Journal articles on the topic 'Mistake-tolerance'

Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui sense of achievement individual pada Perusahaan Pentaphilos Project Indonesia. Jenis penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif deskriptif. Metode pengumpulan data dalam penelitian ini dilakukan melalui wawancara semi terstruktur yang dilakukan kepada enam orang informan, yang terdiri dari empat orang individu Pentaphilos Project Indonesia dan dua orang fasilitator Pentaphilos Project Indonesia. Uji validitas dan reliabilitas data adalah dengan melakukan triangulasi sumber. Subjek pada penelitian ini adalah individual Pentaphilos Project Indonesia dengan objek penelitian sense of achievement. Sampling pada penelitian ini menggukan purposive sampling. Tahap analisis data penelitian ini dengan melakukan reduksi data, penyajian data dan penarikan simpulan. Sense of achievement diukur menggunakan sebelas indikator yaitu consistenly working, acceptance of setback, swiftness of work, tolerance of mistake, out of service work, preference office work, feedback of work, coadaptation with team, difficulty level of assigned task, belief of success, dan compensation. Hasil dari penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa dari empat individu Pentaphilos Project Indonesia memiliki indikator sense of achievement. Satu dari empat individual Pentaphilos Indonesia yang memenuhi indikator sebelas sense of achievement. Tiga individu lainnya masih mencapai delapan dari sebelas indikator sense of achievement. Indikator yang sudah terpenuhi antara lain acceptance of setback, swiftness of work, tolerance of mistake, preference office work, feedback of work, coadaptation with team, dan belief of success.

Business developer needs to develop fault-tolerant process, but fault-tolerant process development based on exception handling mechanism provided by BPEL costs much time and is easy to make mistake. We analyze application exception throw chain theory of service-oriented system. Exception throwing of BPEL process is broadcasted among component layer, service layer and process layer. We also propose an application exception handling method for BPEL by using EHPDL-P. EHPDL-P can separate normal business logic and exception business logic, and thus it can enhance BPEL fault-tolerance ability.

Recently, the wireless sensor network (WSN) has been considered in different application, particularly in emergency systems. Therefore, it is important to keep these networks in high reliability using software engineering techniques in the field of fault tolerance. This paper proposed a fault node detection method in WSN using the self-checking technique according to the rules of software engineering. Then, the detected faulted node is covered employing the reading of nearest neighbor nodes (sensors). In addition, the proposed method sends a message for maintenance to solve the fault. The proposed method can reduce the time between the detection and recovery of a fault to prevent the confusion of adopting wrong readings, in which the detection is making with mistake. Moreover, it guarantees the reliability of the WSN, in terms of operation and data transmission. The proposed method has been tested over different scenarios and the obtained results show the superior efficiency in terms of recovery, reliability, and continuous data transmission.

"Molly Monster" is a perfect example of preparing the preschool audience for openness and respect for difference, tolerance, dialogue and listening, cooperation, joint decision making and wise acceptance of change. The film, showing how the main character, Molly, eagerly and joyfully awaits a big change in her family life - the birth of a sister or a brother, and emphasizes the importance of family ties, can therefore inspire to accept changes and adapt to new situations. In addition, the film presents a land where every inhabitant is very different - in size or physical appearance, and the story teaches that being different does not disturb cooperation, mutual help or making joint decisions and taking actions. The film presents an open approach to traditional social roles, emphasizes the role of self-confidence, but also the importance of admitting one's mistake and freedom in decision making.

What do we know about audit quality? An intriguing question for which society seems to have a readymade answer, while to the audit industry is much less clear about what it takes to get there. Society would seem to impose a zero-mistake tolerance on the audit industry. Surely society does not want to pay the price that would take audit quality to a level where quality is irreproachable. For that matter, it is not even clear that auditees who pay a premium fee get better quality. For instance, while industry specialization tends to have a positive effect on audit fees (Numan & Willekens, 2012a), competitive pressure may inflict a negative effect on quality. Numan and Willekens (2012b) report a negative impact on audit quality delivered by an auditor who faces competitive pressure from competitors who resemble the focal auditor in its range of activities. These results seem to suggest that society varies the price it is willing to pay for an audit. To the extent that audit fee is associated with the quality of the audit, it would appear that audit quality is not uniform across audit engagements.

7691 Background: NVB i.v. with CDDP has reported an optimal activity/tolerance ratio when used in combination with RT. The new oral formulation of NVB should be easier to use assuming a similar activity profile. An international phase II trial with NVBo + CDDP as induction followed by NVBo+CDDP+RT was implemented in order to evaluate the efficacy of this combination. Methods: Patients (pts) between 18 and 70 years, with histologically proven untreated locally advanced inoperable stage IIIA/IIIB (supraclavicular LN and pleural effusion excluded) NSCLC, adequate bone marrow, hepatic and renal function, KPS ≥ 80% were treated with NVBo D1,8 60 mg/m2 cycle 1 and 80 mg/m2 cycle 2 (if no haematological/non-haematological grade 3–4 toxicity) and CDDP 80 mg/m2 every 3 weeks for 2 cycles as induction. OR/NC pts received NVBo D1,8 40 mg/m2 and CDDP 80 mg/m2 every 3 weeks for 2 more cycles and RT 66 Gy in 6.5 weeks. Results: Between 12/01 and 12/03 54 pts were enrolled; stages IIIA 48%, IIIB 52%; squamous 59%; median age 57 years (range 41;71), median KPS 100% (range 80; 100%) 7% pts ≥ 5% weight loss at baseline. RDI of NVBo/CDDP were 86%/93% and 97%/98% at induction and in combination with RT, respectively. Forty-one pts (76%) during induction increased NVBo from 60 to 80 mg/m2. Reasons for non- escalation: haematological 7 pts, non-haematological 2, mistake 4. After 2 cycles of CT induction, OR (ITT) in the 54 pts was 37%. Toxicity during induction: G3–4 Neutropenia (28%), febrile neutropenia (7%), G3 nausea (11%), G3–4 vomiting (9%), G3 anorexia (4%) G4 diarrhoea (2%); G3 constipation (2%). Forty-seven out of 54 pts received CT-RT. Median RT delivered dose: 66 Gy. Tolerance: 9% G3 Neutropenia; no G3/4 oesophagitis; 2% G3 radiation dermatitis. Late pulmonary fibrosis 1 pt. One month after CT-RT completion the overall RR (ITT) in the 54 pts was 54% (95% CI: 40%; 67%). Median PFS/OS: 12.5 (95% CI: 9.6; 16.4) /23.4 (95% CI: 17.6; 29.8) months, respectively. Conclusion: NVB Oral with CDDP is effective in stage IIIA/IIIB pts. The excellent tolerance profile allowed to complete the CT/RT treatment in 94% of pts. NVB oral is a new and promising option which facilitates the concomitant administration of CT/RT. [Table: see text]

Object detection in remote sensing images plays an important role in both military and civilian remote sensing applications. Objects in remote sensing images are different from those in natural images. They have the characteristics of scale diversity, arbitrary directivity, and dense arrangement, which causes difficulties in object detection. For objects with a large aspect ratio and that are oblique and densely arranged, using an oriented bounding box can help to avoid deleting some correct detection bounding boxes by mistake. The classic rotational region convolutional neural network (R2CNN) has advantages for text detection. However, R2CNN has poor performance in the detection of slender objects with arbitrary directivity in remote sensing images, and its fault tolerance rate is low. In order to solve this problem, this paper proposes an improved R2CNN based on a double detection head structure and a three-point regression method, namely, TPR-R2CNN. The proposed network modifies the original R2CNN network structure by applying a double fully connected (2-fc) detection head and classification fusion. One detection head is for classification and horizontal bounding box regression, the other is for classification and oriented bounding box regression. The three-point regression method (TPR) is proposed for oriented bounding box regression, which determines the positions of the oriented bounding box by regressing the coordinates of the center point and the first two vertices. The proposed network was validated on the DOTA-v1.5 and HRSC2016 datasets, and it achieved a mean average precision (mAP) of 3.90% and 15.27%, respectively, from feature pyramid network (FPN) baselines with a ResNet-50 backbone.

I am grateful to Professor Dagger for his insightful critique. He brings out the continuities and differences between Democracy's Discontent and my earlier work with subtlety and care. He writes in defense of liberalism, but not without sympathy for many of the ideals I invoke in the name of republicanism—civic virtue, encumbered selves, obligations of membership, the formative project. In fact, his republican sympathies are so expansive that I found myself unsure at times whether I could identity a fundamental disagreement.Professor Dagger's basic objection, as I understand it, is this: I overstate the opposition between liberalism and republicanism, between autonomy and civic virtue; in drawing these distinctions too sharply, I fail to acknowledge the elements of liberalism I implicitly affirm. Professor Dagger accepts the importance of civic virtue and the formative project. But he considers it a mistake to oppose liberalism as vigorously as I do, and “particularly wrong to oppose republicanism to liberalism.” Instead, he favors a “hybrid” of liberalism and republicanism that combines autonomy and civic virtue. Any republicanism worth defending must include “a commitment to liberal principles, such as tolerance, fair play, and respect for the rights of others.”Whether liberalism and republicanism are compatible doctrines depends on how they are conceived. At a certain level of generality, there is no necessary conflict: the liberal tradition stands for toleration and individual rights, while the republican tradition stands for government by the people. Liberal rights support republican self rule by preventing the majority from oppressing the minority, while the republican emphasis on civic virtue restrains individuals from abusing their rights and ignoring the common good.

Summary Kick tolerance (KT) calculation is essential for a cost-effective well design and safe drilling operations. While most exploration and production operators have a similar definition of KT, the calculation is not consistent because of different assumptions that are made and the computational power of KT calculators. Dynamic multiphase drilling simulators usually provide KT estimates with a minimum number of assumptions. They are much more accessible nowadays for use in predicting the behavior of multiphase flow in drilling and well control operations. However, as far as we observed, the simulation services are mainly used for complex and marginal wells in which low KT may impose additional casing strings, unconventional costly drilling practices, or a high risk of major well control events. Thus, companies often use simplified steady-state models for relatively uncomplicated wells through their own KT calculation worksheets. This practice is usually justified by the misconception that simplified models are always conservative and give less KT than actual conditions. In contrast, some simplifications may lead to higher operational risks due to an overestimated KT, depending on well conditions and parameters. The primary objective of this work was to perform a quality assurance/quality control on KT calculation practices in Company P. Later on, based on our findings, we determined some solutions to improve accuracy in the simplified KT worksheets commonly used by engineers across the company. This became a driver for generating a new KT worksheet (Company Model), in particular for situations in which engineers do not have access to a kick simulator. However, it should not mislead readers about the requirements of the simulator for complex and low-KT wells. Quality assurance/quality control and subsequent investigations found that there are some important criteria and parameters that affect KT calculations, but they are missing in many simplified models or ignored by engineers because they are unaware of or lack adequate references. After reviewing relevant academic literature, common practices and assessing several off-the-shelf software programs, we generated a computer program using Visual Basic for applications to address KT sensitivity to different parameters in steady-state conditions. The newly developed program is based on a single gas bubble model that applies the effect of annular frictional losses, influx temperature, gas compressibility factor, well trajectory, and bottomhole assembly (BHA). Moreover, the program differentiates between swabbing and underbalanced conditions. A logical test is applied to determine the type of kick before computing the relevant influx volume. This kick classification concept is ignored in many KT models; this is a common mistake that leads to misleading results. The annular pressure loss (APL) parameter is sometimes assumed to be zero in KT spreadsheets, while as an additional stress load on the wellbore, it affects the kick budget and must be considered.

AbstractThis paper aims to explore the meaning of jihad using the analytical knife of Authoritative Hermeneutics which was initiated by Khaled Abu El Fadh. The view of Jihad that has spread widely in society is the result of a misunderstanding of hard-line Islamic groups. Such a mistake in thinking requires a reduction in thinking to be able to provide understanding to the community about a more inclusive teaching concept. This study uses a qualitative approach with descriptive analysis method. The results in this study reveal that the idea of Jihad according to Authoritative Hermeneutics is not the same as qital, in the Qur'an Jihad does not refer to battle or war. Jihad in Islam can mean an effort to harmonize a safe life in society, by not spreading worries, to bring about the suitability of life regardless of differences by prioritizing humanistic principles, as well as joint efforts to build a more decent life that avoids poverty in the midst of an increasingly developing era. It can be concluded from this paper that jihad is not only related to war but also talks about the moral and spiritual formation of people who uphold human values, tolerance, justice and equality in life by not creating gaps and worries in social life. AbstrakTulisan ini bertujuan untuk mengupas makna jihad dengan menggunakan pisau analis Hermeneutika Otoritatif yang digagas oleh Khaled Abu El Fadh . Pandangan tentang Jihad yang telah banyak menyebar dalam masyarakat merupakan hasil dari kesalahan berpikir kelompok Islam garis keras. Kesalahan berpikir yang demikian, diperlukan reduksi pemikiran untuk dapat memberikan pemahaman kepada masyarakat tentang sebuah konsep ajaran yang lebih inklusif. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan Kualitatif dengan metode Deskriptif analisis. Hasil dalam penelitian ini mengungkapkan bahwasannya gagasan Jihad menurut Hermeneutika Otoritatif tidak sama dengan qital, dalam al-Qur’an Jihad tidak merujuk pada pertempuran atau perang. Jihad dalam Islam bisa bermakna usaha menyelaraskan hidup yang aman dalam masyarakat, dengan tidak menebar kekhawatiran, menghadirkan kesesuaian hidup tanpa memandang perbedaan dengan mengedepankan prinsip humanistik, serta usaha bersama membangun kehidupan yang lebih layak yang terhindar dari kemiskinan di tengah kemajuan zaman yang semakin berkembang. Dapat disimpulkan dari tulisan ini bahwa jihad tidak hanya berkaitan dengan peperangan tapi juga berbicara tentang pembentukan moral dan spiritual umat yang menjunjung tinggi nilai-nilai kemanusiaan, toleransi, keadilan dan kesetaraan hidup dengan tidak menciptakaan kesenjangan dan kekhawatiran dalam hidup bermasyarakat.Kata Kunci: Hermeneutika Otoritatif Khaled Abu El Fadh; Jihad; Qital.

1) ZINC: In 1963, Prasad found that dwarfism in Egypt was caused by zinc deficiency. Since then, many clinical pictures involving zinc deficiency have been reported on, such as alopecia (baldness), intestinal acrodermatitis (dermatitis of the extremities), alcohol-induced anencephalic children, and depressed immune response. 2) COPPER: Wilson’s disease is characterized by hepato-cerebral degeneration, which is caused by the deposition of copper in the liver and the cerebrum. Chelete therapy has been applied to remove the copper from the organs in order to treat Wilson’s disease. However, during the last several years zinc or manganese has also been applied to remove copper. The therapy mechanism is based on the interaction of copper to zinc and manganese. Zinc and copper deficiency is also an important topic in medical elementology. 3) MERCURY: Sir Isaac Newton was well known to be distrustful of others in his last years. The clinical picture was characterized by severe neuropathy, which was caused by heavy exposure to mercury during his long scholarly life. Children sometimes break thermometer in their mouth. Does metallic mercury in the thermometer induce mercury intoxication ? The answer is no. Intestinal absorption of metallic mercury is quite low, and thus ingested mercury rarely induces intoxication. The mercury is simply excreted through the feces within a day or two. One should attempt to wash the mercury out from the stomach with water. However, do not treat the child with laxatives, as they can increase the intestinal absorption of mercury, resulting in intoxication. 4) METHYLMERCURY: Severe neuropathy was endemic among fishermen and their families in a particular area of Kyushu Island, Japan. They were found to have eaten a great amount of fish, which were contaminated with organic mercury emitted from a fertilizer producing plant. The disease was later named as Minamata disease. The total number of recognized patients has amounted to 3,000 people, to date. 5) CADMIUM: Cadmium deficiency was recently found to depress the development of baby animals by Anke. This finding suggests that cadmium is not only a harmful element but also an essential element. Itai-Itai disease is characterized as osteomalacia, which is followed by severe renal tubular damage. Patients were comprised largely of elderly women who lived in the Jintsu river basin over a long period, and ingested excess cadmium emitted from a mine, which contaminated the local rice and drinking water. Long-term monkey experiments could not demonstrate osteomalacia by cadmium, however, epidemiological and experimental studies showed that an age-related increase in blood pressure is accelerated by cadmium at low doses, but depressed by cadmium at high doses. 6) LEAD: Lead is a very useful element, but a very harmful element as well. Lead has a potent hematopoietic effect on adults, and also negative psycho-neurological effects on babies. Soil pollution from lead has been discussed in relation to depressed intelligence among children living in U. S. slums. Sometimes residents in rural areas are shot with lead slugs by mistake. Do does lead slugs cause lead intoxication? Usually not. Medication is necessary only when lead slugs injure blood vessels or neurons. Most lead slugs do not induce lead intoxication because the lead slugs are soon covered with granular tissues. 7) CHROMIUM: Chromium is one of the essential trace elements, and is related to glucose tolerance and transmission velocity of peripheral nerves. Adverse effects of excessive chromium are chromium ulcers, perforation of the nasal septum, and lung cancer. 8) ARSENIC: Neutron activation analysis revealed excess amounts of arsenic in the hair of Napoleon. It was then suspected that he was killed with arsenic. Concerning the cause of his death, it was shown that grapes were disinfected with arsenic in those days, and that Napoleon might have consumed excess arsenic from drinking wine. However, the cause of his death remains unsolved. On the other hand, arsenic was used to promote health in Austria. Huge doses of arsenic, lethal for ordinary people, were administered to Austrian youths to assist them in Alpinc hiking. Japanese, especially residents in seashore areas, eat sizable amounts of sea weeds, which contain a huge amount of arsenic. Do they suffer from arsenic intoxication? The answer is no. The chemical form of arsenic in sea weeds is methyl-arsenic, the detoxicated chemical form, which does not revert to the active chemical form of arsenic.

Learning from mistakes plays an important role in employee development; however, such a learning scale has not yet been developed. The objective of this study was to develop and examine the psychometric properties of the Learning from Mistakes Climate Scale (LMCS) in Malaysia. A pool of items was first developed based on the literature, with an expert panel then convened to select items that met the definition of learning from mistake climate in the workplace, specifically in Malaysia. The experts agreed on 23 items to be rated. In total, 554 working adults with a mean age of 32.28 were then recruited for this study. The LMCS was administered at baseline and 10–14 days later as a retest: 468 participants took part in the retest study, a dropout rate of 15.52%. Confirmatory factor analysis showed that the LMCS is a 17-item one-factor model. Validity, in its various forms, was supported, namely convergent validity, criterion validity, and predictive validity. Analysis also showed significant reliability, that is, test–retest reliability and in all intra-class correlations. The LMCS was found to be a valid and reliable instrument to assess the learning from mistake climate in Malaysia. This is the first scale in the organizational learning climate literature to integrate the mistake tolerance aspect. This instrument can assist in creating a psychologically safe work environment that helps to facilitate learning, especially in a highly hierarchical, collectivistic culture that is high in power distance.

The article describes a new way to define the threshold voltage for Machine Learning-based Digital Residual Current Circuit Breaker (RCCB), enabling the right cut-off point. Using the described methods, the authors obtained a gap to common mid voltage being around 0.5 V. The proposed technique is illustrated with three different loads of 3W, 5W, and 9W as the scope of this work. The authors try to apply it in Residual Current Circuit Breaker (RCCB). It could be useful in a hospital with a limited number of technicians to maintain various machines quickly. This work tries to realize a machine that could find out the best condition to cut off the electricity when there is any leakage current but keep the supply if it is still under tolerance. This allows improving the mistake of the midpoint about 16.97% over its wide range. The effectiveness of Python libraries usage realized the Artificial Neural Network (ANN) implementation as one of machine-learning algorithms. The learning process is applied to the measured leakage current data set. It goes with input preprocessing, training, testing, and data analysis. From all of those steps, it is possible to determine the induction voltage threshold at 1.080 from 3.3V as its maximum value with a negligible loss value of 0.0006. By comparing the value with a reference, it can be concluded that this method could be used in a real situation.

It’s a cool autumn morning and I am grateful for the sun as it warms the wet concrete. I have been told we will be spending some time outside later, so I am hopeful it will remain sunny. When everyone arrives, we go directly to the principal’s office. Once inside, someone points at the PA system. People pull out their cameras and take a quick photo—we were told the PA system in each school can be different so information about the broadcasting mechanism could be helpful in an emergency. I decide to take a photo as well. Figure 1: PA system inside the principal's office (Photo by Michelle Stewart) The principal joins us and we begin the task of moving through the school: a principal, two plain clothes police officers, two uniformed police officers, two police volunteers and an anthropologist researcher. Our goal is to document the entire school for a police program called School Action For Emergencies (SAFE) that seeks to create emergency plans for each school on a national Canadian police database. It is a massive undertaking to collect the data necessary to create the interactive maps of each school. We were told that potential hiding spaces were one focus alongside the general layout of the school; the other focus is thinking about potential response routes and staging for emergency responders. We snap photos based on our morning training. Broom closets and cubbyholes are now potential hiding spots that must be documented with a photo and narrated with a strategy. Misplaced items present their own challenges. A large gym mattress stored under the stairs. The principal comments that the mattress needs to be returned to the gym; a volunteer crouches down and takes a picture in the event that it remains permanently and creates a potential hiding spot. Figure 2: Documenting gym mat in hallway/potential hiding spot (Photo by Michelle Stewart) We emerge from the school, take a photo of the door, and enter the schoolyard. We move along the fence line: some individuals take notes about the physical characteristics of the property, others jot down the height of the retaining wall, still others take photos of the neighboring properties. Everyone is taking notes, taking photos, or comparing notes and photos. Soon we will be back at the police station for the larger project of harmonizing all the data into a massive mapping database. Locating the State in Its Objects Focusing on a Canadian police program called School Action for Emergency (SAFE), this article discusses the material labour practices required to create a virtual object—an augmented map. This mapping program provides a venue through which to consider the ways augmented objects come into the world. In this article, I discuss the labour practices necessary to create this map and then illustrate how labour practices are erased as part of this production and consumption of an augmented technology meant to facilitate an effective emergency response. In so doing, I will also discuss the production of authority and expertise through deployment of these police aids. As someone concerned with the ways in which the state instantiates itself into the lives of its subjects, I look at the particular enrollment practices of citizen and state agents as part of statecraft (Stewart). From Weber we are told about the role of police as they relate to state power, “state is a human community that (successfully) claims the monopoly of the legitimate use of physical force within a given territory. Note that 'territory' is one of the characteristics of the state. Specifically, at the present time, the right to use physical force is ascribed to other institutions or to individuals only to the extent to which the state permits it” (Weber, 34 my emphasis). I would argue that part of this monopoly involves cultivating citizen consent; that the subordination of citizens is equally important to police power as is the state’s permission to act. One way citizen consent is cultivated is through the performance of expertise such that subjects agree to give police power because police appear to be experts. Seen this way, police aids can be critical in cultivating this type of consent through the appearance of police as experts when they appear all knowing; what is often forgotten are the workers and aids that support that appearance (think here of dispatchers and databases). Becoming SAFE The SAFE project is an initiative of the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP), the national police force in Canada. The goal of the program is to “certify” every school in the country, meaning each school will have documentation of the school that has been uploaded into the SAFE computer program. As illustrated in the introduction, this is a time-consuming process requiring not only photos and other data be collected but also all of this data and material be uploaded into the RCMP’s centralized computer program. The desired effect is that each school will have a SAFE program so police and dispatchers can access this massive collection of the data in the event of an emergency. During my time conducting research with the RCMP, I attended training sessions with John, a young corporal in the national police force. One of John’s duties was to coordinate the certification of the SAFE program that included training sessions. The program was initiated in 2007, and within one year, the province we were working in began the process of certifying approximately 850 of its 1700 schools; it had completed over 170 schools and identified 180 local SAFE coordinators. In that first year alone over 23,000 photos had been uploaded and 2,800 school layouts were available. In short, SAFE was a data heavy, labour-intensive process and one of John’s jobs was to visit police stations to get them started certifying local schools. Certification requires that at least one police officer be involved in the documentation of the school (photos and notes). After all the data is collected it must be articulated into the computer program through prompts that allow for photos and narratives to be uploaded. In the session described in the introduction, John worked with a group of local police and police auxiliaries (volunteers). The session started with a short Power Point presentation that included information about recent school tragedies, an audio clip from Columbine that detailed the final moments of a victim as she hid from killers, and then a practical, hands-on engagement with the computer software. Prior to leaving for on-site data collection, John had the trainees open the computer program to become familiar with the screens and prompts. He highlighted the program was user-friendly, and that any mistake made could be corrected. He focused on instilling interest before leaving for the school to collect data. During this on-site visit, as I trailed behind the participants, I was fascinated by one particularly diligent volunteer. He bent, climbed, and stretched to take photos and then made careful notations. Back at the police station he was just as committed to detail when he was paired up with his partner in front of the computer. They poured over their combined notes and photos; making routes and then correcting them; demanding different types of maps to compare their handwritten notes to the apparent errors in the computer map; demanding a street map for one further clarification of the proposed route. His commitment to the process, I started to think, was quite substantial. Because of his commitment, he had to engage in quite a bit of labour. But it was in this process of refining his data that I started to see the erasure of labour. I want to take some time now to discuss the process of erasure by turning attention to feminist and labour theory emerging from science and technology studies as means to articulate what was, and was not, taking place during the data entry. Maria Puig de la Bellacasa highlights the role of care as it relates to labour. In so doing, she joins a literature that draws attention to the ways in which labour is erased through specific social and material practices (see for example works in Gibson-Graham, Resnick and Wolf). More specifically, Puig de la Bellacasa investigates care in labour as it effects what she calls “knowledge politics” (85). In her work, Puig de la Bellaca discusses Suchman’s research on software design programs that produce virtual “office assistants” to assist the user. Suchman’s work reveals the ways in which this type of “assistant” must be visible enough to assist the user but not visible enough to require recognition. In so doing, Suchman illustrates how these programs replicate the office (and domestic servant) dynamics. Seen this way, labour becomes undervalued (think for example interns, assistants, etc.) and labour that is critical to many offices (and homes). Suchman’s work in this area is helpful when thinking about the role of augmented objects such as the augmented police map because in many ways it is a type of office assistant for police officers, handing over virtual notes and information about a location that police would otherwise not necessarily know thereby replicating the office dynamic of the boss that appears all knowing because, in part, s/he has a team that supports every aspect of their work. This devalued work (the lower paid intern or assistant) facilitates the authority—and ultimately the higher wage of the boss—who appears to earn this status. Let me layer this analysis of the “office assistant” with the similar phenomena in scientific knowledge production. Steven Shapin, a sociologist of science, discusses Robert Boyle’s 17th century laboratory and the various technicians in the background that assisted in experiments but remained ignored. Shapin argues contemporary scientific practice has changed little in this regard as technicians remain unaccounted for in the scientific record. He points out “science could not be made if this technician’s work were not done, but it is thought that anyone can do it” (Shapin, 557). Without these workers and their labour, scientific knowledge would not be possible, and yet they are ignored and their labour contribution erased (for example not included in formal discussion about the research, or more recently not included as authors in articles). Of course many technicians are/were paid, but nevertheless their role in the experiment erased. One figure emerged as the expert, the scientist, whose work appeared to be solely configured and created. Programs such as the SAFE project illustrate ways in which the police officer can emerge as an authority figure; but the authority rests on labour practices that move around in the background and go unacknowledged. Much like the lab, there are many ignored figures that produce the necessary objects of police work. In the case of the SAFE program, the ideal is that a police officer will respond to a call for service and with the click of a computer screen will be immersed in this augmented map. One click reveals data about the PA system, another click offers a full layout of the school, instructions about the design of the exits, notes about potential hiding spots inside, the list goes on. Each click is a product of labourer(s) that compiled the data. But these individuals, much like Boyle’s laboratory technicians, fade into the background and are erased as the police officer emerges as an authority. The map, an augmented object, may be credited with the data it holds, but the data collectors are long forgotten as the police officer stands alone as the subject of authority because of the smooth effects of the augmented map. Smooth Effects In an era of big data and data-intensive experiences, augmented objects are increasingly present in our daily lives—with expanded tolerance and appetite. When engaging an augmented object, there is a built-in expectation that the object will "work;" meaning it will run smoothly and effectively. Take Google Maps as an example: one expects the program will run on different scales, offer the capacity to map directions, and perhaps most importantly to be accurate. When these augmented objects run smoothly they appear to be a self-contained and organized object in and of themselves. This paper intervenes on these assumptions to illustrate that this “smooth effect” can serve to erase the labour necessary to produce the effect. Thinking here of the commodity fetish, one can recall Karl Marx’s intervention that illustrated how objects, commodities, permeate our social worlds in such ways that we can see the object—that we only see the object. This concept, commodity fetishism, argues that we erase the labour and social relations involved in the production of the objects, that we forget all that was required to create the object, and we don’t see all that was destroyed in its making. An example is to think of a cup of coffee. As you sip and consume it, do you think of the commodity chain? Do you think of the worker, the working conditions necessary to plant, harvest, roast and distribute the beans; do you think about the production of the bag the beans were transported in; do you think of the warehouse or coffeehouse from which the bag of beans came from? You more likely think about how it tastes—as an object in and of itself, how it is, rather than how it came into being in the world. Similarly, I want to think about this augmented map and how attention turns to it, not how it came into the world. Thinking about labour as it relates to computer programs and computer worlds, social scientists have investigated the necessary work of computer programmers and other labourers (see for example Kelty). Tiziana Terranova discusses the immaterial and affective labour that makes online communities thrive as individuals lend their labour (often unpaid) to create an online “world” that appears to organically come together—she argues these online communities are a product of free labour. Although the police are not working for “free” the volunteers are and the valorization of labour, if erased, still results in the similar outcome. Terranova is concerned about online communities that don’t simply come into being, but rather are the product of free labour. In the case of the SAFE program, labour practices are rendered invisible when augmented objects appear to be running smoothly —when in fact this appearance of smoothness necessarily requires labour and the commodity being exchanged is the claim to authority. Figure 3: Cross referencing hardcopy map (Photo by Michelle Stewart) Figure 4: Using a hand-drawn map to assist data entry (Photo by Michelle Stewart) Moving in a different direction, but still thinking about labour, I want to turn to the work of Chris Kortright. In his work about agricultural scientists, Kortright carefully details the physical practices associated with growing an experimental crop of sorghum. From the counting and washing of the seeds, to the planting and harvesting of the seeds, he delivers rich ethnographic stories from experimental fields and labs. He closes with the story of one researcher as she enters all the data into the computer to generate one powerpoint. He explains her frustration: “You can’t see all the time we spent. The nights we slept here. All the seeds and plants. The flooding and time at the greenhouse. All the people and the labour.” I nodded, these things had disappeared. In the table, only numbers existed. (Kortright, 20) Kortright argues for the need to recognize the social relations carved out in the field that are erased through the process of producing scientific knowledge—the young researcher ultimately knowing her labour did have a place on the slide.In much the same way, the police and volunteers engaged in a practice of removing themselves from the map. There was not enough space for long sentences explaining the debate about the best route to take; longer sentences were replace with short-phrased instructions. Conjuring the image of the police officer looking for fast, quick information, quick data was what they would deliver. The focus of the program was to place emergency icons (police cars, ambulance, fire engines and helicopters) onto the map, outline response routes, and offer photos as the evidence. Their role as individuals and their labour and creativity (itself a form of labour) was erased as the desired outcome was ease and access to data—a smooth effect. I was often told that many of the police cars don’t yet have a computer inside but in an idealized future world, police cars would be equipped with a computer console. In this world, officers could receive the call for service, access the program and start to move through layers of data rapidly while receiving the details of the call. This officer would arrive informed, and prepared to effectively respond to the emergency. Thinking back to labour required to create the SAFE map for each school (photographing, mapping, writing instructions, comparing details, etc.) and then the processes of hiding that labour (limited photos and short instructions) so that the program would appear to run smoothly and be user-friendly, the SAFE program, as an object, serves to abstract and erase labour. Indeed, the desired result was a smooth running program that operated much like Suchman’s office assistant who should be just visible enough to provide the needed help but otherwise remain invisible; similar in many ways to Shapin/Boyle’s scientific technician who is critical to knowledge production and yet remains formally unrecognized. Conclusion This article investigated a map as an entry point to understand the ways in which labour can be erased in augmented objects and, concurrently, how authority figures or experts instead emerge. My goal was to discuss the labour necessary to make one augmented map while also describing the process by which the labour necessary for the map was concurrently erased. Central to this article are the ways in which labour is erased as one clicks between these layers of data and, in the process, thinks the smoothly operating computer program is a measure of the strength of program itself, and not the labour required therein. By focusing on this augmented object, I am pointing out the collective labour needed to co-produce the map but how that map then helps to produce the police officer as authority figure. My intention is to look at the map as an unexpected entry point through which to understand how consent and authority is cultivated. Accordingly, I am concerned with the labour that is erased as this police figure emerges and authority is cultivated on the ground. I focus on the labour that necessarily to produce the police officer as expert because when that labour is erased we are left only with the authority figure that appears to be self-evident—not co-constructed. To understand state practices, as practices and not magical phenomena, we must look for the ways in which the state comes into being through particular practices, such as policing and to identify the necessary labour involvedReferencesGibson-Graham, J.K., Stephen Resnick, and Richard Wolff, eds. Re/Presenting Class: Essays in Postmodern Marxism. Durham: Duke University Press, 2000. Kelty, Chris. Two Bits: The Cultural Significance of Free Software. Durham: Duke University Press, 2008. Kortright, Chris. “On Labour and Creative Transformations in the Experimental Fields of the Philippines.” East Asian Science, Technology and Society: An International Journal 7.4 (2013). Marx, Karl. Capital: A Critique of Political Econony Vol. 1. New York: Penguin Books, 2004. Puig de la Bellacasa, Maria. “Matters of Care in Technoscience: Assembling Neglected Things.” Social Studies of Science 41.1 (2011): 85-106. Shapin, Stephen. “The Invisible Technician.” Scientific American 77 (1989): 554-563. Stewart, Michelle. “The Space between the Steps: Reckoning in an Era of Reconciliation.” Contemporary Justice Review 14.1 (2011): 43-63. Suchman, Lucy. Human-Machine Reconfigurations. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2007. Terranova, Tiziana. “Free Labour: Producing Culture for the Digital Economy.” Social Text 63 (2000): 33-58. Weber, Max. The Vocation Lectures: "Science as a Vocation", "Politics as a Vocation." Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing Company, 2004.

Give me the liberty to know, to utter, and to argue freely according to conscience, above all liberties. —John Milton (1608-1674) Introduction The publication of 12 cartoons depicting images of Prophet Mohammed [Peace Be Upon Him] first in Denmark’s Jyllands-Posten on 30 September 2005, and later reprinted in European media and two New Zealand newspapers, sparked protests around the Muslim world. The Australian newspapers – with the exception of The Courier-Mail, which published one cartoon – refrained from reprinting the cartoons, acknowledging that depictions of the Prophet are regarded as “blasphemous by Muslims”. How is this apparent act of restraint to be assessed? Edward Said, in his book Covering Islam has acknowledged that there have been many Muslim provocations and troubling incidents by Islamic countries such as Iran, Libya, Sudan, and others in the 1980s. However, he contends that the use of the label “Islam” by non-Muslim commentators, either to explain or indiscriminately condemn “Islam”, ends up becoming a form of attack, which in turn provokes more hostility (xv-xvi). This article examines how two Australian newspapers – The Australian and The West Australian – handled the debate on the Prophet Muhammad cartoons and considers whether in the name of “free speech” it ended in “a form of attack” on Australian Muslims. It also considers the media’s treatment of Muslim Australians’ “free speech” on previous occasions. This article is drawn from the oral testimonies of Muslims of diverse ethnic background. Since 1998, as part of PhD and post-doctoral research on Muslims in Australia, the author conducted 130 face-to-face, in-depth, taped interviews of Muslims, aged 18-90, both male and female. While speaking about their settlement experience, several interviewees made unsolicited remarks about Western/Australian media, all of them making the point that Muslims were being demonised. Australian Muslims Many of Australia’s 281,578 Muslims — 1.5 per cent of the total population (Australian Bureau of Statistics) — believe that as a result of media bias, they are vilified in society as “terrorists”, and discriminated in the workplace (Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission; Dreher 13; Kabir 266-277). The ABS figures support their claim of discrimination in the workplace; in 1996 the unemployment rate for Muslim Australians was 25 per cent, compared to 9 per cent for the national total. In 2001, it was reduced to 18.5 per cent, compared to 6.8 per cent for the national total, but the ratio of underprivileged positions in the labour market remained almost three times higher than for the wider community. Instead of reflecting on Muslims’ labour market issues or highlighting the social issues confronting Muslims since 9/11, some Australian media, in the name of “free speech”, reinforce negative perceptions of Muslims through images, cartoons and headlines. In 2004, one Muslim informant offered their perceptions of Australian media: I think the Australian media are quite prejudiced, and they only do show one side of the story, which is quite pro-Bush, pro-Howard, pro-war. Probably the least prejudiced media would be ABC or SBS, but the most pro-Jewish, pro-America, would be Channel Seven, Channel Nine, Channel Ten. They only ever show things from one side of the story. This article considers the validity of the Muslim interviewee’s perception that Australian media representation is one-sided. On 26 October 2005, under the headline: “Draw a Cartoon about Mohammed and You Must Die”, The Australian warned its readers: ISLAM is no laughing matter. Danish newspaper, Jyllands-Posten, is being protected by security guards and several cartoonists have gone into hiding after the newspaper published a series of 12 cartoons about the prophet Mohammed. According to Islam, it is blasphemous to make images of the prophet. Muslim fundamentalists have threatened to bomb the paper’s offices and kill the cartoonists (17). Militant Muslims The most provocative cartoons appearing in the Danish media are probably those showing a Muhammad-like figure wearing a turban shaped as a bomb with a burning fuse coming out of it, or a queue of smoking suicide bombers on a cloud with an Islamic cleric saying, “Stop stop we have run out of virgins”. Another showed a blindfolded Muslim man with two veiled Muslim women standing behind him. These messages appeared to be concerned with Islam’s repression of women (Jyllands-Posten), and possibly with the American channel CBS airing an interview in August 2001 of a Palestinian Hamas activist, Muhammad Abu Wardeh, who recruited terrorists for suicide bombings in Israel. Abu Wardeh was quoted as saying: “I described to him [the suicide bomber] how God would compensate the martyr for sacrificing his life for his land. If you become a martyr, God will give you 70 virgins, 70 wives and everlasting happiness” (The Guardian). Perhaps to serve their goals, the militants have re-interpreted the verses of the Holy Quran (Sura 44:51-54; 55:56) where it is said that Muslims who perform good deeds will be blessed by the huris or “pure being” (Ali 1290-1291; 1404). However, since 9/11, it is also clear that the Muslim militant groups such as the Al-Qaeda have become the “new enemy” of the West. They have used religion to justify the terrorist acts and suicide bombings that have impacted on Western interests in New York, Washington, Bali, Madrid amongst other places. But it should be noted that there are Muslim critics, such as Pakistani-born writer, Irshad Manji, Bangladeshi-born writer Taslima Nasreen and Somalian-born Dutch parliamentarian Ayaan Hirsi Ali, who have been constant critics of Muslim men’s oppression of women and have urged reformation. However, their extremist fellow believers threatened them with a death sentence for their “free speech” (Chadwick). The non-Muslim Dutch film director, Theo van Gogh, also a critic of Islam and a supporter of Ayaan Hirsi Ali, advocated a reduction in immigration into Holland, especially by Muslims. Both van Gogh and Hirsi Ali – who co-scripted and co-produced the film Submission – received death threats from Muslim extremists because the film exhibited the verses of the Quran across the chest, stomach and thighs of an almost naked girl, and featured four women in see-through robes showing their breasts, with texts from the Quran daubed on their bodies, talking about the abuse they had suffered under Islam (Anon 25). Whereas there may be some justification for the claim made in the film, that some Muslim men interpret the Quran to oppress women (Doogue and Kirkwood 220), the writing of the Quranic verses on almost-naked women is surely offensive to all Muslims because the Quran teaches Muslim women to dress modestly (Sura 24: 30-31; Ali 873). On 4 November 2004, The West Australian reported that the Dutch director Theo van Gogh was murdered by a 26-year-old Dutch-Moroccan Muslim on 2 November 2004 (27). Hirsi Ali, the co-producer of the film was forced to go into hiding after van Gogh’s murder. In the face of a growing clamour from both the Dutch Muslims and the secular communities to silence her, Ayaan Hirsi Ali resigned from the Dutch Parliament in May 2006 and decided to re-settle in Washington (Jardine 2006). It should be noted that militant Muslims form a tiny but forceful minority of the 1.4 billion Muslims worldwide. The Muslim majority are moderate and peaceful (Doogue and Kirkwood 79-80). Some Muslim scholars argue that there is specific instruction in the Quran for people to apply their knowledge and arrive at whatever interpretation is of greatest benefit to the community. It may be that stricter practitioners would not agree with the moderate interpretation of the Quran and vice versa (Doogue and Kirkwood 232). Therefore, when the Western media makes a mockery of the Muslim religion or their Prophet in the name of “free speech”, or generalises all Muslims for the acts of a few through headlines or cartoons, it impacts on the Muslims residing in the West. Prophet Muhammad’s Cartoons With the above-mentioned publication of Prophet Muhammad’s cartoons in Denmark, Islamic critics charged that the cartoons were a deliberate provocation and insult to their religion, designed to incite hatred and polarise people of different faiths. In February 2006, regrettably, violent reactions took place in the Middle East, Europe and in Asia. Danish embassies were attacked and, in some instances, were set on fire. The demonstrators chanted, “With our blood and souls we defend you, O Prophet of God!”. Some replaced the Danish flag with a green one printed with the first pillar of Islam (Kalima): “There is no god but God and Mohammed is the messenger of God”. Some considered the cartoons “an unforgivable insult” that merited punishment by death (The Age). A debate on “free speech” soon emerged in newspapers throughout the world. On 7 February 2006 the editorial in The West Australian, “World Has Had Enough of Muslim Fanatics”, stated that the newspaper would not publish cartoons of Mohammad that have drawn protests from Muslims around the world. The newspaper acknowledged that depictions of the prophet are regarded as “blasphemous by Muslims” (18). However, the editorial was juxtaposed with another article “Can Liberty Survive a Clash of Cultures?”, with an image of bearded men wearing Muslim head coverings, holding Arabic placards and chanting slogans, implying the violent nature of Islam. And in the letters page of this newspaper, published on the same day, appeared the following headlines (20): Another Excuse for Muslims to Threaten Us Islam Attacked Cartoon Rage: Greatest Threat to World Peace We’re Living in Dangerous Times Why Treat Embassies with Contempt? Muslim Religion Is Not So Soft Civilised World Is Threatened The West Australian is a state-based newspaper that tends to side with the conservative Liberal party, and is designed to appeal to the “man in the street”. The West Australian did not republish the Prophet Muhammad cartoon, but for 8 days from 7 to 15 February 2006 the letters to the editor and opinion columns consistently criticised Islam and upheld “superior” Western secular values. During this period, the newspaper did publish a few letters that condemned the Danish cartoonist, including the author’s letter, which also condemned the Muslims’ attack on the embassies. But the overall message was that Western secular values were superior to Islamic values. In other words, the newspaper adopted a jingoistic posture and asserted the cultural superiority of mainstream Australians. The Danish cartoons also sparked a debate on “free speech” in Australia’s leading newspaper, The Australian, which is a national newspaper that also tends to reflect the values of the ruling national government – also the conservative Liberal party. And it followed a similar pattern of debate as The West Australian. On 14 February 2006, The Australian (13) published a reader’s criticism of The Australian for not republishing the cartoons. The author questioned whether the Muslims deserved any tolerance because their Holy Book teaches intolerance. The Koran [Quran] (22:19) says: Garments of fire have been prepared for the unbelievers. Scalding water shall be poured upon their heads, melting their skins and that which is in their bellies. Perhaps this reader did not find the three cartoons published in The Australian a few days earlier to be ‘offensive’ to the Australian Muslims. In the first, on 6 February 2006, the cartoonist Bill Leak showed that his head was chopped off by some masked people (8), implying that Muslim militants, such as the Hamas, would commit such a brutal act. The Palestinian Hamas group often appear in masks before the media. In this context, it is important to note that Israel is an ally of Australia and the United States, whereas the Hamas is Israel’s enemy whose political ideology goes against Israel’s national interest. On 25 January 2006, the Hamas won a landslide victory in the Palestine elections but Israel refused to recognise this government because Hamas has not abandoned its militant ideology (Page 13). The cartoon, therefore, probably means that the cartoonist or perhaps The Australian has taken sides on behalf of Australia’s ally Israel. In the second cartoon, on 7 February 2006, Bill Leak sketched an Arab raising his sword over a school boy who was drawing in a classroom. The caption read, “One more line and I’ll chop your hand off!” (12). And in the third, on 10 February 2006, Bill Leak sketched Mr Mohammed’s shadow holding a sword with the caption: “The unacceptable face of fanaticism”. A reporter asked: “And so, Mr Mohammed, what do you have to say about the current crisis?” to which Mr Mohammed replied, “I refuse to be drawn on the subject” (16). The cartoonist also thought that the Danish cartoons should have been republished in the Australian newspapers (Insight). Cartoons are supposed to reflect the theme of the day. Therefore, Bill Leak’s cartoons were certainly topical. But his cartoons reveal that his or The Australian’s “freedom of expression” has been one-sided, all depicting Islam as representing violence. For example, after the Bali bombing on 21 November 2002, Leak sketched two fully veiled women, one carrying explosives under her veil and asking the other, “Does my bomb look big in this”? The cartoonist’s immediate response to criticism of the cartoon in a television programme was, “inevitably, when you look at a cartoon such as that one, the first thing you’ve got to do is remember that as a daily editorial cartoonist, you’re commenting first and foremost on the events of the day. They’re very ephemeral things”. He added, “It was…drawn about three years ago after a spate of suicide bombing attacks in Israel” (Insight). Earlier events also suggested that that The Australian resolutely supports Australia’s ally, Israel. On 13-14 November 2004 Bill Leak caricatured the recently deceased Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat in The Weekend Australian (18). In the cartoon, God appeared to be displeased with him and would not allow him to enter paradise. Arafat was shown with explosives strapped to his body and threatening God by saying, “A cloud to myself or the whole place goes up….”. On the other hand, on 6 January 2006 the same cartoonist sympathetically portrayed ailing Israeli leader Ariel Sharon as a decent man wearing a black suit, with God willing to accept him (10); and the next day Sharon was portrayed as “a Man of Peace” (12). Politics and Religion Thus, the anecdotal evidence so far reveals that in the name of “freedom of expression”, or “free speech” The West Australian and The Australian newspapers have taken sides – either glorifying their “superior” Western culture or taking sides on behalf of its allies. On the other hand, these print media would not tolerate the “free speech” of a Muslim leader who spoke against their ally or another religious group. From the 1980s until recently, some print media, particularly The Australian, have been critical of the Egyptian-born Muslim spiritual leader Imam Taj el din al-Hilali for his “free speech”. In 1988 the Australian Federation of Islamic Councils bestowed the title of Mufti to Imam al- Hilali, and al-Hilali was elevated to a position of national religious leadership. Al-Hilali became a controversial figure after 1988 when he gave a speech to the Muslim students at Sydney University and accused Jews of trying to control the world through “sex, then sexual perversion, then the promotion of espionage, treason and economic hoarding” (Hewett 7). The Imam started being identified as a “Muslim chief” in the news headlines once he directly criticised American foreign policy during the 1990-91 Gulf crisis. The Imam interpreted US intervention in Kuwait as a “political dictatorship” that was exploiting the Gulf crisis because it was seen as a threat to its oil supply (Hewett 7). After the Bali bombings in 2002, the Howard government distributed information on terrorism through the “Alert and Alarmed” kit as part of its campaign of public awareness. The first casualty of the “Be alert, but not alarmed” campaign was the Imam al-Hilali. On 6 January 2003, police saw a tube of plastic protruding from a passenger door window and suspected that al-Hilali might have been carrying a gun when they pulled him over for traffic infringements. Sheikh al-Hilali was charged with resisting arrest and assaulting police (Morris 1, 4). On 8 January 2003 The Australian reminded its readers “Arrest Adds to Mufti’s Mystery” (9). The same issue of The Australian portrayed the Sheikh being stripped of his clothes by two policemen. The letter page also contained some unsympathetic opinions under the headline: “Mufti Deserved No Special Treatment” (10). In January 2004, al-Hilali was again brought under the spotlight. The Australian media alleged that al-Hilali praised the suicide bombers at a Mosque in Lebanon and said that the destruction of the World Trade Center was “God’s work against oppressors” (Guillatt 24). Without further investigation, The Australian again reported his alleged inflammatory comments. Under the headline, “Muslim Leader’s Jihad Call”, it condemned al-Hilali and accused him of strongly endorsing “terrorist groups Hezbollah and Hamas, during his visit to Lebanon”. Federal Labor Member of Parliament Michael Danby said, “Hilali’s presence in Australia is a mistake. He and his associates must give authorities an assurance he will not assist future homicide attacks” (Chulov 1, 5). Later investigations by Sydney’s Good Weekend Magazine and SBS Television found that al-Hilali’s speech had been mistranslated (Guillatt 24). However, the selected print media that had been very critical of the Sheikh did not highlight the mistranslation. On the other hand, the Archbishop of Sydney, Cardinal George Pell has been critical of Islam and is also opposed to Australia’s involvement in the Iraq war in 2003, but the print media appeared to ignore his “free speech” (Dateline). In November 2004, Dr Pell said that secular liberal democracy was empty and selfish, and Islam was emerging as an alternative world view that attracted the alienated (Zwartz 3). In May 2006, Dr Pell said that he tried to reconcile claims that Islam was a faith of peace with those that suggested the Quran legitimised the killings of non-Muslims but: In my own reading of the Koran [Quran], I began to note down invocations to violence. There are so many of them, however, that I abandoned this exercise after 50 or 60 or 70 pages (Morris). Muslim leaders regarded Dr Pell’s anti-Islam statement as “inflammatory” (Morris). However, both the newspapers, The Australian and The West Australian remained uncritical of Dr Pell’s “free speech” against Islam. Conclusion Edward Said believed that media images are informed by official definitions of Islam that serve the interests of government and business. The success of the images is not in their accuracy but in the power of the people who produce them, the triumph of which is hardly challenged. “Labels have survived many experiences and have been capable of adapting to new events, information and realities” (9). In this paper the author accepts that, in the Australian context, militant Muslims are the “enemy of the West”. However, they are also the enemy of most moderate Australian Muslims. When some selected media take sides on behalf of the hegemony, or Australia’s “allies”, and offend moderate Australian Muslims, the media’s claim of “free speech” or “freedom of expression” remains highly questionable. Muslim interviewees in this study have noted a systemic bias in some Australian media, but they are not alone in detecting this bias (see the “Abu Who?” segment of Media Watch on ABC TV, 31 July 2006). To address this concern, Australian Muslim leaders need to play an active role in monitoring the media. This might take the form of a watchdog body within the Australian Federation of Islamic Councils. If the media bias is found to be persistent, the AFIC might then recommend legislative intervention or application of existing anti-discrimination policies; alternatively, AFIC could seek sanctions from within the Australian journalistic community. One way or another this practice should be stopped. References Ali, Abdullah Yusuf. The Holy Quran: Text, Translation and Commentary. New Revised Ed. Maryland, USA: Amana Corporation, 1989. Anonymous. “Dutch Courage in Aftermath of Film-Maker’s Slaying.” The Weekend Australian 6-7 Nov. 2004. 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Ismaa – Listen: National Consultations on Eliminating Prejudice against Arab and Muslim Australians. Sydney: Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission, 2004. Jyllands-Posten. 24 Jan. 2006. http://www.di2.nu/files/Muhammad_Cartoons_Jyllands_Posten.html>. Jardine, Lisa. “Liberalism under Pressure.” BBC News 5 June 2006. 12 June 2006 http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/magazine/5042418.stm>. Kabir, Nahid. Muslims in Australia: Immigration, Race Relations and Cultural History. London: Kegan Paul, 2005. Media Watch. “Abu Who?” ABC Television 31 July 2006. http://abc.net.au/mediawatch/>. Morris, Linda. “Imam Facing Charges after Row with Police.” Sydney Morning Herald 7 Jan. 2003. Morris, Linda. “Pell Challenges Islam – O Ye, of Little Tolerant Faith.” Sydney Morning Herald 5 May 2006. Page, Jeremy. “Russia May Sell Arms to Hamas.” The Australian 18 Feb. 2006. Said, Edward. Covering Islam: How the Media and the Experts Determine How We See the Rest of the World. London: Vintage, 1981, 1997. Submission. “Film Clip from Short Submission.” Submission. 11 June 2006. http://www.ifilm.com/ifilmdetail/2655656?htv=12> The Age. “Embassies Torched over Cartoons.” 5 Feb. 2006. http://www.theage.com.au>. The Guardian. “Virgins? What Virgins?” 12 Jan. 2002. 4 June 2006 http://www.guardian.co.uk/>. Zwartz, Barney. “Islam Could Be New Communism, Pell Tells US Audience.” Sydney Morning Herald 12 Nov. 2004. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Kabir, Nahid. "Depiction of Muslims in Selected Australian Media: Free Speech or Taking Sides." M/C Journal 9.4 (2006). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0609/1-kabir.php>. APA Style Kabir, N. (Sep. 2006) "Depiction of Muslims in Selected Australian Media: Free Speech or Taking Sides," M/C Journal, 9(4). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0609/1-kabir.php>.