Journal articles on the topic 'Mitchelstown'

ObjectiveTo examine the compositional effects of physical behaviour on mental health.DesignCross-sectional study.SettingA population-representative random sample (Mitchelstown cohort) was recruited from a large primary care centre in Mitchelstown, County Cork, Ireland.ParticipantsIn total 3807 potential participants were selected from the practice list. Following exclusion of duplicates, deaths and ineligibles, 3043 were invited to participate and of these, 2047 (49.2% men) completed the questionnaire and physical examination components of the baseline assessment during the study period (April 2010 and May 2011). Accelerometers were introduced into the study in January 2011. Of the 745 participants seen between January and May of 2011, 475 (44.6% men) subjects (response rate 64%) agreed to participate and of these 397 (46.1% men) had valid accelerometer data.Primary and secondary outcome measuresParticipants wore the wrist GENEActiv accelerometer for 7 consecutive days. Data were summarised into 60 s epochs and activity categorised as sedentary behaviour, light or moderate-to-vigorous physical activity (MVPA). Levels of depressive and anxiety symptoms were assessed using the Centre for Epidemiologic Studies Depression scale and the Hospital Anxiety and Depression Scale. Well-being was assessed using the WHO-5 well-being scale.ResultsIn adjusted isotemporal models, a 30 min increase in light activity per day was associated with a significant decrease in levels of anxiety symptoms (B=−0.34; 95% CI −0.64 to −0.04) and a significant increase in levels of well-being (B=0.58; 95% CI 0.05 to 1.11). No statistically significant associations were observed between any physical behaviour and depressive symptoms or when sedentary behaviour was substituted with MVPA (P>0.05).ConclusionAlthough based on a cross-sectional study, the findings suggest that substituting light activity for sedentary behaviour may have positive associations with symptoms of anxiety and reported well-being among middle-aged adults.

Background and objectives Type 2 diabetes is a leading cause of death and disability worldwide and pre-diabetes is a strong predictor of diabetes development. To date, studies estimating the prevalence of pre-diabetes in the Irish population are sparse and conflicting. Monitoring the prevalence of pre-diabetes and a knowledge of associated factors is required to inform policies and to prevent development of type 2 diabetes. Therefore, this research examined the prevalence and correlates of pre-diabetes in a sample of middle- to older-aged Irish adults using three different methods for diagnosis. Materials and methods The Mitchelstown Cohort Rescreen (2016/17) was a follow-up, cross-sectional study of the Mitchelstown Cohort Study (2010/11). 1,378 participants were recruited from a random sample of patients attending a single primary care centre. Pre-diabetes was defined using three diagnostic criteria: American Diabetes Association (ADA) glycated haemoglobin A1c (HbA1c) cut-offs between 5.7%–6.4% (39–46 mmol/mol), World Health Organization International Expert Committee (WHO-IEC) HbA1c cut-offs between 6.0%–6.4% (42–46 mmol/mol) and ADA fasting plasma glucose (FPG) cut-offs between 5.6–6.9 mmol/l. Univariate and multivariable logistic regression analyses were used to determine factors associated with pre-diabetes. Results The prevalence of pre-diabetes was found to be 43.9% (95% CI: 41.2%─46.5%), 14.5% (95% CI: 12.7%─16.5%) and 15.8% (95% CI: 13.9%─17.8%) according to HbA1c ADA, HbA1c WHO-IEC and FPG ADA definitions, respectively. Depending on diagnostic method, factors associated with pre-diabetes in univariate analyses included sex, age, marital status, health rating, education and poor diet quality. In multivariable analysis, subjects classified by the FPG ADA pre-diabetes criterion displayed the least optimal metabolic profile defined by overweight and obesity (OR = 2.88, 95% CI: 1.53–5.43), hypertension (OR = 2.27, 95% CI: 1.51–3.40) and low high-density lipoprotein cholesterol concentrations (OR = 1.75, 95% CI: 1.07–2.87). Conclusions The discordance between prevalence estimates according to method of diagnosis is concerning. A National Diabetes Prevention Programme is currently being developed in Ireland. Monitoring the prevalence of pre-diabetes over time will be important to assess the effectiveness of this programme. This study will inform national decision-makers on which definition of pre-diabetes to use for monitoring purposes.

AbstractObjectiveTo examine the association between protective lifestyle behaviours (PLB) and depression in middle-aged Irish adults.DesignSecondary analysis of a cross-sectional study. PLB (non-smoker, moderate alcohol, physical activity, adequate fruit and vegetable intake) were assessed using a general health and lifestyle questionnaire and a validated FFQ. Depression was assessed using the Center for Epidemiologic Studies Depression Scale. A score of 15–21 indicates mild/moderate depression and a score of 22 or more indicates a possibility of major depression. Binary logistic regression was used to examine the association between PLB and depression.SettingLivinghealth Clinic, Mitchelstown, North Cork, Republic of Ireland.SubjectsMen and women aged 50–69 years were selected at random from a list of patients registered at the clinic (n 2047, 67 % response rate).ResultsOver 8 % of participants engaged in zero or one PLB, 24 % and 39 % had two and three PLB respectively, while 28 % had four PLB. Those who practised three/four PLB were significantly more likely to be female, have a higher level of education and were categorised as having no depressive symptoms. Engaging in zero or one PLB was significantly associated with an increased odds of depression compared with four PLB. Results remained significant after adjusting for several confounders, including age, gender, education and BMI (OR=2·2; 95 % CI 1·2, 4·0; P for trend=0·001).ConclusionsWhile causal inference cannot be established in a cross-sectional study, the findings suggest that healthy behaviours may play a vital role in the promotion of positive mental health or, at a minimum, are associated with lower levels of depression.

Introduction The prevalence of macrocytosis in adults is estimated between 1.7% and 8% (Aslinia F et al. Megaloblastic anemia and other causes of macrocytosis. Clin Med Res. 2006; 4: 236-241, McNamee et al. Haematinic deficiency and macrocytosis in middle aged and older adults. 2013 Submitted PLOS ONE). Its diagnosis, depending on the clinical context, may warrant an extensive work-up for a vitamin deficiency or haematological malignancy. Known associations with raised mean corpuscular volume (MCV) include haematinic deficiency, heavy alcohol intake, liver disease, myelodysplasia and myeloma. While it has been suggested that smoking may be a cause of macrocytosis, this hypothesis has not been carefully evaluated. In an earlier study from our group (McNamee et al 2013 PLOS ONE Paper) we observed an independent link between smoking and macrocytosis in a representative sample of Irish adults. In this study we estimated the population attributable fraction for macrocytosis associated with smoking at 24.6%. The degree to which smoking contributes to clinically significant macrocytosis (MCV 99fl) has not been extensively reported in the literature. Aims To study the determinants of clinically significant macrocytosis with particular reference to the independent effects of cigarette smoking in a cohort of 2,047 Irish patients aged 50-69 years sampled from a primary care centre (Mitchelstown Cohort). Methods Details of the methods of the Mitchelstown Cohort study including sampling and recruitment have been described (Kearney et al. Int. J. Epidemiol. (2012) doi: 10.1093/ije/dys131). The study is based in a large primary care centre serving a defined population in Southern Ireland. 66% of eligible patients participated in this study. Vitamin B12 and folate levels, liver function and full blood counts were measured using standard automated analysers. Smoking status and alcohol intake were recorded using a validated questionnaire and the metabolic syndrome was defined using the International Diabetes Federation 2006 criteria. Statistical analysis was performed using Stata©. Multivariate logistic regression was used to estimate prevalence odds ratios with 95% Confidence Intervals (OR, 95%CI) for macrocytosis and its potential determinants, including smoking. Population attributable fractions were estimated using a standard formula for variables that were significantly associated with macrocytosis in multivariate analyses. Results The prevalence of clinically significant macrocytosis (MCV≥99fl) in this sample of 2,047 patients was 1.6%. The prevalence of B12 deficiency was 2.4%, folate deficiency, 1.5%, elevated gamma-glutamyltransferase (GGT), 18%, elevated alanine aminotransferase (ALT), 8%, elevated aspartate aminotransferase (AST), 4.7%, current smoking, 15% and the metabolic syndrome, 31%. In multivariate logistic regression analysis with adjustment for age and gender the following variables were significantly associated with MCV ≥99fl; vitamin B12 deficiency OR 6.1 (95% CI: 2.0-18.4), folate deficiency OR 8.2 (95% CI 2.3-29.0), elevated GGT OR 2.3 (95% CI 1.0-4.9), elevated AST OR 8.0 (95% CI 3.5-18.6), current smoking status OR 6.0 (95% CI 2.8-12.5) and the metabolic syndrome OR 3.4 (95% CI 1.6-6.9). In further analyses adjusted for age, gender and all of the other relevant, significant variables, the association between smoking and macrocytosis was essentially unchanged, OR 5.7 (95%CI 2.6-12.7). By contrast the association with elevated GGT was attenuated following adjustment for the metabolic syndrome. The population attributable fraction for smoking was 38.4% followed by elevated AST, 22.9%, the metabolic syndrome, 13.8%, vitamin B12, 11.7% and folate deficiency, 7.0%. Conclusion Our findings suggest that smoking is an important cause of macrocytosis. Potential mechanisms include the direct toxic effect on erythrocytes of acetaldehyde in tobacco smoke and the response to reduced oxygen-carrying capacity. Macrocytosis frequently prompts a referral to a haematologist. Given the relatively low prevalence of vitamin B12 and folate deficiency in the community setting, considerable thought should be given to the impact of lifestyle factors on mean corpuscular volume. Patients with isolated macrocytosis should potentially be advised regarding smoking cessation. Further studies are required to delineate the effects of smoking on erythropoiesis. Disclosures: No relevant conflicts of interest to declare.

Introduction The metabolic syndrome (MS) as a disease entity rarely captures the attention of a clinical haematologist. The prevalence of the MS in the Irish population is estimated at 20% (Villegas et al. Prevalence and lifestyle determinants of the metabolic syndrome. Ir Med J. 2004; 97(10): 300-303). While insulin resistance is implicated, the pathogenesis uniting the components of the syndrome remains unclear. In an additional study from our group (O’Reilly et al. Submitted ASH 2013), we demonstrated an independent association between the MS and clinically significant macrocytosis (mean corpuscular volume≥99fl). In this study we estimated the population attributable fraction for macrocytosis associated with the MS at 13.8%. To our knowledge this link has not been reported previously in the literature. Aims To study the determinants of clinically significant macrocytosis with particular reference to the independent effects of the MS and its individual components in a cohort of 2,047 Irish patients aged 50-69 years sampled from a primary care centre (Mitchelstown Cohort). Methods Details of the methods of the Mitchelstown Cohort study including sampling and recruitment have been described (Kearney et al. Int. J. Epidemiol. (2012) doi: 10.1093/ije/dys131). The study is based in a large primary care centre serving a defined population in Southern Ireland. 66% of eligible patients participated in this study. The metabolic syndrome was defined using the International Diabetes Federation (IDF) 2006 criteria. Systolic and diastolic blood pressures (average of 3 readings), body mass index (BMI) and waist circumferences were measured. A pre-existing diagnosis of hypertension or type II diabetes and use of anti-hypertensive or lipid-lowering agents was recorded. Smoking status and alcohol intake were recorded using a validated questionnaire. Vitamin B12 and folate levels, fasting plasma glucose (FPG), HbA1c and lipid profiles, liver function and full blood counts were measured using standard automated analysers. Statistical analysis was performed using Stata©. Multivariate logistic regression was used to estimate prevalence odds ratios with 95% Confidence Intervals (OR, 95%CI) for macrocytosis and its potential determinants, including the MS and its constituent components. Results The prevalence of clinically significant macrocytosis (MCV≥99fl) in this sample of 2,047 patients was 1.6%. The prevalence of the MS was 31%, B12 deficiency 2.4%, folate deficiency, 1.5%, elevated gamma-glutamyltransferase (GGT), 18%, elevated alanine aminotransferase (ALT), 8%, elevated aspartate aminotransferase (AST), 4.7% and current smoking status, 15%. With respect to the IDF criteria, in univariate analyses, hypertension and elevated triglycerides (TG) were significantly associated with an MCV≥99fl (p=0.04, p=0.03 respectively). Central obesity, BMI, elevated FPG and low HDL did not reach significance. Self-reported alcohol intake was also non-significant. In multivariate logistic regression analysis with adjustment for age and gender the following variables were significantly associated with MCV ≥99fl; elevated TG OR 2.3 (95%CI 1.1-4.7), MS OR 3.4 (95% CI 1.6-6.9), vitamin B12 deficiency OR 6.1 (95% CI: 2.0-18.4), folate deficiency OR 8.2 (95% CI 2.3-29.0), elevated GGT OR 2.3 (95% CI 1.0-4.9), elevated AST OR 8.0 (95% CI 3.5-18.5) and current smoking status OR 6.0 (95% CI 2.8-12.5). In further analyses adjusting for age, gender and all other significant variables, the association between the MS and macrocytosis persisted, OR 3.0 (95%CI 1.3-6.9). Isolated elevated TG was no longer significant. The association between macrocytosis and elevated GGT was attenuated following adjustment for the MS. Conclusions In this study we observed an independent association between macrocytosis and the MS. Non-alcoholic fatty liver disease (NAFLD), with a clinical spectrum ranging from steatosis to steatohepatitis and cirrhosis, is strongly linked to the MS. However we have demonstrated an association independent of abnormal liver indices. As the obesity epidemic escalates worldwide, haematologists should consider its potential impact on red cell mean corpuscular volume. Additional research is needed to determine the effects of this cluster of metabolic disturbances on erythropoiesis. Disclosures: No relevant conflicts of interest to declare.

ObjectiveTo investigate associations between adverse childhood experiences (ACEs) and later-life depressive symptoms; and to explore whether perceived social support (PSS) moderates these.MethodWe analysed baseline data from the Mitchelstown (Ireland) 2010–2011 cohort of 2047 men and women aged 50–69 years. Self-reported measures included ACEs (Centre for Disease Control ACE questionnaire), PSS (Oslo Social Support Scale) and depressive symptoms (CES-D). The primary exposure was self-report of at least one ACE. We also investigated the effects of ACE exposure by ACE scores and ACE subtypes abuse, neglect and household dysfunction. Associations between each of these exposures and depressive symptoms were estimated using logistic regression, adjusted for socio-demographic factors. We tested whether the estimated associations varied across levels of PSS (poor, moderate and strong).Results23.7% of participants reported at least one ACE (95% CI 21.9% to 25.6%). ACE exposures (overall, subtype or ACE scores) were associated with a higher odds of depressive symptoms, but only among individuals with poor PSS. Exposure to any ACE (vs none) was associated with almost three times the odds of depressive symptoms (adjusted OR 2.85; 95% CI 1.64 to 4.95) among individuals reporting poor PSS, while among those reporting moderate and strong PSS, the adjusted ORs were 2.21 (95% CI 1.52 to 3.22) and 1.39 (95% CI 0.85 to 2.29), respectively. This pattern of results was similar when exposures were based on ACE subtype and ACE scores, though the interaction was clearly strongest among those reporting abuse.ConclusionsACEs are common among older adults in Ireland and are associated with higher odds of later-life depressive symptoms, particularly among those with poor PSS. Interventions that enhance social support, or possibly perceptions of social support, may help reduce the burden of depression in older populations with ACE exposure, particularly in those reporting abuse.

Ismertető esszé Pablo J. Boczkowski and Eugenia Mitchelstein The News Gap. When the Information of the Media and the Public Diverge (2013, MIT Press, Cambridge MA - London England) c. könyvéről --- From the back row Overview essay on Pablo J. Boczkowski and Eugenia Mitchelstein The News Gap. When the Information of the Media and the Public Diverge (MIT Press, Cambridge MA - London England, 2013, 320 pages, ISBN: 9780262019835)

El libro The Digital Environment: How We Live, Learn, Work, and Play Now, escrito por Pablo Boczkowski y Eugenia Mitchelstein (2021), ofrece un fascinante recorrido intelectual por dimensiones importantes del entorno digital –aquel donde, a la par de los entornos natural y urbano, se gestiona la vida diaria en la actualidad–. A través de un relato coral, que combina las voces de 60 autores del campo de la comunicación y los medios, el libro genera cuatro contribuciones destacadas para estudiosos de la mediatización y los medios digitales, también para lectores que usen –o rechacen el uso– de las tecnologías de comunicación e información contemporáneas y que deseen comprender teórica y empíricamente sus propias prácticas. Primero, el libro presenta y organiza los hallazgos más relevantes respecto de cómo se vive, aprende, trabaja, y juega digitalmente. Segundo, al visibilizar y tejer lazos entre voces expertas que trabajan con temáticas y perspectivas disímiles, el libro opera interdisciplinariamente: genera así diálogos y espacios de encuentro teóricos y metodológicos en un campo intelectual que se ha caracterizado por su hiperfragmentación. Tercero, corre a los medios digitales de la posición de objetos para reubicarlos como lugares donde se vive, sin quitarle centralidad a la agencia de los usuarios. Cuarto, propone una definición de entorno digital –caracterizado por su totalidad, dualidad, conflicto e indeterminación– que sortea a la tendencia contemporánea hacia la reificación de pánicos morales sobre los supuestos efectos negativos de las tecnologías de la comunicación e información.

Asediados por la actual crisis de su modelo de negocios, los medios de prensa buscan incrementar el número de lectores. Estos, a su vez, aumentan motorizados por las preferencias noticiosas de sus pares virtuales en redes sociales. En este escenario mediático-digital, la pregunta que subyace es: ¿en qué medida las decisiones de los usuarios de redes sociales afectarán los criterios de relevancia noticiosa que tomen periodistas y editores? En el actual entorno digital (Boczkowsky y Mitchelstein, 2022), el lector ha dejado de ser uno más entre otros factores extramediáticos para impregnar la labor editorial de manera significativa (Vu, 2014). De allí que la importancia creciente de los intercambios de noticias en redes sociales y las formas en que ello impacta en las prácticas rutinarias de los periodistas y editores incorpora nuevas preguntas al proceso de producción y circulación informativa. La hipótesis principal parte de que existe una conexión estrecha y causal entre el intercambio de noticias en línea (news sharing) y las decisiones editoriales de noticiabilidad de los medios digitales (gatekeeping). Este estudio toma como insumo la conversación en Twitter alrededor de la desaparición de Santiago Maldonado en Argentina, entre agosto y octubre de 2017, con el objeto de integrar dos perspectivas teóricas —el news sharing y el gatekeeping— y así responder preguntas nodales de la actual relación entre medios y públicos. Los medios, ¿crean noticias a la medida de usuarios ubicados en los extremos ideológicos de una conversación virtual o mantienen un perfil editorial moderado? Si los lectores importan a los medios, ¿en qué medida los usuarios ideológicamente más intensos e involucrados políticamente promoverán una mayor polarización entre las organizaciones mediáticas? Los resultados de este estudio evidencian que una correlación positiva entre la ideología (congruencia cognitiva) y la importancia dada a un asunto (atención) redundará, en primer lugar, en una sobrerrepresentación de las preferencias y las narrativas propuestas por los usuarios más «partisanos» (que son, por ende, más dependientes de la congruencia cognitiva en el consumo informativo). Como consecuencia, ello dará lugar a percepciones aumentadas de la polarización en la conversación virtual en la red Twitter.

Aside from total time spent in physical activity behaviors, how time is accumulated is important for health. This study examined associations between sitting, standing, and stepping bouts, with cardiometabolic health markers in older adults. Participants from the Mitchelstown Cohort Rescreen Study (N = 221) provided cross-sectional data on activity behaviors (assessed via an activPAL3 Micro) and cardiometabolic health. Bouts of ≥10-, ≥30-, and ≥60-min sitting, standing, and stepping were calculated. Linear regression models were fitted to examine the associations between bouts and cardiometabolic health markers. Sitting (≥10, ≥30, and ≥60 min) and standing (≥10 and ≥30 min) bouts were detrimentally associated with body composition measures, lipid markers, and fasting glucose. The effect for time spent in ≥60-min sitting and ≥30-min standing bouts was larger than shorter bouts. Fragmenting sitting with bouts of stepping may be targeted to benefit cardiometabolic health. Further insights for the role of standing need to be elicited.

Background Accurately measuring BMI in large epidemiological studies is problematic as objective measurements are expensive, so subjective methodologies must usually suffice. The purpose of this study is to explore a new subjective method of BMI measurement: BMI self-selection. Methods A cross-sectional analysis of the Mitchelstown Cohort Rescreen study, a random sample of 1,354 men and women aged 51–77 years recruited from a single primary care centre. BMI self-selection was measured by asking patients to select their BMI category: underweight, normal weight, overweight, obese. Weight and height were also objectively measured. Results 79% were overweight or obese: 86% of males, 69% of females (P < 0.001) and 59% of these underestimated their BMI. The sensitivity for correct BMI self-selection for normal weight, overweight and obese was 77%, 61% and 11% respectively. In multivariable analysis, gender, higher education levels, being told by a health professional to lose weight, and being on a diet were significantly associated with correct BMI self-selection. There was a linear trend relationship between increasing BMI levels and correct selection of BMI; participants in the highest BMI quartile had an approximate eight-fold increased odds of correctly selecting their BMI when compared to participants within the lower overweight/obese quartiles (OR = 7.72, 95%CI:4.59, 12.98). Conclusions BMI self-selection may be useful for self-reporting BMI. Clinicians need to be aware of disparities between BMI self-selection at higher and lower BMI levels among overweight/obese patients and encourage preventative action for those at the lower levels to avoid weight gain and thus reduce their all-cause mortality risk.

AbstractBackground and ObjectivesCognitive impairment among the elderly is an important concern worldwide. Evidence suggests that certain lifestyle behaviours may have a protective effect against cognitive decline. In this study we examined the relationship between a 5-component protective lifestyle behaviour score and cognitive function to determine whether the number of protective lifestyle behaviours is related to cognitive decline.Materials and MethodsThis was a cross-sectional analysis of the Mitchelstown Cohort Rescreen study, a random sample of men and women aged 51–77 years recruited from a single primary care centre. Cognitive function was assessed using the Mini Mental State Exam (MMSE) and cognitive data were available for 1,022 participants. Cognitive impairment was classified as an upper 75th percentile reversed MMSE score value for the study sample. We defined 5 low-risk protective lifestyle behaviours as never smoking, moderate alcohol intake, moderate to vigorous physical activity, a high-quality diet score (upper 40%) and a body mass index between 18.5 to 24.9 kg/m2. Linear and logistic regression analyses were used to test associations between a protective factor score and the MMSE.ResultsThere was a linear relationship between the number of protective lifestyle behaviours and mean cognitive score values and a significant inverse association was observed between a protective lifestyle score and the MMSE cognitive score (β = -0.20, 95% CI: -0.30, -0.10). Logistic regression suggested a dose-response relationship, with odds ratios of having poorer cognitive functioning being noticeably increased in subjects with 0 or 1 PLBs (OR = 2.18, 95% CI: 1.06, 4.52) when compared to participants with 4 or 5 PLBs in multivariable analysis.ConclusionsThese data imply that a combination of healthy lifestyle behaviours protects against cognitive impairment. As all of the examined factors are modifiable, small behavioural changes may help in preventing cognitive decline in an elderly population.

Abstract Background The global food system faces incessant and complex challenges of providing food for a growing population while remaining within planetary boundaries. Agriculture and food production depletes finite resources such as land, water and fossil fuels, and contributes to climate change. GHG emissions occur at every stage in the life cycle of a food from primary production through to processing, packaging, distribution, consumption, and waste. This results in approximately 34% of anthropogenic GHGEs globally. Thus, the aim of this study is to determine the levels of and contributors to dietary carbon footprint among older Irish adults. Methods Diet quality metrics explore associations between dietary patterns and health outcomes. A Food Frequency Questionnaire was used to assess dietary intake of participants in the Mitchelstown Cohort Study. To determine carbon footprint, foods were linked to CO2eq emission factors from life cycle assessment studies. The DASH and Mediterranean diet scores were used to determine if higher adherence to these recommended diets was associated with improved health outcomes and lower dietary GHGEs. Results Preliminary results suggest that the daily CO2eq is similar to a previous Irish study, which found that the daily dietary intake was 6.5 kg of CO2eq per person. As expected, consumption of red meat was the highest contributor to dietary carbon footprint. Fruit and vegetable consumption was low despite these foods having a lower carbon footprint. Conclusions The environmental impacts of current dietary patterns are substantial, threatening ecological integrity. Greater adherence to well-characterized diets has been associated with lower diet-related GHGE. Transforming our diets is required to build a resilient and sustainable food system, while safeguarding planetary health. However, nutrition and long-term health must remain a key component of any dietary change particularly in vulnerable and nutritionally compromised populations. Key messages Food systems and diets thereof are inextricably linked with nutrition, health and environmental issues. Dietary transitions are needed to reduce global burden of disease and environmental degradation. Consideration on the feasibility of adopting sustainable diets among older populations to ensure healthy ageing is required. Trade-offs arise between protein requirements and environmental impacts.

In Ireland today, we eat more pigmeat per capita, approximately 32.4 kilograms, than any other meat, yet you very seldom if ever see a pig (C.S.O.). Fat and flavour are two words that are synonymous with pig meat, yet scientists have spent the last thirty years cross breeding to produce leaner, low-fat pigs. Today’s pig professionals prefer to use the term “pig finishing” as opposed to the more traditional “pig fattening” (Tuite). The pig evokes many themes in relation to cuisine. Charles Lamb (1775-1834), in his essay Dissertation upon Roast Pig, cites Confucius in attributing the accidental discovery of the art of roasting to the humble pig. The pig has been singled out by many cultures as a food to be avoided or even abhorred, and Harris (1997) illustrates the environmental effect this avoidance can have by contrasting the landscape of Christian Albania with that of Muslim Albania.This paper will focus on the pig in Irish cuisine and culture from ancient times to the present day. The inspiration for this paper comes from a folklore tale about how Saint Martin created the pig from a piece of fat. The story is one of a number recorded by Seán Ó Conaill, the famous Kerry storyteller and goes as follows:From St Martin’s fat they were made. He was travelling around, and one night he came to a house and yard. At that time there were only cattle; there were no pigs or piglets. He asked the man of the house if there was anything to eat the chaff and the grain. The man replied there were only the cattle. St Martin said it was a great pity to have that much chaff going to waste. At night when they were going to bed, he handed a piece of fat to the servant-girl and told her to put it under a tub, and not to look at it at all until he would give her the word next day. The girl did so, but she kept a bit of the fat and put it under a keeler to find out what it would be.When St Martin rose next day he asked her to go and lift up the tub. She lifted it up, and there under it were a sow and twelve piglets. It was a great wonder to them, as they had never before seen pig or piglet.The girl then went to the keeler and lifted it, and it was full of mice and rats! As soon as the keeler was lifted, they went running about the house searching for any hole that they could go into. When St Martin saw them, he pulled off one of his mittens and threw it at them and made a cat with that throw. And that is why the cat ever since goes after mice and rats (Ó Conaill).The place of the pig has long been established in Irish literature, and longer still in Irish topography. The word torc, a boar, like the word muc, a pig, is a common element of placenames, from Kanturk (boar’s head) in West Cork to Ros Muc (headland of pigs) in West Galway. The Irish pig had its place in literature well established long before George Orwell’s English pig, Major, headed the dictatorship in Animal Farm. It was a wild boar that killed the hero Diarmaid in the Fenian tale The Pursuit of Diarmaid and Gráinne, on top of Ben Bulben in County Sligo (Mac Con Iomaire). In Ancient and Medieval Ireland, wild boars were hunted with great fervour, and the prime cuts were reserved for the warrior classes, and certain other individuals. At a feast, a leg of pork was traditionally reserved for a king, a haunch for a queen, and a boar’s head for a charioteer. The champion warrior was given the best portion of meat (Curath Mhir or Champions’ Share), and fights often took place to decide who should receive it. Gantz (1981) describes how in the ninth century tale The story of Mac Dathó’s Pig, Cet mac Matach, got supremacy over the men of Ireland: “Moreover he flaunted his valour on high above the valour of the host, and took a knife in his hand and sat down beside the pig. “Let someone be found now among the men of Ireland”, said he, “to endure battle with me, or leave the pig for me to divide!”It did not take long before the wild pigs were domesticated. Whereas cattle might be kept for milk and sheep for wool, the only reason for pig rearing was as a source of food. Until the late medieval period, the “domesticated” pigs were fattened on woodland mast, the fruit of the beech, oak, chestnut and whitethorn, giving their flesh a delicious flavour. So important was this resource that it is acknowledged by an entry in the Annals of Clonmacnoise for the year 1038: “There was such an abundance of ackornes this yeare that it fattened the pigges [runts] of pigges” (Sexton 45). In another mythological tale, two pig keepers, one called ‘friuch’ after the boars bristle (pig keeper to the king of Munster) and the other called ‘rucht’ after its grunt (pig keeper to the king of Connacht), were such good friends that the one from the north would bring his pigs south when there was a mast of oak and beech nuts in Munster. If the mast fell in Connacht, the pig-keeper from the south would travel northward. Competitive jealousy sparked by troublemakers led to the pig keepers casting spells on each other’s herds to the effect that no matter what mast they ate they would not grow fat. Both pig keepers were practised in the pagan arts and could form themselves into any shape, and having been dismissed by their kings for the leanness of their pig herds due to the spells, they eventually formed themselves into the two famous bulls that feature in the Irish Epic The Táin (Kinsella).In the witty and satirical twelfth century text, The Vision of Mac Conglinne (Aisling Mhic Conglinne), many references are made to the various types of pig meat. Bacon, hams, sausages and puddings are often mentioned, and the gate to the fortress in the visionary land of plenty is described thus: “there was a gate of tallow to it, whereon was a bolt of sausage” (Jackson).Although pigs were always popular in Ireland, the emergence of the potato resulted in an increase in both human and pig populations. The Irish were the first Europeans to seriously consider the potato as a staple food. By 1663 it was widely accepted in Ireland as an important food plant and by 1770 it was known as the Irish Potato (Mac Con Iomaire and Gallagher). The potato transformed Ireland from an under populated island of one million in the 1590s to 8.2 million in 1840, making it the most densely populated country in Europe. Two centuries of genetic evolution resulted in potato yields growing from two tons per acre in 1670 to ten tons per acre in 1800. A constant supply of potato, which was not seen as a commercial crop, ensured that even the smallest holding could keep a few pigs on a potato-rich diet. Pat Tuite, an expert on pigs with Teagasc, the Irish Agricultural and Food Development Authority, reminded me that the potatoes were cooked for the pigs and that they also enjoyed whey, the by product of both butter and cheese making (Tuite). The agronomist, Arthur Young, while travelling through Ireland, commented in 1770 that in the town of Mitchelstown in County Cork “there seemed to be more pigs than human beings”. So plentiful were pigs at this time that on the eve of the Great Famine in 1841 the pig population was calculated to be 1,412,813 (Sexton 46). Some of the pigs were kept for home consumption but the rest were a valuable source of income and were shown great respect as the gentleman who paid the rent. Until the early twentieth century most Irish rural households kept some pigs.Pork was popular and was the main meat eaten at all feasts in the main houses; indeed a feast was considered incomplete without a whole roasted pig. In the poorer holdings, fresh pork was highly prized, as it was only available when a pig of their own was killed. Most of the pig was salted, placed in the brine barrel for a period or placed up the chimney for smoking.Certain superstitions were observed concerning the time of killing. Pigs were traditionally killed only in months that contained the letter “r”, since the heat of the summer months caused the meat to turn foul. In some counties it was believed that pigs should be killed under the full moon (Mahon 58). The main breed of pig from the medieval period was the Razor Back or Greyhound Pig, which was very efficient in converting organic waste into meat (Fitzgerald). The killing of the pig was an important ritual and a social occasion in rural Ireland, for it meant full and plenty for all. Neighbours, who came to help, brought a handful of salt for the curing, and when the work was done each would get a share of the puddings and the fresh pork. There were a number of days where it was traditional to kill a pig, the Michaelmas feast (29 September), Saint Martins Day (11 November) and St Patrick’s Day (17 March). Olive Sharkey gives a vivid description of the killing of the barrow pig in rural Ireland during the 1930s. A barrow pig is a male pig castrated before puberty:The local slaughterer (búistéir) a man experienced in the rustic art of pig killing, was approached to do the job, though some farmers killed their own pigs. When the búistéirarrived the whole family gathered round to watch the killing. His first job was to plunge the knife in the pig’s heart via the throat, using a special knife. The screeching during this performance was something awful, but the animal died instantly once the heart had been reached, usually to a round of applause from the onlookers. The animal was then draped across a pig-gib, a sort of bench, and had the fine hairs on its body scraped off. To make this a simple job the animal was immersed in hot water a number of times until the bristles were softened and easy to remove. If a few bristles were accidentally missed the bacon was known as ‘hairy bacon’!During the killing of the pig it was imperative to draw a good flow of blood to ensure good quality meat. This blood was collected in a bucket for the making of puddings. The carcass would then be hung from a hook in the shed with a basin under its head to catch the drip, and a potato was often placed in the pig’s mouth to aid the dripping process. After a few days the carcass would be dissected. Sharkey recalls that her father maintained that each pound weight in the pig’s head corresponded to a stone weight in the body. The body was washed and then each piece that was to be preserved was carefully salted and placed neatly in a barrel and hermetically sealed. It was customary in parts of the midlands to add brown sugar to the barrel at this stage, while in other areas juniper berries were placed in the fire when hanging the hams and flitches (sides of bacon), wrapped in brown paper, in the chimney for smoking (Sharkey 166). While the killing was predominantly men’s work, it was the women who took most responsibility for the curing and smoking. Puddings have always been popular in Irish cuisine. The pig’s intestines were washed well and soaked in a stream, and a mixture of onions, lard, spices, oatmeal and flour were mixed with the blood and the mixture was stuffed into the casing and boiled for about an hour, cooled and the puddings were divided amongst the neighbours.The pig was so palatable that the famous gastronomic writer Grimod de la Reyniere once claimed that the only piece you couldn’t eat was the “oink”. Sharkey remembers her father remarking that had they been able to catch the squeak they would have made tin whistles out of it! No part went to waste; the blood and offal were used, the trotters were known as crubeens (from crúb, hoof), and were boiled and eaten with cabbage. In Galway the knee joint was popular and known as the glúiníns (from glún, knee). The head was roasted whole or often boiled and pressed and prepared as Brawn. The chitterlings (small intestines) were meticulously prepared by continuous washing in cool water and the picking out of undigested food and faeces. Chitterlings were once a popular bar food in Dublin. Pig hair was used for paintbrushes and the bladder was occasionally inflated, using a goose quill, to be used as a football by the children. Meindertsma (2007) provides a pictorial review of the vast array of products derived from a single pig. These range from ammunition and porcelain to chewing gum.From around the mid-eighteenth century, commercial salting of pork and bacon grew rapidly in Ireland. 1820 saw Henry Denny begin operation in Waterford where he both developed and patented several production techniques for bacon. Bacon curing became a very important industry in Munster culminating in the setting up of four large factories. Irish bacon was the brand leader and the Irish companies exported their expertise. Denny set up a plant in Denmark in 1894 and introduced the Irish techniques to the Danish industry, while O’Mara’s set up bacon curing facilities in Russia in 1891 (Cowan and Sexton). Ireland developed an extensive export trade in bacon to England, and hams were delivered to markets in Paris, India, North and South America. The “sandwich method” of curing, or “dry cure”, was used up until 1862 when the method of injecting strong brine into the meat by means of a pickling pump was adopted by Irish bacon-curers. 1887 saw the formation of the Bacon Curers’ Pig Improvement Association and they managed to introduce a new breed, the Large White Ulster into most regions by the turn of the century. This breed was suitable for the production of “Wiltshire” bacon. Cork, Waterford Dublin and Belfast were important centres for bacon but it was Limerick that dominated the industry and a Department of Agriculture document from 1902 suggests that the famous “Limerick cure” may have originated by chance:1880 […] Limerick producers were short of money […] they produced what was considered meat in a half-cured condition. The unintentional cure proved extremely popular and others followed suit. By the turn of the century the mild cure procedure was brought to such perfection that meat could [… be] sent to tropical climates for consumption within a reasonable time (Cowan and Sexton).Failure to modernise led to the decline of bacon production in Limerick in the 1960s and all four factories closed down. The Irish pig market was protected prior to joining the European Union. There were no imports, and exports were subsidised by the Pigs and Bacon Commission. The Department of Agriculture started pig testing in the early 1960s and imported breeds from the United Kingdom and Scandinavia. The two main breeds were Large White and Landrace. Most farms kept pigs before joining the EU but after 1972, farmers were encouraged to rationalise and specialise. Grants were made available for facilities that would keep 3,000 pigs and these grants kick started the development of large units.Pig keeping and production were not only rural occupations; Irish towns and cities also had their fair share. Pigs could easily be kept on swill from hotels, restaurants, not to mention the by-product and leftovers of the brewing and baking industries. Ed Hick, a fourth generation pork butcher from south County Dublin, recalls buying pigs from a local coal man and bus driver and other locals for whom it was a tradition to keep pigs on the side. They would keep some six or eight pigs at a time and feed them on swill collected locally. Legislation concerning the feeding of swill introduced in 1985 (S.I.153) and an amendment in 1987 (S.I.133) required all swill to be heat-treated and resulted in most small operators going out of business. Other EU directives led to the shutting down of thousands of slaughterhouses across Europe. Small producers like Hick who slaughtered at most 25 pigs a week in their family slaughterhouse, states that it was not any one rule but a series of them that forced them to close. It was not uncommon for three inspectors, a veterinarian, a meat inspector and a hygiene inspector, to supervise himself and his brother at work. Ed Hick describes the situation thus; “if we had taken them on in a game of football, we would have lost! We were seen as a huge waste of veterinary time and manpower”.Sausages and rashers have long been popular in Dublin and are the main ingredients in the city’s most famous dish “Dublin Coddle.” Coddle is similar to an Irish stew except that it uses pork rashers and sausage instead of lamb. It was, traditionally, a Saturday night dish when the men came home from the public houses. Terry Fagan has a book on Dublin Folklore called Monto: Murder, Madams and Black Coddle. The black coddle resulted from soot falling down the chimney into the cauldron. James Joyce describes Denny’s sausages with relish in Ulysses, and like many other Irish emigrants, he would welcome visitors from home only if they brought Irish sausages and Irish whiskey with them. Even today, every family has its favourite brand of sausages: Byrne’s, Olhausens, Granby’s, Hafner’s, Denny’s Gold Medal, Kearns and Superquinn are among the most popular. Ironically the same James Joyce, who put Dublin pork kidneys on the world table in Ulysses, was later to call his native Ireland “the old sow that eats her own farrow” (184-5).The last thirty years have seen a concerted effort to breed pigs that have less fat content and leaner meat. There are no pure breeds of Landrace or Large White in production today for they have been crossbred for litter size, fat content and leanness (Tuite). Many experts feel that they have become too lean, to the detriment of flavour and that the meat can tend to split when cooked. Pig production is now a complicated science and tighter margins have led to only large-scale operations being financially viable (Whittemore). The average size of herd has grown from 29 animals in 1973, to 846 animals in 1997, and the highest numbers are found in counties Cork and Cavan (Lafferty et al.). The main players in today’s pig production/processing are the large Irish Agribusiness Multinationals Glanbia, Kerry Foods and Dairygold. Tuite (2002) expressed worries among the industry that there may be no pig production in Ireland in twenty years time, with production moving to Eastern Europe where feed and labour are cheaper. When it comes to traceability, in the light of the Foot and Mouth, BSE and Dioxin scares, many feel that things were much better in the old days, when butchers like Ed Hick slaughtered animals that were reared locally and then sold them back to local consumers. Hick has recently killed pigs for friends who have begun keeping them for home consumption. This slaughtering remains legal as long as the meat is not offered for sale.Although bacon and cabbage, and the full Irish breakfast with rashers, sausages and puddings, are considered to be some of Ireland’s most well known traditional dishes, there has been a growth in modern interpretations of traditional pork and bacon dishes in the repertoires of the seemingly ever growing number of talented Irish chefs. Michael Clifford popularised Clonakilty Black Pudding as a starter in his Cork restaurant Clifford’s in the late 1980s, and its use has become widespread since, as a starter or main course often partnered with either caramelised apples or red onion marmalade. Crubeens (pigs trotters) have been modernised “a la Pierre Kaufman” by a number of Irish chefs, who bone them out and stuff them with sweetbreads. Kevin Thornton, the first Irish chef to be awarded two Michelin stars, has roasted suckling pig as one of his signature dishes. Richard Corrigan is keeping the Irish flag flying in London in his Michelin starred Soho restaurant, Lindsay House, where traditional pork and bacon dishes from his childhood are creatively re-interpreted with simplicity and taste.Pork, ham and bacon are, without doubt, the most traditional of all Irish foods, featuring in the diet since prehistoric times. Although these meats remain the most consumed per capita in post “Celtic Tiger” Ireland, there are a number of threats facing the country’s pig industry. Large-scale indoor production necessitates the use of antibiotics. European legislation and economic factors have contributed in the demise of the traditional art of pork butchery. Scientific advancements have resulted in leaner low-fat pigs, many argue, to the detriment of flavour. Alas, all is not lost. There is a growth in consumer demand for quality local food, and some producers like J. Hick & Sons, and Prue & David Rudd and Family are leading the way. The Rudds process and distribute branded antibiotic-free pig related products with the mission of “re-inventing the tastes of bygone days with the quality of modern day standards”. Few could argue with the late Irish writer John B. Keane (72): “When this kind of bacon is boiling with its old colleague, white cabbage, there is a gurgle from the pot that would tear the heart out of any hungry man”.ReferencesCowan, Cathal and Regina Sexton. Ireland's Traditional Foods: An Exploration of Irish Local & Typical Foods & Drinks. Dublin: Teagasc, 1997.C.S.O. Central Statistics Office. Figures on per capita meat consumption for 2009, 2010. Ireland. http://www.cso.ie.Fitzgerald, Oisin. "The Irish 'Greyhound' Pig: an extinct indigenous breed of Pig." History Ireland13.4 (2005): 20-23.Gantz, Jeffrey Early Irish Myths and Sagas. New York: Penguin, 1981.Harris, Marvin. "The Abominable Pig." Food and Culture: A Reader. Eds. Carole Counihan and Penny Van Esterik. 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