Journal articles on the topic 'Mixed race'

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1

Joseph-Salisbury, Remi. "Mixed race identities." Ethnic and Racial Studies 38, no. 8 (November 10, 2014): 1462–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01419870.2014.979854.

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2

Gordon, Lewis R. "Critical ‘Mixed Race'?" Social Identities 1, no. 2 (August 1995): 381–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13504630.1995.9959443.

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3

Perkins, Maureen. "Australian Mixed Race." European Journal of Cultural Studies 7, no. 2 (May 2004): 177–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1367549404042493.

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4

DaCosta, Kimberly McClain. "Mixed Race Identities." Contemporary Sociology: A Journal of Reviews 44, no. 3 (April 16, 2015): 341–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094306115579191f.

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5

Iijima Hall, Christine C. "Mixed-Race Women." Women & Therapy 27, no. 1-2 (January 12, 2004): 237–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/j015v27n01_16.

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6

EDWARDS, EMILY D. "MIXED RACE HOLLYWOOD." Journal of Film and Video 61, no. 4 (December 1, 2009): 60–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20688651.

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7

Rhodes, Gillian, Kieran Lee, Romina Palermo, Mahi Weiss, Sakiko Yoshikawa, Peter Clissa, Tamsyn Williams, Marianne Peters, Chris Winkler, and Linda Jeffery. "Attractiveness of Own-Race, Other-Race, and Mixed-Race Faces." Perception 34, no. 3 (March 2005): 319–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/p5191.

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Averaged face composites, which represent the central tendency of a familiar population of faces, are attractive. If this prototypicality contributes to their appeal, then averaged composites should be more attractive when their component faces come from a familiar, own-race population than when they come from a less familiar, other-race population. We compared the attractiveness of own-race composites, other-race composites, and mixed-race composites (where the component faces were from both races). In experiment 1, Caucasian participants rated own-race composites as more attractive than other-race composites, but only for male faces. However, mixed-race (Caucasian/Japanese) composites were significantly more attractive than own-race composites, particularly for the opposite sex. In experiment 2, Caucasian and Japanese participants living in Australia and Japan, respectively, selected the most attractive face from a continuum with exaggerated Caucasian characteristics at one end and exaggerated Japanese characteristics at the other, with intervening images including a Caucasian averaged composite, a mixed-race averaged composite, and a Japanese averaged composite. The most attractive face was, again, a mixed-race composite, for both Caucasian and Japanese participants. In experiment 3, Caucasian participants rated individual Eurasian faces as significantly more attractive than either Caucasian or Asian faces. Similar results were obtained with composites. Eurasian faces and composites were also rated as healthier than Caucasian or Asian faces and composites, respectively. These results suggest that signs of health may be more important than prototypicality in making average faces attractive.
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8

Fairchild, Halford H., and Norma Rodriguez. "The Myth of “Race” (and “Mixed Race”)." Contemporary Psychology: A Journal of Reviews 42, no. 7 (July 1997): 620–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/000237.

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9

Dunning, Stefanie K. "Mixed Race Literature (review)." MFS Modern Fiction Studies 49, no. 4 (2003): 853–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mfs.2003.0066.

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10

Wright, Barlow, Michael Olyedemi, and Stanley O. Gaines. "Perceptions of Mixed-Race." Journal of Black Psychology 41, no. 6 (November 12, 2014): 513–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095798414550248.

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11

Dai, Javanica. "The Mixed Race Myth." Massachusetts Review 59, no. 4 (2018): 774–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mar.2018.0134.

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12

Azoulay, Katya Gibel. "Rethinking 'Mixed Race' (review)." Research in African Literatures 34, no. 2 (2003): 233–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ral.2003.0023.

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13

Pang, Mengxi. "Negotiating the (Non)Negotiable: Connecting ‘Mixed-Race’ Identities to ‘Mixed-Race’ Families." Journal of Intercultural Studies 39, no. 4 (July 4, 2018): 414–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07256868.2018.1486292.

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14

Knaus, Juliann. "Dissolution of Racial Boundaries." JAAAS: Journal of the Austrian Association for American Studies 2, no. 1 (December 31, 2020): 29–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.47060/jaaas.v2i1.73.

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As the field of mixed-race studies continues to expand, my article adds to this growth by analyzing the representation of mixed-race children in Natasha Trethewey's Thrall in relation to the corresponding Mexican casta paintings she refers to. I explore how Trethewey uses diction and etymology in Thrall by performing close readings of her Mexican casta painting poems. Throughout my analysis, I pay special attention to how aspects of knowledge and colonialism affect the portrayal of these mixed-race offspring. The aim of this article is to demonstrate that Trethewey skillfully uses diction and etymology to emphasize the relationship between knowledge and power, particularly with regard to the representation of mixed-race people in society. Trethewey intertwines mixed-race representation and experiences that seem disparate—her poems cross geographical, temporal, and spatial boundaries—in order to illustrate how mixed-race peoples' positioning and representation in society often transcends such boundaries while additionally critically assessing power dynamics controlling said representation. Accordingly, by closely examining the representation of mixed-race people and miscegenation in art and poetry, this article sheds a new light on how meaning can be developed between races and cultures and stresses how colonialism and knowledge can be connected to contextualizing difference across time and space.
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15

OSTRANDER, SUSAN A. "GENDER AND RACE IN A PRO-FEMINIST, PROGRESSIVE, MIXED-GENDER, MIXED-RACE ORGANIZATION." Gender & Society 13, no. 5 (October 1999): 628–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/089124399013005004.

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16

McNaught, Allan. "Reviews : Mixed feelings on race." Health Education Journal 44, no. 4 (December 1985): 220–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001789698504400421.

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17

Lee, Ann. "Black, white or mixed race?" Accident and Emergency Nursing 4, no. 3 (July 1996): 113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0965-2302(96)90051-x.

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18

Sundstrom, Ronald R. "Being and Being Mixed Race." Social Theory and Practice 27, no. 2 (2001): 285–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/soctheorpract200127213.

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19

Mansaray, Ayo. "The Alchemy of Mixed Race." Global Review of Ethnopolitics 2, no. 3-4 (March 2003): 100–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14718800308405151.

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20

DaCosta, Kimberly. "New Routes to Mixed “Roots”." Genealogy 6, no. 3 (July 1, 2022): 60. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/genealogy6030060.

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Developments in reproductive (e.g., assisted reproduction, surrogacy) and genetic technologies (commercial DNA ancestry testing) have opened new routes to mixedness that disrupt the relationship between multiracialism and family. Discussions of racial mixedness, both academic and lay, tend to refer to persons born to parents of different racialized ancestry. Multiracialism is also understood as an outcome of extended generational descent—a family lineage comprised of ancestors of varied “races”. Both modes of mixed subjectivity rely on a notion of race as transmitted through sexual reproduction, and our study of them has often focused on the implications of this boundary crossing for families. These routes to mixedness imply a degree of intimacy and “knownness” between partners, with implications for the broader web of relationships into which one is born or marries. Assisted reproduction allows for the intentional creation of mixed-race babies outside of sexual reproduction and relationship. These technologies make possible mixed race by design, in which one can choose an egg or sperm donor on the basis of their racial difference, without knowing the donor beyond a set of descriptive characteristics. Commercial DNA testing produces another route to mixedness—mixed by revelation—in which previously unknown mixed ancestry is revealed through genetic testing. Ancestry tests, however, deal in estimations of biogenetic markers, rather than specific persons. To varying degrees, these newer routes to mixedness reconfigure the nexus of biogenetic substance and kinship long foregrounded in American notions of mixedness, expand the contours of mixed-race subjectivity, and reshape notions of interracial relatedness.
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21

Valentine, Desiree. "Visualizing a Critical Mixed-Race Theory." Stance: an international undergraduate philosophy journal 2, no. 1 (September 9, 2019): 18–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.33043/s.2.1.18-25.

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In this paper, questions regarding the cultural understanding of mixed race are explored, which have the ability to complicate the accepted portrayal of race in society as a black/white binary system. Thus, the acknowledgement of something other than this binary system offers new ways of theorizing about race, particularly concerning the sociopolitical implications of mixed-race designation. This paper argues that the visually mixed-race person has a certain direct ability to challenge the binary and its racist logic. Furthermore, this paper goes on to offer a unique interpretation of where power for working against a racially oppressive system lies within critical mixed-race theory.
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22

Iverson, Sarah, Ann Morning, Aliya Saperstein, and Janet Xu. "Regimes beyond the One-Drop Rule: New Models of Multiracial Identity." Genealogy 6, no. 2 (June 20, 2022): 57. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/genealogy6020057.

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The racial classification of mixed-race people has often been presumed to follow hypo- or hyperdescent rules, where they were assigned to either their lower- or higher-status monoracial ancestor group. This simple framework, however, does not capture actual patterns of self-identification in contemporary societies with multiple racialized groups and numerous mixed-race combinations. Elaborating on previous concepts of multiracial classification regimes, we argue that two other theoretical models must be incorporated to describe and understand mixed-race identification today. One is “co-descent”, where multiracial individuals need not align with one single race or another, but rather be identified with or demonstrate characteristics that are a blend of their parental or ancestral races. The other is the “dominance” framework, a modern extension of the “one-drop” notion that posits that monoracial ancestries fall along a spectrum where some—the “supercessive”—are more likely to dominate mixed-race categorization, and others—the “recessive”—are likely to be dominated. Drawing on the Pew Research Center’s 2015 Survey of Multiracial Adults, we find declining evidence of hypo- and hyperdescent at work in the United States today, some support for a dominance structure that upends conventional expectations about a Black one-drop rule, and a rising regime of co-descent. In addition, we explore how regimes of mixed-race classification vary by racial ancestry combination, gender, generation of multiraciality, and the time period in which multiracial respondents or their mixed-race ancestors were born. These findings show that younger, first-generation multiracial Americans, especially those of partial Asian or Hispanic descent, have left hypo- and hyperdescent regimes behind—unlike other young people today whose mixed-race ancestry stems from further back in their family tree.
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23

Zack, Naomi. "The Fluid Symbol of Mixed Race." Hypatia 25, no. 4 (2010): 875–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.2010.01121.x.

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Philosophers have little to lose in making practical proposals. If the proposals are enacted, the power of ideas to change the world is affirmed. If the proposals are rejected, there is new material for theoretical reflection. During the 1990s, I believed that broad public recognition of mixed race, particularly black and white mixed race, would contribute to an undoing of rigid and racist, socially constructed racial categories. I argued for such recognition in my first book, Race and Mixed Race (Zack 1993), a follow-through anthology, American Mixed Race (Zack 1995), and numerous articles, especially the essay, “Mixed Black and White Race and Public Policy,” which appeared first in Hypatia in 1995.1 I also delivered scores of public and academic lectures and presentations on this subject, all of which expressed the following in varied forms and formats: Race is an idea that lacks the biological foundation it is commonly assumed to have. There is need for broad education about this absence of foundation; mixed-race identities should be recognized, especially black–white identities.
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24

Zack, Naomi. "Mixed Black and White Race and Public Policy." Hypatia 10, no. 1 (1995): 120–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.1995.tb01356.x.

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The American folk concept of race assumes the factual existence of races. However, biological science does not furnish empirical support for this assumption. Public policy derived from nineteenth century slave-owning patriarchy is the only foundation of the “one-drop rule” for black and white racial inheritance. In principle, Americans who are both black and white have aright to identify themselves racially. In fact, recent demographic changes and multiracial academic scholarship support this right.
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25

Chatman, Jennifer A. "Norms in Mixed Sex and Mixed Race Work Groups." Academy of Management Annals 4, no. 1 (January 2010): 447–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.5465/19416520.2010.494826.

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26

Chatman, Jennifer A. "Norms in Mixed Sex and Mixed Race Work Groups." Academy of Management Annals 4, no. 1 (January 2010): 447–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19416520.2010.494826.

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27

Austin, Sarah, and Frances Lee. "A mixed-methods exploration of ethnic identity and self-esteem among mixed-race adolescent girls." Educational and Child Psychology 38, no. 4 (December 2021): 76–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.53841/bpsecp.2021.38.4.76.

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Background:The self-esteem and school experiences of mixed-race adolescents in the United Kingdom is overlooked in research, despite studies showing mixed-race adolescents may have poorer mental health outcomes than their monoracial peers (e.g. Wong et al., 2012).Aims:This study explored if and how the school experiences and self-esteem of mixed-race girls differed from monoracial peers, and potential mechanisms accounting for differences in self-esteem.Sample:Quantitative questionnaires (Phase 1) sampled 109 girls (Mage=13.9 years). Interviews (Phase 2) sampled 12 mixed-race girls (Mage=14.3 years).Methods:This study used a mixed-methods design. Phase 1 examined self-esteem scores, prevalence of peer-based discrimination, and related support factors (ethnic identity exploration and affirmation, peer support and friendship diversity). Phase 2 involved semi-structured interviews.Results:Mixed-race girls reported lower self-esteem than monoracial peers from Black and Minority Ethnic (BME) backgrounds. Friendship support predicted mixed-race girls’ self-esteem. Interview data showed that microaggressions (i.e. everyday comments communicating hostile racial messages), family racial socialisation practices (i.e. how youth learn about their own ethnicity and navigating racism) and school diversity were important in understanding the self-esteem of mixed-race girls.Conclusions:This study provides insight into adolescent mixed-race girls’ school experiences and self-esteem, with implications for practitioners and families. We discuss areas for further research.
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28

Song, Miri. "Does ‘Race’ Matter? A Study of ‘Mixed Race’ Siblings' Identifications." Sociological Review 58, no. 2 (May 2010): 265–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-954x.2010.01903.x.

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29

Spencer, Rainier. "ASSESSING ISSUES OF RACE AND MIXED RACE IN AFROCENTRIC DISCOURSE." Passages 2, no. 2 (2000): 186–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156916700745937.

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30

Poe, Tracy. "Crossing Lines: Race and Mixed Race across the Geohistorical Divide." Journal of American Ethnic History 23, no. 2 (January 1, 2004): 94–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27501426.

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31

Nicolas, Gandalf, Allison L. Skinner, and Cheryl L. Dickter. "Other Than the Sum: Hispanic and Middle Eastern Categorizations of Black–White Mixed-Race Faces." Social Psychological and Personality Science 10, no. 4 (June 29, 2018): 532–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1948550618769591.

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The racial categorization literature, reliant on forced-choice tasks, suggests that mixed-race targets are often categorized using the parent faces that created the racially mixed stimuli (e.g., Black or White) or their combination (e.g., Black–White multiracial). In the current studies, we introduce a free-response task that allows for spontaneous categorizations of higher ecological validity. Our results suggest that, when allowed, observers often classify Black–White faces into alternative categories (i.e., responses that are neither the parent races nor their combination), such as Hispanic and Middle Eastern. Furthermore, we find that the stereotypes of the various categories that are mapped to racially mixed faces are distinct, underscoring the importance of understanding how mixed-race targets are spontaneously categorized. Our findings speak to the challenges associated with racial categorization in an increasingly racially diverse population, including discrepancies between target racial identities and their racial categorizations by observers as well as variable stereotype application to mixed-race targets.
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McKee, Kimberly D. "Mixed-Race Adoptees and Transnational Adoption." Journal of Women's History 33, no. 4 (2021): 231–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jowh.2021.0038.

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33

Mulroy, K. "Mixed Race in the Seminole Nation." Ethnohistory 58, no. 1 (January 1, 2011): 113–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00141801-2010-066.

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34

Konzett, Delia. "A Review of “Mixed Race Hollywood”." Quarterly Review of Film and Video 28, no. 5 (September 15, 2011): 428–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10509200902820589.

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35

Fryer, Roland G., Lisa Kahn, Steven D. Levitt, and Jörg L. Spenkuch. "The Plight of Mixed-Race Adolescents." Review of Economics and Statistics 94, no. 3 (August 2012): 621–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/rest_a_00252.

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36

Tessman, Lisa. "The Racial Politics of Mixed Race." Journal of Social Philosophy 30, no. 2 (August 1999): 276–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/0047-2786.00018.

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37

Edwards, Emily D. "Mixed Race Hollywood (review)." Journal of Film and Video 61, no. 4 (2009): 60–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jfv.0.0051.

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38

Valentine, Desiree. "Visualizing a Critical Mixed-Race Theory." Stance: An International Undergraduate Philosophy Journal 2 (2009): 18–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/stance200923.

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39

McCardle, Laura. "Mixed-race children need identity support." Children and Young People Now 2014, no. 6 (March 18, 2014): 14–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.12968/cypn.2014.6.14.

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40

Hübinette, Tobias, and Daphne Arbouz. "Introducing Mixed Race Sweden: A Study of the (Im)possibilities of Being a Mixed-Race Swede." Culture and Empathy: International Journal of Sociology, Psychology, and Cultural Studies 2, no. 3 (September 23, 2019): 138–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.32860/26356619/2019/2.3.0002.

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41

Njaka, Chinelo L. "A Dialectic of Race Discourses: The Presence/Absence of Mixed Race at the State, Institution, and Civil Society and Voluntary and Community Sector Levels in the United Kingdom." Social Sciences 11, no. 2 (February 21, 2022): 86. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci11020086.

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For the twenty years that mixed race has been on the United Kingdom (UK) censuses, the main story of mixed race in the UK remains one notable for its nominal presence and widespread absence in national discourses on race and ethnicity, racialisation, and racisms. The article explores reasons for this through connecting the continued presence/absence of mixed race in public discursive spheres to the role that White supremacy continues to play at systemic, structural, and institutional levels within UK society. As technologies of White supremacy, the article argues that continued marginalisation of mixed race has a direct connection to systemic, structural, and institutional aspects of race, racialisation, and racisms. Using three case studies, the article will use race-critical analyses to examine the ways that mixed race is present and—more often—absent at three societal levels: the state, institution, and civil society and voluntary and community sector. The paper will conclude by exploring key broad consequences for the persistent and common presence/absence of mixed race within race and racisms discourses as a technology of political power. Working in tandem, the paper exposes that presence/absence continues to affect mixed race people—and all racialised people—living in and under White supremacy.
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Balogun, Bolaji, and Remi Joseph-Salisbury. "Black/white mixed-race experiences of race and racism in Poland." Ethnic and Racial Studies 44, no. 2 (February 25, 2020): 234–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01419870.2020.1729390.

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Bonnett, Alastair. "Book Review: Mixed-race, post-race: gender, ehtnicities and cultural practices." Progress in Human Geography 29, no. 6 (December 2005): 783–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1191/0309132505ph585xx.

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Williams, Charmaine C., and Roy Moodley. "Race, culture, and mental health/metissage, mestizaje, mixed “race”, and beyond." Counselling Psychology Quarterly 25, no. 2 (June 2012): 97–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09515070.2012.674303.

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오미영. "A Study on the Stigma of Mixed-Race: Factors Affecting Stigma on Mixed-Race and Stigma Effect." Korean Journal of Social Welfare 61, no. 2 (May 2009): 215–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.20970/kasw.2009.61.2.009.

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Teng, Emma J. "“And This Is What He Did”." Prism 19, no. 1 (March 1, 2022): 215–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/25783491-9646002.

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Abstract This article asks how the category of “mixed race” can help us think through the recent spate of violence against Asian Americans, culminating in the Atlanta mass shootings of March 2021. It further reflects on a tension within mixed-race studies: whereas mixed-race theory, in its embrace of anti-essentialism and hybridity, bespeaks a certain hope and optimism, mixed race as a lens through which to view history brings us inescapably to violence. Tracing how the concept of mixed race threads through a history of violence in this country, the article demonstrates how misogyny and racial hatred toward Asians have long been intertwined. Recent anti-Asian hate crimes surface the continuities in the targeting of Asians as a source of pollution and contagion, and in representations of Asian women as a source of sexual “temptation” that must be restricted, prohibited, or eliminated. Finally, it is argued that the turn away from the post-racialism of the Obama era and the rise of a new white nationalism call our attention to a fundamental flaw in the very premise of mixed-race theory: that is, the category of “mixed race” simultaneously unlocks the liberatory potential of nonbinary identities and reifies the problematic category of race itself.
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47

Sims, Jennifer Patrice, and Remi Joseph-Salisbury. "“We Were All Just the Black Kids”: Black Mixed-Race Men and the Importance of Adolescent Peer Groups for Identity Development." Social Currents 6, no. 1 (September 19, 2018): 51–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2329496518797840.

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While critical Mixed-Race studies (CMRS) has paid attention to the intersections of race, gender, and sexuality in sampling and analysis, most studies disproportionately focus on women. This means that generalizability of findings and theories to men should not become axiomatic. Regarding black Mixed-Race people, for example, the theory that rejection from black people is influential for many black Mixed-Race individuals’ identity development is derived from interviews with mainly women. Explicitly noting that these processes are not as applicable for men, yet offering no accompanying theorizing as to the influence of gendered interactions on men’s racial identity development, appears to have become the standard. Therefore, bringing together data from two studies that explored black mixedness in the United States and the United Kingdom, this article joins a nascent literature on the gendered experiences of Mixed-Race men. Our analysis shows that, unlike black Mixed-Race women, black Mixed-Race men’s mixedness is often constructed as compatible with the heteronormative gender identities that are constituted in racialized peer groups. As such, black Mixed-Race men are able to cultivate a sense of strategic sameness with same gender black peers. This and other findings are discussed in light of their implications for CMRS’s intersectional theories of identity development.
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Jones, Doug. "Looks and Living Kinds: Varieties of Racial Cognition in Bahia, Brazil." Journal of Cognition and Culture 9, no. 3-4 (2009): 247–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156770909x12489459066309.

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AbstractPsychological research in the USA and elsewhere suggests that race is regarded as an underlying, inherited “essential” trait, like membership in a biological species. Yet Brazil has often been regarded as very different from the USA: as a country in which racial variation is seen as more continuous than categorical, more a matter of appearance than descent. This study tests alternative theories of racial cognition in Bahia, Brazil. Data include racial classification of drawings and photographs, judgments of similarity – dissimilarity between racial categories, ideas about expected and possible race of offspring from inter-racial unions, heritability of racial and non-racial traits, and conservation of race through changes in appearance. The research demonstrates consensus over time in appearance-based classification, yet race is also thought of as an “essential” trait. However, racial essences can be mixed, with a person containing the hereditary potential of multiple races, so that race in Bahia does not define clear-cut groups or discrete “living kinds.” If essentialism is the shared core of folk theories of race, there may be more variability and room for social construction in the categorization of mixed-race individuals.
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Cabrera, Joseph F., and Rachael R. Dela Cruz. "Spatially Based Rules for Reducing Multiple–Race into Single–Race Data." City & Community 19, no. 3 (September 2020): 593–616. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/cico.12418.

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There is a discord between the categorization of mixed–race data in spatial studies, which has become more complex as the mixed–race population increases. We offer an efficient, spatially based method for assigning mixed–race respondents into single–race categories. The present study examined diversity within 25 Metropolitan Statistical Areas in the United States to develop this racial bridging method. We identify prescriptions for each two–race category based on average diversity experiences and similarity scores derived from census tract data. The results show the following category assignments: (1) Black–Asians to Black, (2) White–others to White, (3) Asian–others to Asian, (4) White–Blacks to other, (5) White–Asians to White (if Asian >3.0 percent), (6) White–Asians to Asian (if Asian <3.0 percent), (7) Black–Asians to other (if Black >8.5 percent), and (8) Black–Asians to Black (if Black <8.5 percent). We argue that the proposed method is appropriate for all race–based studies using spatially relevant theoretical constructs such as segregation and gentrification.
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50

Campion, Karis, and Chantelle Jessica Lewis. "Racial Illiteracies and Whiteness: Exploring Black Mixed-Race Narrations of Race in the Family." Genealogy 6, no. 3 (June 22, 2022): 58. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/genealogy6030058.

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Drawing upon fifty-five interviews with Black mixed-race people located in Britain’s second-largest city, Birmingham, and a nearby satellite town, Bromsgrove, this article critically explores how race, identity, and whiteness, are negotiated in mixed-race families. Whilst existing studies tend to centre upon the experiences of white parents raising their children, in this article, we foreground Black mixed-race perspectives of familial practices. Whiteness can often function as an ever-present non-presence in explorations of mixed identities. We utilise concepts such as white fragility, white complicity and the white gaze to make whiteness visible and to address how racial illiteracies can manifest within everyday family settings. In doing so, we suggest that white family members can, on occasion, participate in processes of white domination even in the smallest everyday acts and conversations that deny, avoid, dismiss and, in some cases, even perpetuate racism. By identifying these moments in Black mixed-race lives, we complicate some of the studies that document the racial literacies of white parents and explore how mistakes are made. We suggest that these encounters can create moments of disjuncture in familial settings that are characterised by a complex layer of love, intimacy and racial difference. By bringing these issues to the fore, we centre the emotional labour it can take on the part of Black mixed-race people to make sense of and resist these experiences whilst simultaneously maintaining closeness within familial relationships.
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