Academic literature on the topic 'Mites Victoria'

A list of 37 species of ptyctimous mites from the State of Victoria, Australia, is provided. Seven species new for science are described and further seven are recorded for the first time in Victoria. The genus Arphthicarus has been discovered in Victoria and is represented by two new species. Zoogeographical distribution of each species is provided. Analysis of the ptyctimous fauna from four Victorian areas (Otway Ranges, Yarra Ranges, Errinundra Plateau and Strzelecki Ranges) has revealed that four species occur in a large number of specimens in one of the areas. Similarity analyses indicate that the faunas of Errinundra Plateau and Yarra Ranges are the most similar. An overview of state of knowledge on the ptyctimous mites from State of Victoria, Australia and Australasian Region is presented.

Varroa destructor is a parasitic mite, which is considered a severe pest for honey bees causing serious losses to beekeeping. Residual hydrolats from steam extraction of hop essential oils, generally considered as a waste product, were tested for their potential use as acaricides on V. destructor. Four hop varieties, namely Cascade, Spalt, Victoria, and Mapuche, showed an interesting performance as feasible products to be used in the beekeeping industry. Some volatile oxidized terpenoids were found in the hydrolats, mainly β-caryophyllene oxide, β-linalool, and isogeraniol. These compounds, together with the presence of polyphenols, flavonoids, and saponins, were probably responsible for the promissory LC50 values obtained for mites after hydrolat exposition. Victoria hydrolat was the most toxic for mites (LC50: 16.1 µL/mL), followed by Mapuche (LC50 value equal to 30.1 µL/mL), Spalt (LC50 value equal to 114.3 µL/mL), and finally Cascade (LC50: 117.9 µL/mL). Likewise, Spalt had the highest larval survival, followed by Victoria and Mapuche. Cascade was the variety with the highest larval mortality. In addition, none of the extracts showed mortality higher than 20% in adult bees. The Victoria hydrolat presented the best results, which makes it a good compound with the prospect of an acaricide treatment against V. destructor.

Eighty-one H. chrysogaster from nineteen localities in Victoria and South Australia were examined for helminths. One acanthocephalan Corynosoma stanleyi: and one cestode, Hymenolepis diminuta, were found. Of the trematodes six were identified to species: Echinoparyphium hydromyos, Fibricola minor, F. intermedius, Microphaflus minutus, Maritrema oocysta and Plagiorchis jaenschi; two were placed in the families Heterophyidae, and Psilostomidae, both new locality records; and two new species Notocotylus sp. nov. and Paramonostomum sp. nov. were found. There were six nematode species: Synhimantus australiensis, Antechiniella suffodiax, Antechiniella sp., Woolleya hydromyos as well as Parastrongyloides sp. and a heteroxynematid both new host records. H. diminuta was the most prevalent helminth, with M. minutus and S. australiensis the most prevalent trematode and nematode respectively. A checklist of helminths from H. chrysogaster is given and comparisons between infections of Tasmanian, Victorian and South Australian hosts are made. Thirty-three of these water rats, trapped live in Victoria, were also examined for protozoa. Klossiella hydromyos, Toxoplasma gondii and Sarcocystis sp. were found. Twenty of the Victorian hosts were examined for ectoparasites. Three mites; Paraspeleognathopsis derricki, Murichirus parahydromys, and Radfordia sp.; one tick, Zxodes tasmani; one louse, Hoplopleura bidentata; and three flea species, Acanthopsylla rothschildi and Echidnophaga spp. were found.

Habitat structure, at a scale at which we do not normally perceive it, can be an important determinant of species diversity and distribution in arboreal mites. Phytoseiid mites (1552 individuals) collected from the leaves of 75 species of woody plants from 55 forest sites between Noosa Head, Queensland and the Hartz Mountains, Tasmania were found to represent 28 species in four genera: Phytoseius, Typhlodromus, Amblyseius and Iphiseius. About half (38) of the plant species from which phytoseiid mites were collected had leaves with well-developed coverings of hairs on their abaxial surfaces, especially along the veins. Species in the genus Phytoseius were the most abundant mites (46.4% of total), and they were almost entirely restricted to leaves with well-developed tomenta (714 of 720 Phytoseius mites collected from 34 of 38 plant species with hairy leaves). In a test of these observations at three sites in Victoria, phytoseiid mites in general were more abundant on leaves with well-developed tomenta, but only Phytoseius mites were restricted to hairy leaves.

Earth mites are a complex of related species introduced into Australia in the early part of last century that cause economic damage to crops, especially canola, and to pastures. A general method of chemical control aimed at interrupting the life cycle at the most effective stage, by spraying in the spring before the mites enter diapause, has recently been adopted for controlling earth mites, particularly the redlegged earth mite Halotydeus destructor (Tucker). Here we use paired-paddock treatments and field enclosures to test the effectiveness of this method on pest populations of H. destructor as well as on other pests over two seasons at multiple pasture sites in Victoria. Halotydeus destructor numbers at the start of the winter growing season were suppressed by up to 85%, but this control level was not sustained. The numbers of H. destructor and other pests were similar to or higher than those in the unsprayed areas by spring. Spring spraying is, therefore, a useful means of suppressing H. destructor in early autumn, but its effects disappear relatively quickly over time in Victoria. This strategy also has little impact on the control of the blue oat mite Penthaleus major (Duges) and other phytophagous invertebrate pests.

In the harsh Antarctic terrestrial ecosystems, invertebrates are currently confined to sparse and restricted ice free areas, where they have survived on multi-million-year timescales in refugia. The limited dispersal abilities of these invertebrate species, their specific habitat requirements, and the presence of geographical barriers can drastically reduce gene flow between populations, resulting in high genetic differentiation. On continental Antarctica, mites are one of the most diverse invertebrate groups. Recently, two new species of the free living prostigmatid mite genus Stereotydeus Berlese, 1901 were discovered, bringing the number of Antarctic and sub-Antarctic species of this genus up to 15, of which 7 occur along the coast of Victoria Land and in the Transantarctic Mountains. To examine the biodiversity of Stereotydeus spp., the present study combines phylogenetic, morphological and population genetic data of specimens collected from nine localities in Victoria Land. Genetically distinct intraspecific groups are spatially isolated in northern Victoria Land, while, for other species, the genetic haplogroups more often occur sympatrically in southern Victoria Land. We provide a new distribution map for the Stereotydeus species of Victoria Land, which will assist future decisions in matters of the protection and conservation of the unique Antarctic terrestrial fauna.

The following fifteen new species are described of the water mite family Aturidae from Australia: Austraturus cavatus n. sp., A. denticulatus n. sp., A. dilatipalpis n. sp., A. extendens n. sp., A. sagittalis n. sp., A. triprojectus n. sp., A. villosus n. sp. and Axonopsella bipartita n. sp., A. carnarvon n. sp., A. curtiseta n. sp., A. elongata n. sp., A. kakadu n. sp., A. magniseta n. sp., A. purpurea n. sp. and A. rosea n. sp.. New records are given for Queensland, South Australia, Tasmania, Victoria, New South Wales, Northern Territory and Western Australia. New distributional records are provided for many species.

The following new species are described: Limnesia (Limnesia) elongata sp. nov., Limnesia (Limnesia) gledhilli sp. nov., Limnesia. (Limnesia) pseudomaceripalpis sp. nov., Limnesia (Limnesia) scutata sp. nov., Limnesia (Limnesia) victoria sp. nov., Tubophorella paluma sp. nov. and T. queenslandica sp. nov. Limnesia szalayi K. Viets, 1955 is synonymized with L. patens K. Viets, 1935. The first description is given of the females of L. babinda Cook, 1986 and L. hopa Cook, 1986. Keys are provided for the genera Limnesia and Tubophorella. Many new records are given of the family in Australia.

Successful integrated pest management (IPM) programs rely on effective and efficient methods of monitoring pest and beneficial species, including mites. Several methods have been proposed for monitoring mites in Australian orchards, mainly based on examining leaves in situ. During the 2021–2022 growing season we flagged 1–2 pear trees Pyrus communis in each of 192 panels (a panel being trees in a 14 m length of a row) in a pear orchard at Tatura, Victoria, Australia. For each flagged tree we examined mite species occurrence and prevalence using three methods, (1) non-destructive visual examination of 10 leaves per panel using a 10x hand lens (current industry standard), (2) destructive lab-based examination of 4 leaves per flagged tree(s) using a stereo microscope, and (3) destructive lab-based examination of 2 leaves per flagged tree(s) using a stereo microscope. The presence and prevalence of pest mites and the previously released predatory mite Neoseiulus californicus were recorded. Throughout the season we observed various pest mites in the orchard including Tetranychus urticae, Panonychus ulmi, Eriophyes pyri, and Bryobia rubrioculus and the predatory mite N. californicus. However, the number of species detected and the prevalence of detected species on leaves were dependant on sampling method used. Both destructive sampling methods, method (2) and method (3), performed better than the current non-destructive industry standard in terms of species detection and prevalence. The largest differences were seen during the early stages of infestation for mite species other than E. pyri. Early detection of certain mite species is important because it can provide a more accurate estimate of the starting point for Cumulative Leaf Infested Days (CLIDs) calculations, resulting in better informed management decisions. Importantly, detection and prevalence results were similar for methods (2) and (3) despite the greatly reduced sampling effort (time required) for method (3), and overall sampling effort for method (3) was similar to that required for method (1). Therefore, in terms of both accuracy and sampling effort, method (3) outperformed the other two methods we trialled. An obvious limitation of method (3) when compared to current practice is the requirement for a stereo microscope and access to a laboratory or similar facility. Therefore, the method may be more useful for appropriately trained consultants who monitor pests in orchards on behalf of growers. Another limitation with our study was that it was limited to a single growing season in one pear orchard. We therefore recommend further research to validate our observations, and to support recommendations for growers and consultants.

There are numerous histories of the Victorian goldfields, individual digger�s experiences, and the digging community as a whole. By contrast, very little has been written about the early gold mining companies. This thesis seeks to address this dearth in part, with a longitudinal study of one of the leading gold mining companies in nineteenth-century Victoria. The Port Phillip and Colonial Gold Mining Company (�Port Phillip Company�) was one of many �gold bubble� companies formed in England during 1851-3 to undertake gold mining in Australia. Within a few years it was the only survivor of this episode of British corporate gold-fever. The thesis argues that the influence of Rivett Henry Bland, the company�s managing director, was instrumental in its success, particularly in its early years when faced with anti-company sentiment and unfavourable mining legislation. The company established a large-scale operation at Clunes in 1857, rapidly assuming a pre-eminent position in colonial gold mining with its superior technology and mining practices. Historians generally portray Australian gold mining operations as small, locally funded and inefficient, prior to British capital investment in the late 1880s. While true of the larger picture, this simply emphasises the uniqueness of the British-owned and funded Port Phillip Company, the largest and most efficient gold mining operation in Australia from 1857 until the early 1880s. The company and its investment offshoot, the Victoria (London) Mining Company, invested in over thirty Victorian gold mining companies during the 1860s. Again, this runs counter to the general view that British investment in Australian gold mining began only in the late 1880s. Although the two companies� investments equalled only a fraction of the later wave of British capital in absolute monetary terms, their contribution to the growth of the Victorian gold mining industry at the time was significant.

This research project examined the diffusion of change within one Victorian TAPE Institute by engaging action research to facilitate implementation of e-mail technology. The theoretical framework involving the concepts of technology innovation and action research was enhanced with the aid of Rogers's (1983) model of the diffusion of the innovation process. Political and cultural factors made up the initiation phase of innovation, enabling the research to concentrate on the implementation phase of e-mail Roger's (1983) model also provided adopter categories that related to the findings of a Computer Attitude Survey that was conducted at The School of Mines and Industries Ballarat (SMB), now the University of Ballarat—TAPE Division since amalgamation on 1st January 1998. Despite management rhetoric about the need to utilise e-mail, Institute teaching staff lacked individual computers in their work areas and most were waiting to become connected to the Internet as late as 1997. According to the action research reports, many staff were resistant to the new e-mail facilities despite having access to personal computers whose numbers doubled annually. The action research project became focussed when action researchers realised that e-mail workshop training was ineffective and that staff required improved access. Improvement to processes within education through collaborative action research had earlier been achieved (McTaggart 1994), and this project actively engaged practitioners to facilitate decentralised e-mail training in the workplace through the action research spiral of planning, acting, observing and reflecting, before replanning. The action researchers * task was to find ways to improve the diffusion of e-mail throughout the Institute and to develop theoretical constructs. My research task was to determine whether action research could successfully facilitate e-mail throughout the Institute. A rich literature existed about technology use in education, technology teaching, gender issues, less about computerphobia, and none about 'e-mailphobia \ It seemed appropriate to pursue the issue of e-mailphobia since it was marginalised, or ignored in the literature. The major political and cultural influences on the technologising of SMB and e-mail introduction were complex, making it impossible to ascertain the relative degrees of influence held by Federal and State Governments, SMB's leadership or the local community, Nonetheless, with the implementation of e-mail, traditional ways were challenged as SMB's culture changed. E-mail training was identified as a staff professional development activity that had been largely unsuccessful. Action research is critical collaborative inquiry by reflective practitioners who are accountable for making the results of their inquiry public and who are self-evaluating of their practice while engaging participative problem-solving and continuing professional development (Zuber-Skerritt 1992, 1993). Action research was the methodology employed in researching e-mail implementation into SMB because it involved collaborative inquiry with colleagues as reflective practitioners. Thoughtful questions could best be explored using deconstructivist philosophy, in asking about the noise of silence, which issues were not addressed, what were the contradictions and who was being marginalised with e-mail usage within SMB. Reviewing literature on action research was complicated by its broad definition and by the variability of research (King & Lonnquist 1992), and yet action research as a research methodology was well represented in educational research literature, and provided a systematic and recognisable way for practitioners to conduct their research. On the basis of this study, it could be stated that action research facilitated the diffusion of e-mail technology into one TAPE Institute, despite the process being disappointingly slow. While the process in establishing the action research group was problematic, action researchers showed that a window of opportunity existed for decentralised diffusion of e-mail training,in preference to bureaucratically motivated 'workshops. Eight major findings, grouped under two broad headings were identified: the process of diffusion (planning, nature of the process, culture, politics) and outcomes of diffusion (categorising, e-mailphobia, the survey device and technology in education). The findings indicated that staff had little experience with e-mail and appeared not to recognise its benefits. While 54.1% did not agree that electronic means could be the preferred way to receive Institute memost some 13.7% admitted to problems with using the voice answering service on telephones. Some 43.3% thought e-mail would not improve their connectedness (how they related) to the Institute. A small percentage of staff had trouble with telephone voice-mail and a number of these were anxious computer users. Individualised tuition and peer support proved helpful to individual staff whom action researchers believed to be 'at risk', as determined from the results of a Computer Attitude Survey. An instructional strategy that fostered the development of self-regulation and peer support was valuable, but there was no measure of the effects of this action research program, other than in qualitative terms. Nevertheless, action research gave space to reflect on the nature of the underlying processes in adopting e-mail. Challenges faced by TAPE action researchers are integrally affected by the values within TAPE, which change constantly and have recently been extensive enough to be considered as a 'new paradigm'. The influence of competition policy, the training reform agenda and technologisation of training have challenged traditional TAPE values. Action research reported that many staff had little immediate professional reason to use e-mail Theoretical answers were submerged beneath practical professional concerns, which related back to how much time teachers had and whether they could benefit from e-mail. A need for the development of principles for the sound educational uses of e-mail increases with the internationalisation of education and an increasing awareness of cultural differences. The implications for conducting action research in TAPE are addressed under the two broad issues of power and pedagogy. Issues of power included gaining access, management's inability to overcome staff resistance to technology, changing TAPE values and using technology for conducting action research. Pedagogical issues included the recognition of educational above technological issues and training staff in action research. Finally, seventeen steps are suggested to overcome power and pedagogical impediments to the conduct of action research within TAPE. This action research project has provided greater insight into the difficulties of successfully introducing one culture-specific technology into one TAPE Institute. TAPE Institutes need to encourage more action research into their operations, and it is only then that -we can expect to answer the unanswered questions raised in this research project.

L’étude du fonctionnement des reprises parodiques d’Hernani en 1830 et l’édition de Harnali, N, I, ni et Oh ! Qu’Nenni, établie à partir des manuscrits, des rapports de la censure et de différentes versions imprimées, permettent de constater que les parodies d’Hernani sont à la fois déterminées par la pièce qui sert de modèle référentiel initial et par des intertextes contemporains avec lesquels elles dialoguent. Les conventions des spectacles du temps, le goût du public, font que la parodie sert paradoxalement d’imitation subversive au service d’une norme. En effet, la déconstruction parodique devient une source de construction des pièces qui, à travers les incohérences et les invraisemblances relevées dans Hernani, se positionnent dans un fonctionnement de spectacle qui leur est propre. Au-delà d’une simple critique, satire ou imitation d’une pièce initiale à travers l’écriture, l’intertextualité et les genres, les reprises parodiques renvoient ainsi une image du contexte du temps et des spectacles joués sur les théâtres secondaires. Ces parodies sont donc également des spectacles, qui s’inscrivent dans la contemporanéité de jeux d’acteurs, d’airs et couplets des théâtres secondaires parisiens de 1830
The study of procedures used in parodies of Hernani in 1830, together with an edition of manuscripts of Harnali, N, I, ni and Oh! Qu’Nenni, of censors’ reports, and of different printed versions, show that parodies of Hernani are at the same time informed by the play that serves as an initial model and by cultural intertexts with which they establish a dialogue. Performance conventions of the time, as well as public taste, create a paradoxical situation in which parodies act as subversive imitation in the service of a norm. Indeed, parodic deconstruction becomes a source of construction of plays which, pointing out the incoherencies and improbabilities in Hernani, create their place in a type of performance that is unique to them. Beyond simple criticism, satire, or imitation of an earlier play through style, intertextuality, and genre, parodies also reflect an image of the context of the times and of plays performed on secondary theatres. These parodies are thus plays in their own right, a part of contemporary style of acting and of the use of airs and refrains in Parisian secondary theatres in 1830

This chapter focuses on Salter’s employment as Paymaster and Clerk for the Victoria Coal Mines near Sydney in early 1870. An air of uncertainty is prevalent throughout the chapter, concerning the pressure of providing adequate lodging for his large family, and anxiety over insufficient quantities of coal supply. The chapter’s bittersweet ending informs us of the death of brother Robert and daughter Bessie, and Salter’s promotion to take control of the Mine in December 1873.

In this chapter, John Russell Kelso gives an account of the events that transpired from May to July 1862, during which he and his regiment suffered defeat at the hands of the enemy before scoring a victory against the rebels. After their return from Linn Creek, Kelso and his group again remained in camp training. They were then ordered to Neosho, a large town about eighty miles distant in a south-westerly direction. In a letter written to his wife on June 6, Kelso described the principal events of this expedition, including their march to Mount Vernon and their return to Springfield. He also narrates what he considers one of the most disgraceful military affairs in which he was ever involved.

This chapter covers in detail British strategy development in late 1776 and early 1777. During this period, British senior leaders—King George III, Lord George Germain, Lieutenant General John Burgoyne, and General Sir William Howe—created a military strategy they hoped would win the war in 1777. Howe’s plans called for an offensive to seize Philadelphia and Burgoyne’s a three-pronged offensive to split the rebellion in half. The chapter covers the competing plans in detail, the underlying assumptions, and the failure of British leaders to reconcile and coordinate Howe’s and Burgoyne’s plans. Instead of one comprehensive strategy commanded by one leader, the British essentially unleashed two uncoordinated military strategies without unity of command. The 3,000 miles between London and Howe’s headquarters in New York exacerbated the poor coordination. An appendix lists all the key orders and meetings and demonstrates the key issues that led to the faulty British strategy.

La guerra en los museos imperiales es dolorosa para el cerebro vencido. Las víctimas toman imágenes de una guerra, la suya, lloran con ellas en el regazo o buscan a sus familiares en la pila de víctimas de las fotos oficiales. La guerra se multiplica en los museos, ordenados para acumular muestras de la victoria y restos de las víctimas. Patos embalsamados, fieras de todos los continentes, soldados ajenos como bichos pequeños, muertos, con la cabeza gacha de derrota. Las maquetas, con millares de combatientes del tamaño de una aceituna, fuerzan un dolor inversamente proporcional. Una secuencia infinita de paciencia delicada, miles de objetos creados para producir daño y muerte, la delicadeza del entomólogo, la restauración impecable, el movimiento como al acecho de los cuidadores, el ambiente preparado para que cada arma tenga su contexto, su guerra particular, su víctima propiciatoria....

The Falklands War between Britain and Argentina from April to June 1982 was an emotive political and ideological issue for the UK and its Prime Minister, who fought tirelessly to safeguard the Falkland islanders’ right to self-determination. The war represented a considerable financial and moral commitment by the British to the Falkland Islands and their 1,800 inhabitants in a time of significant economic uncertainty in the UK. Notwithstanding this, Britain’s hegemony and influence over the islands was reasserted in the face of perceived Argentine aggression. Britain’s victory was considered a great success in the UK given the strategic difficulties involved in orchestrating a war in a wind-swept archipelago nearly 8,000 miles from the British mainland, but a mere 400 miles from Argentina. Moreover, it helped to secure Thatcher’s re-election the following year and was a source of national pride for the jubilant British public.1

Born in 1843 into a prosperous middle-class family, Thomas Workman was the seventh child of fifteen. His father and uncle ran a muslin manufacturing business. When he was ten years old, Thomas moved with his family from their three-storey mid-terrace in the town centre to a newly built villa in the suburbs. As a young man he entered the family business and soon afterwards he married his wife, Margaret Hill. After a successful few years running his branch of the business, Thomas and Margaret moved with their children to a large country house located ten miles from the city. From here Thomas took the train to work. An upstanding member of the community, Thomas was a magistrate, a governor of the Presbyterian Orphan Society and a Sunday school teacher. Just as both his father and brother had done, he founded a local Presbyterian church. He frequently travelled abroad for work, but still found time to pursue his passions of yachting and natural history. President of the local Natural History Society, Thomas Workman discovered two new species of spiders while on his travels and he published a book, ...