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Journal articles on the topic 'Modern presidency'

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Published: 10 December 2022

Last updated: 28 January 2023

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1

Rimmerman, Craig A. "Teaching the Modern Presidency." Political Science Teacher 2, no. 3 (1989): 7–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896082800000684.

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The need to recognize institutional limits on presidents' abilities to translate their campaign promises into concrete public policy is a central theme characterizing much of the presidency literature during the past decade (Barger, 1984; Cronin, 1980; Hinckley, 1985; Light, 1983). Scholars have argued that the so-called “text-book presidency” (Cronin, 1980) paints an unrealistic picture of presidential power within the confines of a Madisonian framework of separated powers and checks and balances. Others have said that this unrealistic vision has contributed to the “cult of the presidency” (Hinckley, 1985), which is reinforced by the political socialization process and the media, thus leading to the “no-win” (Light, 1983) or “impossible” (Barger, 1984) presidencies. The notion of a plural executive, whose powers are fragmented throughout our Madisonian system has grown in popularity (King and Ragsdale, 1988). As a part of their recommendations for reform, virtually all of these authors emphasize correctly the potential role to be played by educators in imparting a more realistic understanding of the limitations of presidential power and outlining the potential consequences of hero worshipping for the occupant of the Oval Office. This article suggests an approach to teaching the presidency that rejects the notion that the president is the most important actor in the American political system. Instead, I will argue that we need to ask our students to consider the President as one actor in a highly fragmented political system, and to develop a more realistic view of both the sources and uses of presidential power within the broader context of democratic accountability and the development of citizenship.

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2

Skowronek, Stephen. "Franklin Roosevelt and the Modern Presidency." Studies in American Political Development 6, no. 2 (1992): 322–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x00001000.

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The political foundations of the modern presidency were laid during the New Deal years. Franklin Roosevelt was the New Deal president. The relationship between these two facts is a matter of some consequence. On it hinges our understanding of presidential leadership and modern American government generally, not to mention the political significance of Roosevelt himself.

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3

Lapina, N. Yu. "Political Leadership in Modern France." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 10, no. 6 (February 28, 2018): 65–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2017-10-6-65-81.

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The paper analyses the relation between political elites and political leaders. It is demonstrated that social shifts in the ranks of the elite are reflected in the profiles of heads of state, and the coming to power of a new president results in the renewal of elites. For years of existence of the Fifth republic several generations of political elite were replaced. At the time of Che. De Gaulle highest public servants were the main political actors. The logic of appointments in the system of executive power changed, a new type of political career was created. During the rule of F. Mitterrand, decentralization expanded the ranks of political elite, strengthened the positions of local elites. The president’s fellow party members came to power, political parties turned into an effective mechanism of recruitment of elite cadres. With E. Macron’s election there was a renewal of the deputy corps; reforms which will lead to further changes in the ranks of elites are planned. The paper investigates political biographies and career paths of presidents of the Fifth republic: the path of a notable, the path of a party functionary and the path of a member of administrative bureaucracy. The path of a notable assumes that the politician starts their career from election in local authorities and gradually works their way up through the ranks of power. The path of a party functionary demonstrates that the politician is rooted in party structures. The path of a bureaucrat assumes ascent to the political Olympus through promotion in the executive power branch and also by entering the immediate environment of the president, prime minister, key ministers. Local rootedness, good knowledge of public administration are characteristic of French presidents. Until recently it was thought that to achieve presidency in France it was necessary to be supported by a strong party. The new French president is an exception to this rule, and the movement he created is not a party in the traditional sense but a network entity. The study further brings to light qualities which the leader has to possess. The role of communication in the life of the French president is explained and it is shown how communication shapes the president’s image and influences public trust in the institution of presidency.

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4

Greene, John Robert. "The Modern American Presidency." History: Reviews of New Books 31, no. 4 (January 2003): 145. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2003.10527479.

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5

Thompson, Margaret Susan. "The Modern American Presidency." Presidential Studies Quarterly 34, no. 1 (March 2004): 171–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0360-4918.2004.043_2.x.

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6

Ramsey, Michael D. "Constitutional War Initiation and the Obama Presidency." American Journal of International Law 110, no. 4 (October 2016): 701–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0002930000763184.

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In 2007, presidential candidate Barack Obama argued that the U.S. president did not have independent constitutional authority to use military force except in response to an actual or imminent attack on the United States. Since 2008, President Obama has directed the use of U.S. military force in at least seven countries (Iraq, Syria, Libya, Yemen, Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Somalia). Critics find inconsistency in these positions, contending that the Obama presidency will be remembered for expansion of the presidency's war powers. But when the administration's record is closely examined, these claims seem overstated. At least with regard to war initiation, the Obama presidency need not be regarded as materially enhancing the president's constitutional powers.This assessment begins by establishing two baselines. First, most war powers scholars agree that under the Constitution's original meaning, Congress’ power to “declare War” required the president to seek congressional approval prior to initiating war. This constitutional command had substantial grey areas, including responses to threats and attacks, relations with non-state actors, and low-level hostilities. Nonetheless, the basic proposition stated by candidate Obama appears well founded both in the Constitution's text itself and in early postratification practice. Second, in the modern (post-Vietnam War) era, most scholars agree that the practice has changed somewhat, with presidents asserting an expanded independent authority over uses of military force. This essay agrees with that description, although it contends that the change in actual practice is less dramatic than commentary sometimes claims.

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7

English, Art. "The Clinton Promise and Style." American Review of Politics 14 (July 1, 1993): 229–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.1993.14.0.229-248.

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This article argues through an analysis of Bill Clinton’s political career and rhetoric in Arkansas that Clinton is a president of much promise. Clinton’s rhetoric and political skill set the stage for many of his achievements as governor. As governor Clinton tended to work slowly and carefully to build consensus before he acted. Given the many pitfalls of the modern presidency, it is argued that Clinton will have to guard against being perceived as an overcautious and indecisive president lest his rhetoric have a hollow ring. To be successful in the systemically cynical context in which modern American politics takes place, a president must convey to the citizenry a deep commitment to the principles of his program and be perceived as a strong and successful advocate for them. Modern presidents must be perceived as committed to programmatic action-otherwise they will be one term presidents.

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8

Jacobs, Lawrence R., and Desmond S. King. "Varieties of Obamaism: Structure, Agency, and the Obama Presidency." Perspectives on Politics 8, no. 3 (August 23, 2010): 793–802. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592710002033.

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President Obama's record stands out among modern presidents because of the wide range between his accomplishments and the boldness of his as-yet unfulfilled promises. Obamaism is a complex phenomenon, with multiple themes and policy ends. In this paper we examine the administration's initiatives drawing upon recent scholarship in political science to consider the political, economic and institutional constraints that Obama has faced and to assess how he has faced them. Our key theme is the importance of integrating the study of presidency and public leadership with the study of the political economy of the state. The paper argues against personalistic accounts of the Obama presidency in favor of a structured agency approach.

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9

Zaznaev, O. I. "THE INSTITUTE OF THE PRESIDENCY IN THE CONDITIONS OF POLITICAL TURBULENCE: WORLDWIDE TRENDS." KAZAN SOCIALLY-HUMANITARIAN BULLETIN 11, no. 2 (February 2020): 19–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.24153/2079-5912-2020-11-2-19-25.

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In the modern world, the institution of the presidency is undergoing changes under the influence of globalization processes, increasing complexity of life, new threats and risks, as well as global, regional and local challenges. The analysis of world polit- ical experience has allowed the author to identify a number of trends inherent in the development of the institution of the presidency. Firstly, new roles of the president appear, his functions expand both in the international arena and domestically. In particular, the role of national leader, ideological leader and anti-crisis manager are added to the traditional roles of the head of state and the head of the executive branch. Secondly, the volume of presidential power is growing, an imbalance of power is forming within the triangle "president - government - parliament". This trend is causing concern for the public, which offers different ways to “weaken” the presidential power. Thirdly, to extend their stay in power, the presidents under- take all kinds of manipulations. Fourth, a number of presidents seek to ensure the continuity of power and go to different methods of controlled transfer of presidential power, which are described in the article. Fifth, today in the world there is a re- quest for responsibility of the president, but the implementation of such a request is facilitated in only one form - impeach- ment. The author analyzes in detail modern impeachment, noting its excessive politicization.

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10

Heath, Jim F., and Fred I. Greenstein. "Leadership in the Modern Presidency." Journal of American History 76, no. 1 (June 1989): 298. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1908460.

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11

Ribuffo, Leo P., and Fred I. Greenstein. "Leadership in the Modern Presidency." American Historical Review 95, no. 1 (February 1990): 287. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2163178.

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12

Schlesinger, Arthur, and Fred I. Greenstein. "Leadership in the Modern Presidency." Political Science Quarterly 103, no. 4 (1988): 728. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2150906.

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13

Spitzer, Robert J. "The Modern American Presidency (review)." Rhetoric & Public Affairs 7, no. 2 (2004): 230–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/rap.2004.0047.

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14

Jae Young, Lim. "Agency Politicization and the Decline of Neutral Competence: The Case of OMB in the United States." Korean Journal of Policy Studies 34, no. 1 (April 30, 2019): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.52372/kjps34101.

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The modern presidency is heavily politicized. The president is expected to be the chief legislator, chief economist, chief psychiatrist, and chief diplomat for the nation and is the cog around which national affairs revolve. However, a politicized presidency signals the downfall of the managerial presidency that was buttressed by agencies with neutral competence. This article traces the evolution of an American budgetary agency, the Office of Management and Budget (OMB) from its inception to the present, documenting the baleful impact of the politicized presidency on the OMB. Amid politicization, the OMB lost its professional reputation for neutral competence and was replaced by the Congressional Budget Office as the foremost authority on national budgetary matters. This article, in essence, presents a cautionary tale of agency politicization in modern bureaucracy.

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15

FARLEY, BILL. "Blending Powers: Hamilton, FDR, and the Backlash That Shaped Modern Congress." Journal of Policy History 33, no. 1 (January 2021): 60–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s089803062000024x.

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AbstractPresident Franklin Delano Roosevelt shaped the role of the modern president in part with his relentless pursuit of grand policies and his ability to marshal historic legislation through Congress. In this article, I focus on one legislative tactic employed by FDR that has received little attention—the detailing of Executive Branch staff to select Senate committees. This tactic, effectively a blending of legislative powers, was used to implement FDR’s ambitious postwar domestic agenda as detailed in his Second Bill of Rights. I find that the tactic, used late in FDR’s presidency, was moderately effective, served as a substitute for the personal energy FDR applied to the presidency in his first term, and created a backlash that contributed to the adoption of the Legislative Reform Act of 1946. With these findings I conclude that FDR deserves credit as a transitionary figure for the modernity of Congress, as well as the presidency.

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16

LEWIS, DAVID E. "The Contemporary Presidency: The Personnel Process in the Modern Presidency." Presidential Studies Quarterly 42, no. 3 (July 19, 2012): 577–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1741-5705.2012.03993.x.

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17

SMITH, MICHAEL J. "Going International: Presidential Activity in the Post-Modern Presidency." Journal of American Studies 31, no. 2 (August 1997): 219–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875897005641.

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A century ago, Woodrow Wilson rejected as unnatural the idea of a static political system tethered by a mechanical set of checks and balances. He said “Government is not a machine but a living thing. It is modified by its environment, necessitated by its tasks, shaped to its functions by the sheer pressure of living.” In a similar vein, Dodd argued that, by its very nature, the historical process creates dynamic change. He recommended thinking in terms of the “transformational analysis” of the circumstances in which the office of the presidency is fundamentally altered. To speak of such transformation is not to deny the continuities between presidents, but merely to emphasize the significance of differences. The theory of the modern presidency, starting under FDR in the 1930s is, Dodd said, a significant example of an inherently time bound concept. This paper picks up Rose's gauntlet that suggests that internal changes within America and changes in the world in which it has become an increasingly important actor in the last half century, together raise the possibility of a further transformation in terms of which we should now think of a post-modern presidency.

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18

Clements, Kendrick A., and David K. Nichols. "The Myth of the Modern Presidency." Journal of American History 82, no. 2 (September 1995): 790. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2082337.

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19

Jamieson, Kathleen Hall, and David K. Nichols. "The Myth of the Modern Presidency." American Historical Review 101, no. 3 (June 1996): 932. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2169597.

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20

Nelson, Michael, and David K. Nichols. "The Myth of the Modern Presidency." Political Science Quarterly 110, no. 2 (1995): 317. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2152372.

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21

Ellis, Richard J., and Stephen Kirk. "Presidential Mandates in the Nineteenth Century: Conceptual Change and Institutional Development." Studies in American Political Development 9, no. 1 (1995): 117–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x00001188.

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A central paradox of the modern American presidency is that citizens regularly call for strong presidential leadership while at the same time their political culture predisposes them to be reluctant followers.1 One of the ways contemporary presidents resolve this paradox is by invoking an electoral mandate. By persuading others that he possesses a mandate from the voters to pursue a particular policy agenda, a president can disguise his leadership under the pretense of simply carrying out “the will of the people.” The presidential mandate thus enables presidents to lead while seeming to follow, to exercise power over people under the guise of empowering the people.

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22

Shafer, Byron E., and Regina L. Wagner. "The Trump Presidency and the Structure of Modern American Politics." Perspectives on Politics 17, no. 02 (October 29, 2018): 340–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592718003353.

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How much of politics is specific to its actors and how much is the reflection of an established structure is a perennial concern of political analysts, one that becomes especially intense with the candidacy and then the presidency of Donald Trump. In order to have a template for assigning the outcomes of politics to structure rather than idiosyncrasy, we begin with party balance, ideological polarization, substantive content, and a resulting process of policy-making drawn from the immediate postwar period. The analysis then jumps forward with that same template to the modern world, dropping first the Trump candidacy and then the Trump presidency into this framework. What emerges is a modern electoral world with increased prospects for what might be called off-diagonal candidacies and a policy-making process that gathers Bill Clinton, George W. Bush, Barack Obama, and Donald Trump together as the modern presidents.

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23

Mackenzie, G. Calvin. "Issues and Problems in the Staffing of New Administrations." Political Science Teacher 2, no. 3 (1989): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896082800000672.

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Courses in American Government, including those which focus specifically on the presidency, rarely grant much attention to the period of transition that follows the election of a new president. That is unfortunate, for the transition period reveals in acute detail some of the enduring difficulties presidents encounter in trying to impose their influence on the structure and performance of the executive branch. Transitions especially highlight the awkwardness of the in-and-outer system of leadership selection in the United States and should be regarded, therefore, as highly valuable sources of instruction.This brief essay looks at the principal problems confronted by new administrations in staffing the executive branch. It identifies the contours and complexities of those problems and then suggests some options for coping with them. These options, and others which students might propose, should invite vigorous debate and discussion.A modern president-elect who has not prepared in advance for staffing an administration will suffer serious and harmful delays in launching a new presidency. It is critically important that personnel identification begin before the election. Careful planning should afford opportunities for the new President to anticipate the normal problems of transition personnel selection and to prepare to cope with them.

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24

Hopper, Jennifer Rose. "Reexamining the Nineteenth-Century Presidency and Partisan Press: The Case of President Grant and the Whiskey Ring Scandal." Social Science History 42, no. 1 (November 21, 2017): 109–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2017.40.

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Studies of the institutional development of the presidency and popular leadership by presidents over time lead us to contrary expectations as to how a nineteenth-century president would react to a major political scandal. Scholarship on newspapers of the late 1800s is also unclear on how a quasipartisan media, with some outlets moving toward independence, would cover a White House scandal. I find that a close analysis of the case of President Ulysses S. Grant and the Whiskey Ring scandal forces us to reconsider what we assume to be firmly modern developments in both presidential studies and media history. Though a supposedly “premodern” president, Grant still mounted a concerted effort to mitigate the damage of the scandal. Further, although the president could get his version of events across in prominent newspapers, Republican newspaper coverage was hardly reliable. Newspapers also connected politicians’ character and psychology to mistakes made in office and made presidential strategies to shape public perception clear to their audiences—emphases on political gamesmanship considered hallmarks of the modern media environment.

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25

Dalfiume, Richard M., and Malcolm Shaw. "The Modern Presidency: From Roosevelt to Reagan." Journal of American History 75, no. 4 (March 1989): 1361. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1908735.

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26

Pederson, W. D. "How Governors Built the Modern American Presidency." Journal of American History 100, no. 2 (August 13, 2013): 575. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jat213.

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27

Adler, David Gray, and Malcolm Shaw. "The Modern Presidency: From Roosevelt to Reagan." Political Science Quarterly 103, no. 2 (1988): 365. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2151194.

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28

Langston, Thomas S. "Ideology and Ideologues in the Modern Presidency." Presidential Studies Quarterly 42, no. 4 (October 29, 2012): 730–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1741-5705.2012.04015.x.

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29

Ionescu, Ghi̧ta. "The Relevance of Switzerland for Modern Politics." Government and Opposition 23, no. 1 (1988): 3–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017257x00016973.

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THIS IS A SPECIAL ISSUE OF OUR JOURNAL AND IT IS THE outcome of a conference held at the Centre Européen de la Culture in Geneva. The Centre was founded in 1947 by Denis de Rougemont, the great Swiss writer, philosopher and European federalist, and directed by him until his death in 1985. Now it has been revived under the presidency of Professor Jacques Freymond, the best-known Swiss political scientist in the world of academia, and himself the author of many classic works on international politics. We want once more to thank the Centre, its present physically and intellectually indefatigable President and its expert staff.

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30

Lejon, Kjell O. "From Civil Religion to Presidential Public Theology—A Re-evaluation of the American Civil Religion Phenomenon. The Case of George H. W. Bush." European Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies 3, no. 4 (November 29, 2018): 155. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejms.v3i4.p155-162.

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Since the inauguration of the civil religion debate in the United States in 1967, it has been argued that the religious dimension of American presidency should be understood as a kind of civil religion, normally based upon the definition of Jean Jacque Rousseau, or variations of this his definition. However, in this article the author argues, based upon the empirical material presented in Public Papers of the President and elsewhere, that a more accurate description of the religion dimension of some modern presidencies is public theology. He uses the presidency of George H. W. Bush as a case study.

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31

Arnold, Peri E. "Policy Leadership in the Progressive Presidency: The Case of Theodore Roosevelt's Naval Policy and His Search for Strategic Resources." Studies in American Political Development 10, no. 2 (1996): 333–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x00001516.

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Theodore Roosevelt established a new, and puzzling, form of public policy leadership during his presidency. In this respect, Roosevelt's presidency breaks with past presidential practice. So marked is this change that it is commonly identified as a foreshadowing of the “modern presidency,” implying a path of development from Roosevelt's leadership practice to the institutionalized presidency at midcentury.

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32

Dypedahl, Magne. "Presidential Rhetoric and Power in a Historical Perspective." American Studies in Scandinavia 52, no. 2 (November 1, 2020): 163–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/asca.v52i2.6504.

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This article explores some of the developments of rhetorical leadership over the past century, focusing particularly on the modern presidency, commonly understood as beginning withFranklin D. Roosevelt. The first research question is whether Richard Neustadt’s (1960) seminal book Presidential Power is still valid as a thesis of presidential power in light of the concept of the rhetorical presidency, which became a dominant approach to presidential studies in the 1980s. Although the strategy of “going public” is used increasingly in presidential leadership, the conclusion of this article is that Neustadt’s bargaining theory, or the strategy of “going Washington”, is still valid when it comes to the relationship between the president and Congress, provided popular rhetoric is integrated into a bargaining perspective. The second research question is how the State of the Union Addresses have changed during the course of the modern presidency. This includes an analysis of selected State of the Union Addresses between 1934 and 2020. On the basis of some linguistic features and rhetorical techniques (the use of pronouns, the opening address and the acknowledgment of invited guests) they are considered to illustrate the change of presidential rhetoric into what may seem like a permanent campaign.

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33

Nice, David C. "Partisan realignment, the modern presidency, and presidential assassination." Social Science Journal 31, no. 3 (September 1, 1994): 293–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0362-3319(94)90025-6.

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34

GOLDSTEIN, JOEL K. "The Rising Power of the Modern Vice Presidency." Presidential Studies Quarterly 38, no. 3 (September 2008): 374–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1741-5705.2008.02650.x.

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35

Shafer, Richard. "Informative insights into the making of a president." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 15, no. 1 (May 1, 2009): 226–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v15i1.974.

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The Making of FDR argues that the image of US President Franklin Delano Roosevelt as a modern, charismatic, and politically astute leader was 'made' in a significant way by his talented but non-intellectual press secretary, Stephen Early. The author, journalist Linda Lotridge Levin, clearly makes the case that Early played a crucial role in the Roosevelt presidency that lasted from 1932 until his death in 1945.

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36

Il’inova, K. G. "The Peculiarities Of Formation Of The Institution Of The Presidency In Ukraine." RUDN Journal of Political Science, no. 2 (December 15, 2015): 104–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2015-2-104-111.

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In the given article there were analyzed the main stages of formation of the institution of the presidency in Ukraine. The role of the institution of the presidency in political system of the modern Ukrainian state is reviewed.

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37

Resnick, David, and Norman C. Thomas. "Reagan and Jackson: Parallels in Political Time." Journal of Policy History 1, no. 2 (April 1989): 181–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030600003468.

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There is widespread agreement among scholars that Franklin D. Roosevelt created the modern presidency, and he serves as their paradigm of successful presidential leadership. James MacGregor Burns, Richard Neustadt, Clinton Rossiter, and others who took their cues from them found in FDR the ideal heroic president. He combined extensive and sustained popularity, partisan support, skillful power-sensitive bargaining and persuasion, adept use of the prerogatives of the office, and consummate performance of the multiple roles of the president to make the American constitutional system work.

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38

Gatewood, Willard B., and Lewis L. Gould. "Theodore Roosevelt and the Shaping of the Modern Presidency." Reviews in American History 20, no. 4 (December 1992): 512. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2702868.

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39

Ions, Edmund. "Roosevelt to Reagan: the development of the modern presidency." International Affairs 64, no. 1 (1987): 160–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2621575.

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40

Gordon, Colin. "The Modern American Presidency, 1945-1974: A Bibliographical Essay." Canadian Review of American Studies 16, no. 4 (December 1985): 425–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cras-016-04-04.

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41

Byrnes, Timothy A. "Realignment Theory and the Modern American Presidency: A Reformulation." Congress & the Presidency 17, no. 2 (September 1, 1990): 131–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07343469009507913.

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42

Bryner, Gary, and Ryan J. Barilleaux. "The Post-modern Presidency: The Office After Ronald Reagan." Political Science Quarterly 104, no. 2 (1989): 339. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2151590.

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43

Nelson, Michael. "Reviews of Books:The Modern American Presidency Lewis L. Gould." American Historical Review 109, no. 1 (February 2004): 207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/530231.

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44

Milkis, Sidney M., Daniel J. Tichenor, and Laura Blessing. "The Historical Presidency: “Rallying Force”: The Modern Presidency, Social Movements, and the Transformation of American Politics." Presidential Studies Quarterly 43, no. 3 (July 24, 2013): 641–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/psq.12050.

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45

Conley, Richard S. "The Power of the American Presidency, 1789–2000. By Michael A. Genovese. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000. 273p. $19.95. Presidential Power: Forging the Presidency for the Twenty-First Century Edited. by Robert Y. Shapiro, Martha Joynt Kumar, and Lawrence R. Jacobs. New York: Columbia University Press, 2000. 525p. $49.50." American Political Science Review 96, no. 1 (March 2002): 206–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402274328.

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It has been more than forty years since the publication of Richard Neustadt's Presidential Power and the Modern Presidents (1960). In that seminal work Neustadt rebuffed systemic, legal, and constitutional approaches to emphasize the personal basis of presidential power and the centrality of presidents' reputation and persuasive skills. Michael Genovese's book and the collection assembled by Shapiro, Kumar, and Jacobs are timely and useful additions to the reevaluation of the individual and institutional bases of presidential power, influence, and leadership across time. If scholarship on the presidency is at a crossroads, these works invite us to journey in different analytical directions.

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Milkis, Sidney M., Jesse H. Rhodes, and Emily J. Charnock. "What Happened to Post-Partisanship? Barack Obama and the New American Party System." Perspectives on Politics 10, no. 1 (March 2012): 57–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592711004907.

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Ascending to the presidency in the midst of a severe economic crisis and an ongoing war on terrorism, Barack Obama faced numerous political and policy challenges. We examine the responsibilities he faced in assuming the received tasks of modern presidential leadership amid a polarized political system. To a point, Obama has embraced partisan leadership, indeed, even further articulating developments in the relationship between the president and parties that Ronald Reagan had first initiated, and George W. Bush built upon. Thus Obama has advanced an executive-centered party system that relies on presidential candidates and presidents to pronounce party doctrine, raise campaign funds, mobilize grassroots support, and campaign on behalf of their partisan brethren. Just as Reagan and Bush used their powers in ways that bolstered their parties, so Obama's exertions have strengthened the Democratic Party's capacity to mobilize voters and to advance programmatic objectives. At the same time, presidential partisanship threatens to relegate collective responsibility to executive aggrandizement. Seeking to avoid the pitfalls that undermined the Bush presidency, Obama has been more ambivalent about uniting partisanship and executive power. Only time will tell whether this ambiguity proves to be effective statecraft—enshrining his charisma in an enduring record of achievement and a new Democratic majority—or whether it marks a new stage in the development of executive dominion that subordinates party building to the cult of personality.

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O’Mahony, Anthony. "Christian presence in modern Jerusalem:." Evangelical Quarterly 78, no. 3 (April 21, 2006): 257–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/27725472-07803008.

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The disunity of the Church is highly visible in Jerusalem where many different communions all have their representatives. After many years of deep hostility the heads of different churches in 1994 signed a ‘Memorandum on the Significance of Jerusalem for Christians’, since when they have met regularly under the presidency of the Greek Orthodox Patriarch. The Arab Christian community has faced considerable pressure both from the Israeli government and from Muslims and since the Six Day War some 35% of the Palestinian Christian population has emigrated.

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Germain, Felix. "“Presidents of Color,” Globalization, and Social Inequality." Journal of Black Studies 40, no. 3 (December 17, 2009): 445–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934709352079.

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In this era of globalization, social inequality based on racial attributes is increasingly perceived as anachronistic. Moreover, citizens of racially diverse countries have gained a new consciousness, which occasionally translates into electing a president from a racially underrepresented group. However, although members of these racially underrepresented groups have obtained presidential appointments, racism and social inequality persist. This article sheds light on the trans-national discourses of reverse discrimination that result from the election of “presidents of color.” It suggests that while these discourses take different shapes and forms, they aim to minimize the continuities of racialized relations, thereby painting utopian pictures of modern societies. The article also reveals the extent to which these leaders can reduce the social inequalities and racism plaguing their countries. By examining the legacy of Nelson Mandela in South Africa and the presidency of Bolivia’s Evo Morales, this article argues that to accomplish these intertwined goals, Barack Obama and other presidents from racially underrepresented groups must enact local policies that contradict the logics of globalization, which is based on the free movement of labor and capital.

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Roberts, Robert N. "The Administrative Presidency and Federal Service." American Review of Public Administration 51, no. 6 (February 20, 2021): 411–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0275074021993849.

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Through the 20th and early 21st century, the United States has seen the growth of the administrative presidency. As political polarization has made it much more difficult for a presidential administration to push public policy initiatives through Congress, presidential administrations have become much more dependent on executive orders, policy statements, federal rulemaking, and nonenforcement policies to implement their agenda. Presidential administrations have also attempted to exert much greater control over the actions of federal employees with policymaking and policy implementation responsibilities. The article argues that the modern administrative presidency has become a serious threat to the nation’s democratic values and institutions. The article also argues that in the wrong hands, the administrative state may do great harm. Finally, the article argues that the discipline of public administration must end its love affair with the administrative presidency. The danger of misuse of the administrative state has just become too serious to permit presidential administrations to coerce career civil servants to put the ideological interests of a President over the public interest. To help control this serious problem, the article argues that the discipline of public administration should help to empower federal employees to serve as guardians of constitutional values by providing them the tools necessary to uncover and make known instances of abuse of power by presidential administrations intent upon ignoring the constitutional foundations of the administrative state.

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Randall J. Stephens. "Faith and the Modern Presidency: An Interview with Randall Balmer." Historically Speaking 10, no. 1 (2009): 29–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hsp.0.0006.

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