the effort of building a modern, efficient, and potentially fairer society. Its aspirations were mirrored and enhanced by a thriving self-help literature market, which gave readers the tools for their own cognitive optimization. Yet as attention was cast as the key mental resource, in professions ranging from train drivers to telephone operators, distraction emerged as the new buzzword of the period, evoking the spectre of mental and social fragmentation. For many early twentieth-century commentators anxious about the pace of modern life, the rise of distraction spelled the end of contemplative attention. This book shows that many leading German writers, thinkers, and artists did not simply endorse this negative assessment of distraction, but engaged with the dialectical nature of attention constructively, by enacting and reflecting (on) the intrinsically fluid nature of the human mind.