Journal articles on the topic 'Mishʻan (Israel)'

The work of many emerging young rabbinics scholars today, particularly that which is focused on the Mishnah, is animated by a desire to synthesize two distinct approaches to rabbinic texts. One is the traditional philological-historical approach, which traces its roots back to the European Wissenschaft des Judentums tradition of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. In its current form, traditional Talmud criticism is perhaps most associated in Israel with the work of J. N. Epstein, the founder of the Hebrew University Talmud Department and the “father of exact scientific Talmudic inquiry.” While most of Epstein's students proceeded to shape the study of rabbinic literature in the Israeli academy, Saul Lieberman, perhaps his most distinguished disciple, moved to America, where his presence dominated the study of rabbinic literature at the Jewish Theological Seminary in the postwar decades. Traditional Talmud criticism is characterized by a scrupulous attention to manuscripts and textual variants, a systematic use of the findings of Semitic and comparative linguistics, and the use of form and source criticism to determine the history and development of larger textual units.

What is the possibility of secular law in the religious Jewish state? This article will focus this question on the attitude of Zionist halakhic decisors toward the secular law of the land when that land is the State of Israel. Are these decisors willing to recognize Israeli law as falling into the halakhic category of “the King's Law” (mishpat ha-melekh)? Halakhic literature offers various justifications for the king's authority. The first justification is philosophical and jurisprudential; the second is political; and the third is legal in nature. Various justifications for the King's Law yield different models of its force and authority, which contrast in the relationship they posit between the King's Law and Torah Law. This article examines this question from the perspective of the legal discussion of the relationship between competing systems of law (private international law and issues related to the conflict of laws).

Indian strategic thinking towards Israel is not monolithic. It is diverse and plural. There have been many voices in India towards Zionism and Israel. Questions related to Palestine, Zionism and Israel have been discussed in detail in India since the beginning of the twentieth century. Mahatma Gandhi was against Zionism in general and its methods particularly. Jawaharlal Nehru was also against Zionism but seemed ambiguous on the question of Israel which made him hesitant in engaging the Jewish state. Indian Left has demonstrated very critical approach towards Zionism and Israel. Hindu nationalist Vinayak Damodar Savarkar was sympathetic of the Zionist project and was supportive of the movement to establish a national home for the Jews. Political realists like J. N. Dixit and Brijesh Mishra and conservative strategist like Bharat Karnard in India were in favour of Israel and advocated mutually beneficial bilateral strategic cooperation between both the countries. Contemporary Indian debate on Israel is still polarised though the dominant view is supportive of Israel.

Mark S. Smith merupakan satu di antara peneliti Kitab Ibrani; khususnya teks-teks ANET (Ancient Near Eastern Text) bersama dengan beberap ahli bahasa Semit barat seperti Frank Moore Cross, Michael D. Morgan dan Brevard S. Child. Akan tetapi, Smith lebih dikenal dengan model interpretasi Israel sebagai satu entitas dengan bangsa sekitarnya – dalam hal ini Kanaan. Pendekatan ini menghasilkan metodologi penting untuk melihat Israel dengan cara berbeda – yaitu Israel sebagai bangsa yang identik dengan bangsa-bangsa Kanaan – berlawanan dengan pemahaman yang selama ini melihat kedua bangsa sebagai vis-a-vis berdasarkan informasi Kitab Ibrani. Buku ini berupaya menggambarkan upaya memahami Israel tidak dapat diperoleh melalui sejarah semata. Berbicara mengenai Israel sebagai umat dengan beberapa mishpat, kemudian berlanjut menjadi sebuah bangsa dalam koridor monarki, sampai mereka masuk dan kembali dari pembuangan; termasuk di dalamnya sistem agama mereka, hanya dapat dilakukan melalui memori. Memori yang dimaksud Smith dalam hal ini adalah melalui proses convergence dan differentiation. Pada masa awal Israel, bangsa ini tidak berbeda dengan bangsa-bangsa sekitarnya; termasuk di dalamnya sistem keagaman yang mereka anut. El, Baal, Anat dan Asherah menjadi allah utama Israel. El menjadi sesembahan utama Israel bersamaan dengan Yahweh. Baal menjadi sesembahan Daud ketika ia berseru Baal Perazim (allah memberikan terobosan) dalam 2 Samuel 5:20 dan 1 Tawarik 14:11 (hal.74-76).

Mark S. Smith merupakan satu di antara peneliti Kitab Ibrani; khususnya teks-teks ANET (Ancient Near Eastern Text) bersama dengan beberap ahli bahasa Semit barat seperti Frank Moore Cross, Michael D. Morgan dan Brevard S. Child. Akan tetapi, Smith lebih dikenal dengan model interpretasi Israel sebagai satu entitas dengan bangsa sekitarnya – dalam hal ini Kanaan. Pendekatan ini menghasilkan metodologi penting untuk melihat Israel dengan cara berbeda – yaitu Israel sebagai bangsa yang identik dengan bangsa-bangsa Kanaan – berlawanan dengan pemahaman yang selama ini melihat kedua bangsa sebagai vis-a-vis berdasarkan informasi Kitab Ibrani. Buku ini berupaya menggambarkan upaya memahami Israel tidak dapat diperoleh melalui sejarah semata. Berbicara mengenai Israel sebagai umat dengan beberapa mishpat, kemudian berlanjut menjadi sebuah bangsa dalam koridor monarki, sampai mereka masuk dan kembali dari pembuangan; termasuk di dalamnya sistem agama mereka, hanya dapat dilakukan melalui memori. Memori yang dimaksud Smith dalam hal ini adalah melalui proses convergence dan differentiation. Pada masa awal Israel, bangsa ini tidak berbeda dengan bangsa-bangsa sekitarnya; termasuk di dalamnya sistem keagaman yang mereka anut. El, Baal, Anat dan Asherah menjadi allah utama Israel. El menjadi sesembahan utama Israel bersamaan dengan Yahweh. Baal menjadi sesembahan Daud ketika ia berseru Baal Perazim (allah memberikan terobosan) dalam 2 Samuel 5:20 dan 1 Tawarik 14:11 (hal.74-76).

The remains of a >50-years-old male, thus far representing the only complete skeleton dated to the Early Chalcolithic (Wadi Rabah) period in Israel, were recovered in a cave in the Judaean desert (Nahal Mishmar, F1-003). The old male suffered abscesses in the maxilla following tooth caries, and a well-healed trauma in the left tibial midshaft. Skull and mandibular morphology were described using plain measurements, indices and angles, and compared with similarly taken Chalcolithic data. In addition, mandibular morphology was captured using a landmark-based geometric morphometrics method and compared to Natufian hunter-gatherers, Pre-Pottery Neolithic early farmers, and Late Chalcolithic populations. The results, although cautionary, reveal similarity to the succeeding Ghassulian Chalcolithic period populations and suggest population continuity from the Early to the Late (Ghassulian) Chalcolithic period. Future ancient DNA study may clarify this hypothesis and further reveal population affinity in this period in Israel.

The “[Torah] scholar” and the “scientist” thus part waysThe Torah scholar and the Jurist both supplement each other's workAt the beginning of the 1950s (or thereabouts) Rabbi Yitzhak (Isaac) ha-Levi Herzog, Ashkenazi Rabbi of the State of Israel and a researcher of Jewish law, delivered a lecture to a group of lawyers. He opened with the following comments: Before beginning my lecture, I would like to correct an error in its title, and I would ask that the correction also be published in the press. The subject I chose to lecture on was “Knowledge and Will in Contract and Property in Mishpat ha-Torah.” The words “In comparison with English law” were added subsequently, without my knowledge. In my introduction to the second volume of my English work on Mishpat ha-Torah, I have already condemned a conspicuous proclivity in large portions of the modern literature on Mishpat ‘Ivri, to invariably search for comparisons and analogies from external sources. In essence, from an internal, spiritual perspective, such a comparison—God forbid—is inconceivable, for as the heavens are higher than the earth, so the Divine Torah granted from heaven is higher than any kind of jurisprudential system produced by human intellect and spirit. At the most, it is useful for explanatory purposes, enlisting human intellect to invoke external concepts in explaining certain concepts of Mishpat ha-Torah for those who are not conversant with classical Jewish sources, but are familiar with other legal systems. Therefore, my lecture is not devoted to comparison but rather to explanation, in other words explaining with the assistance of concepts and definitions taken from English law.

Abstract This article discusses rabbinic traditions about Moses and Aaron that address questions of hierarchy, status, envy, and fraternity between the brothers. It suggests that considering the time periods and places in these traditions were written adds a crucial dimension to understanding them. Information about the social and religious challenges of the era illustrates the social dynamics at the end of the Second Temple period and in the time of the Mishnah and Talmud. This reveals an aspect of the nature of the leadership crisis and shows the positions and desires of the emerging heirs to leadership. Such an historicist approach relies on the paradigm in the literature regarding Aaron’s character. It allows for optimal understanding of trends in treatment of these traditions among the sages in the Land of Israel.

Nella cosmogonia vicino-orientale l’ordine politico si riflette in tutto il cosmo. In confronto eon tale concezzione del potere, Israele ha elaborato un altro modelio della creazione, armonizzato eon suo monoteismo rigoroso. Deutero-Isaia era propagatore precipuo di questa fede nel potere universale di Jahve. Il Libro di Giobbe, redatto nell’epoca dell’impero persiano, contiene un testimonio splendido del dibattimento sul probierna della ricompesa e della sofferenza. Immagini mitologici di combattimento delle divinità sono stati applicati ad illustrare il superamento di Jahvè sulle potenze del caos. La sapienza di Jahvè e il suo incrollabile governo guarantirono la stabilità del mondo creato e l’ordine morale. La giustizia (mishpat) divina costituisce fonadamento del potere politico e dell'ordine morale nel mondo.

AbstractContemporary archaeology offers three methodological options: the classlcal, the processual or scientific, and the post-processual. I propose a stance of "chastened realism" that integrates aspects of all three options toward a program for recovering information about non-élite sectors of ancient societies, and particularly for reconstructing their systems of gender, kinship, and labour The discipline of archaeology manipulates space in the effort to understand it. However the space that one seeks to understand - that is, to manage epistemologically - is space that already has undergone material, logical, and ideological management. Archaeology in the mode of "chastened realism" is a reflective technique for understanding multiply managed space. Examples taken from gender archaeology as conducted in the Amerleas suggest how questions of gender and economic organization might be investigated in Israel, with particular attention to the city of Sepphorts in Galilee in the era of the Gospels and the Mishnah (1-2 century C.E.).

In this second installment of his interview for JPS, Khalid Mishal, Hamas politburo chief since 1996 and head of the movement since the assassination of Shaykh Ahmad Yasin in 2004, continues his discussion of Hamas's evolution and strategy. Whereas the focus of part I was Mishal's personal background, political formation, and the founding of the movement, here Hamas's more recent history is foregrounded. From the unfolding conflict and troubled relations with Fatah since the mid-1990s, Mishal recounts the thinking behind the decision formally to integrate into the Palestinian political system born of Oslo by participating the 2006 legislative elections and joining the Palestinian Authority government. He also delves into the ongoing repercussions of these decisions, including the splits within the Palestinian movement culminating in Hamas's seizure of power in the Gaza Strip in June 2007. In the course of the more than three-hour interview, Mishal's straightforward manner is on display, as well as his willingness to be challenged on matters as sensitive as Hamas's suicide bombings and the targeting of Israeli civilians, the utility of armed resistance, and the morality of the struggle.

Rabbi Zvi Hirsch Kalisher (1795–1874), best known for his proto-national thinking and advocacy of settlement in the Land of Israel in the third quarter of the 19th century, was crowned a preeminent ”Precursor of Zionism”. However, his halakhic teachings, which have never been properly researched, represent a fount of perspectives that help refine our understanding of his ideological and activist program. This article focuses on Moznayim LaMishpat (1855) and his unfinished halakhic work that attempted to complete the Ḥoshen Mishpat codex, not by composing another commentary on the Shulkhan Arukh or an independent halakhic treatise but by glossing the text of the Shulkhan Arukh itself, as did Isserles. Apart from all the halakhot that were renewed by commentators and the halakhic approaches of the medieval sages that were absent from the Shulkhan Arukh and the Isserles glosses, this codex also contains the sources and reasons for the halakhot. Finally, Kalischer sought to restore the authority of communal autonomy that had eroded in the 19th century and had rendered the relevance of the laws of Ḥoshen Mishpat questionable by emphasizing public consent as an alternative to transcendent authority. He even extended the idea of public consent to the legislative, executive, and punitive powers of the monarchial legal system (Mishpetei ha-Melukhah) by arguing that these rested on the authority of the general public, just as they are vested in the king. In his view, public authority is not limited to community legislation or repealing the regulations of the Sages; it also wields the power of the monarchial legal system, which parallels the halakhic legal system.

The precise historical moment when Deut 6 (Shema Israel) was transformed into a prayer ritual is uncertain and a matter of scholarly debate. It is generally assumed that by the time of the Mishnah’s redaction (ca. 200 C. E.), the recitation of the Shema was already a standardized ritual because the Mishnah refers to it as a well-known practice. Indeed, the Mishnah takes for granted that its audience is so familiar with the prayer that it does not define it at all, but rather delves immediately into detailed discussions of its timing and exceptions that might arise in everyday life. Other sources from the Second Temple period, however, challenge the idea of the antiquity and ubiquity of such a standard prayer ritual composed of biblical verses from Deuteronomy and Numbers. This paper examines a number of key texts from the Second Temple period that seemingly refer to the recitation of the Shema prayer and that have been used by scholars to reconstruct the origins of this liturgical ritual. Through a close reading of four of these sources (the Letter of Aristeas, Philo, the Community Rule, and Josephus), I argue that they might not refer to the practice of the Shema recitation that we know from later rabbinic literature. Rather, they provide us with a lens into the diversity of ways that Deut 6:6–7 – “take to heart these instructions… impress them on your children… recite them when you stay at home and when you are away, when you lie down and when you get up” – was understood and fulfilled in the Second Temple period. The Letter of Aristeas describes an act of meditating on God’s works of creation; the Community Rule prescribes daily recitation of laws; Philo emphasizes the instruction of justice; and Josephus frames the obligation as a commandment to commemorate the deliverance out of Egypt twice daily. The particular framing of the Shema ritual that we come to know in the Mishnah might have appropriated and extended the practice of reciting the Shema in the temple (some evidence suggests that the Shema was recited in the temple), but this was only one of the ways in which Deut 6:7 was enacted and fulfilled in the pre-destruction period.

The Mishnah, a philosophical treatise in the form of a law-code produced by sages of Judaism in the Land of Israel at c. A.D. 200, works out in acute detail a set of philosophical principles expressed in general principles in other writings of the same age. These principles emerge only in the medium of practical logic and applied reason, rather than in the philosophical idiom of abstraction and generalization. For example, principles of political economics familiar from Aristotle's writings make their appearance in sustained inquiries into such matters as the nature of profit or interest, the principles of distributive economics enforced in the markets, and profound speculation on the nature of true value. Along these same lines, as I shall show here, the interests of natural philosophy in questions of the physics of mixtures come to expression in the Mishnah's authorship's treatment of the problem of mixtures. True, the facts that require explanation take an odd and even egregious form. While Stoic physics asked about mixtures in the abstract, the Mishnah's authorities addressed the same questions in quite concrete terms, the one speaking of things in general, the other of meat and gravy, water, flour and dough. But the principles of physics that tell us how to differentiate one kind of mixture from another and how, therefore, to draw consequences from the different traits of things that fuse, affect one another in some ways but not in others, or are merely juxtaposed with no mutual affect, are not merely parallel; they are in fact identical.

Sudah sejak awal abad pertama Kristianisme memisahkan diri dari tradisi Yudaisme dan menjadi agama baru sama sekali, meskipun Yesus yang menjadi pokok iman mereka adalah seorang Yahudi. Agama Kristen diajarkan oleh Yesus dengan melepaskan diri dari tradisi Yahudi yang ortodoks, demikianlah anggapan umum hingga sekarang. Maka baik bagi orang Kristen maupun orang Yahudi, seluruh ajaran Kristiani tidak bisa dikembalikan pada akar tradisi Yahudi. Keduanya saling membedakan diri satu sama lain. Yesus mengajarkan “cinta kasih” dan para murid-Nya mempertentangkan ajaran ini dengan ajaran Taurat yang sangat menekankan hukum. Sementara itu jemaat Yahudi menuduh orang Kristen (Yahudi) murtad dari tradisi mereka. Kesan mengenai pertentangan yang sangat keras antara Kristianisme dan Yudaisme di masa lalu ini antara lain juga yang menjadi sebab dari dan memicu—atau setidaknya diduga demikian—munculnya gerakan antisemitisme di Eropa hingga abad keduapuluh. Akan tetapi apakah Kristianisme dan Yudaisme patut dipertentangkan satu sama lain? Dalam buku kecil ini, Daniel Boyarin—seorang rabi Yahudi yang ortodoks serta Profesor Retorika dan Budaya Talmud, Universitas California, Berkeley—mengajukan pandangan bahwa Yesus adalah seorang yang setia pada tradisi Yahudi. Ini berarti ajaran-ajaran yang disampaikan-Nya, setidaknya yang asli, tidaklah menyimpang dari Taurat dan Kitab para Nabi. Jikalau dalam Kristianisme terdapat ajaran yang menyimpang dari sumber Yahudi, maka kiranya karena hal itu ditambahkan atau ditafsirkan secara lain oleh para murid Yesus di kemudian hari, tetapi bukan dari Yesus sendiri. Dari lain pihak, menurut Boyarin, apa yang diajarkan oleh Yesus dapat dilacak kembali dari sumber aslinya dalam Kitab Suci Yahudi. Ajaran Yesus sungguh merupakan bagian dari Yudaisme sendiri. Boyarin mencoba merunut ajaran Yesus yang asli dari sumber-sumber Yudaisme dan mempertemukan tradisi Kristen yang paling awal ini dengan tradisi asli Yahudi. ........... Dalam bab 4 Boyarin membicarakan penderitaan Kristus. Pokok ini sering dikaitkan dengan Yesaya 53 tentang hamba yang setia. Tetapi sekali lagi di sini, kontroversi yang terjadi adalah bahwa sebagian penafsir menempatkan bangsa Yahudi sebagai hamba itu, dan bukan individu, sebagaimana tafsir Kristiani yang menempatkan Yesus dalam posisi tersebut. Alasannya, menurut kebanyakan tafsir Yahudi, “Mesias” tidak menderita. Penderitaan dianggap sebagai aib. Mengutip Joseph Klausner (“The Jewish and Christian Messiah,” dalam The Messianic Idea in Israel, from Its Beginning to the Completion of the Mishnah, trans. W.F. Stinespring, New York: Macmillan, 1955) topik penderitaan Messias dalam Kristianisme diangkat setelah Yesus mengalaminya, jadi semacam apologi (hlm. 130). Kalau demikian, mengapa Allah membiarkan “hamba pilihan”-Nya menderita? Klausner menjawab, demi atau untuk penebusan manusia, sebagaimana diramalkan Yesaya 53. Di sini Klausner mengubah pan-dangan Yahudi, penderitaan itu bukan ramalan tentang pengejaran bangsa Yahudi, melainkan tentang penderitaan Yesus (hlm. 131-132). Menurut Boyarin, tampaknya Midrash dan tradisi ortodoks rabi Yahudi memberi ruang juga pada penderitaan Mesias, karena kedekatan teks Markus 8:38 (“… barangsiapa malu karena Aku dan perkataan-Ku…”), yang menggunakan gaya Middrash untuk mengembangkan gagasan itu untuk Yesus menyangkut penderitaan-Nya, sementara penderitaan dan kematian Mesias juga merupakan bagian dari ajaran umum ortodoksi rabinik (hlm. 134). Tidak semua tafsir Boyarin dapat diangkat dalam resensi pendek ini, tetapi secara umum jalan pikirannya mudah dipahami, juga oleh mereka yang tidak ahli dalam Kitab Suci. Secara ringkas, dalam buku ini Profesor Boyarin mendalami akar Yudaisme dalam Kristianisme awal dan menemukan bahwa ajaran Yesus sama sekali tidak menyimpang dari tradisi Yahudi dan bahwa konsep inkarnasi dan Trinitas pun sudah ada benihnya dalam sumber Yahudi. Maka sebenarnya, tidak ada pemutusan (break) antara ajaran Yesus yang awal dengan Yudaisme sebab kedatangan Messias yang diajarkan Yesus merupakan bagian utuh dari kepercayaan Yahudi, sebagaimana terdapat dalam sumber mereka. (A. Sudiarja, Fakultas Teologi, Universitas Sanata Dharma, Yogyakarta)

This study aims to find empirical information about the effect of Technological Pedagogical Content Knowledge (TPACK), and Technology Integration Self Efficacy (TISE) on Teacher Readiness for Online Learning (TROL). This study uses a quantitative survey method with path analysis techniques. This study measures the readiness of kindergarten teachers in distance learning in Tanah Datar Regency, West Sumatra Province, Indonesia with a sampling technique using simple random sampling involving 105 teachers. Empirical findings reveal that; 1) there is a direct positive effect of Technology Integration Self Efficacy on Teacher Readiness for Online Learning; 2) there is a direct positive effect of PACK on Teacher Readiness for Online Learning; 3) there is a direct positive effect of Technology Integration Self Efficacy on TPACK. 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Abstract A variety of sources support the claim that different versions of the virginity blessing were recited throughout the Jewish communities during the Middle Ages. Despite its widespread use, the virginity blessing and confirmation ritual are not mentioned in the Talmud, and the wording of the blessing is first mentioned only in Sefer Halakhot gedolot. The absence of this blessing in earlier texts can be considered from two alternative perspectives. The first is that the blessing was composed after the Mishnah and Talmud were canonized. Alternatively, it was indeed an early blessing, but it was practiced in circles that operated outside the scholarly mainstream. Ruth Langer preferred the second possibility. This study will adopt Langer’s position that the blessing originated in the Land of Israel. It will show, however, that this blessing could not have been recited in ancient times and that it must have been a later development.

We evaluated the frequency of absence of the palmaris longus tendon in the heterogeneous Israeli population. Nine hundred and fifty wrists were evaluated using a modified Mishra/Schaeffer technique (thumb/little-finger opposition with resisted wrist flexion), which was validated by ultrasound scanning. The geographical and ethnic origin of volunteers was documented. When physical examination was equivocal, any vague, superficial structure was subsequently identified as the median nerve by ultrasound. Physical examination reliably identified palmaris longus only when a structure was clinically obvious (visually or by palpation). There was bilateral absence of the palmaris longus in 21% and unilateral absence in 15% of participants. Frequency of bilateral absence varied between 4.5% and 30%, depending on geographical origin ( p = 0.0007). The incidence of palmaris longus tendon varied significantly by geographical, but not by ethnic origin. Level of evidence: II

Introduction While individuals from marginalised and vulnerable communities have long been confronted with the task of developing coping strategies, COVID-19 lockdowns intensified the conditions under which resilience and wellbeing were/are negotiated, not only for marginalised communities but for people from all walks of life. In particular, the pandemic has highlighted in simple terms the stark divide between the “haves” and “have nots”, and how pre-existing physical conditions and material resources (or lack thereof), including adequate income, living circumstances, and access to digital and other resources, have created different conditions for people to be able to physically isolate, avoid working in conditions that put them at greater risk of exposure to the virus, and maintain up-to-date information. The COVID-19 pandemic has changed the way we live, and its conditions have tested our capacity for resilience to varying degrees. Poor mental health has become an increasingly urgent concern, with almost one in ten people contemplating suicide during Victoria’s second wave and prolonged lockdown in 2020 (Ali et al.; Czeisler & Rajaratnam; Paul). The question of what enables people to cope and adapt to physical distancing is critical for building a more resilient post-pandemic society. With the understanding that resilience is comprised of an intersection of material and immaterial resources, this project takes as its focus the material dimensions of everyday resilience. Specifically, “Objects for Everyday Resilience” explores the intersection of material objects and everyday resilience, focussing on the things that have supported mental and physical health of different sections of the community in Melbourne, Australia, during the pandemic. People in the Victorian city of Melbourne, Australia – including the research team authors of this article – experienced 262 days of lockdown due to the COVID-19 pandemic, more than any other city in the world. The infection rate was high, as was the death rate. Hospitals were in crisis attempting to deal with the influx (McReadie). During lockdowns in 2020 and 2021, all movement in the city was restricted, with 9 pm to 5 am curfews and a five-kilometre travel limit. Workplaces, schools, businesses, sports and leisure clubs were closed. One person per household could shop. Masks were mandatory at all times. PCR testing was extensive. People stayed in their homes, with no visitors. The city limits were closed by roadblocks. Rare instances of air travel required a hard-to-get exemption. Vaccines were delayed. The state government provided financial support for most workers who lost income from their regular work due to the restrictions. However, the financial assistance criteria rejected many casual workers, including foreign students who normally supported themselves through casual employment (McReadie). The mental health toll of protracted lockdowns on Melbourne residents was high (Klein, Tyler-Parker, and Bastian). Yet people developed measures of resilience that helped them cope with lockdown isolation (Gerrand). While studies of resilience have been undertaken during the pandemic, including increased attention towards the affordances of online platforms in lockdown, relatively little attention has been paid to whether and how material objects support everyday resilience. The significant amount of literature on objects and things (e.g. Whitlock) offers a wide range of potential applications when brought to bear on the material conditions of resilience in the COVID-19 pandemic as it continues to unfold. As ethnographer Paula Zuccotti notes in her study of objects that people used in lockdowns around the world, “Future Archeology of a Global Lockdown”, the everyday items we use tell us stories about how we exist (Zuccotti). Paying attention to the intersection of objects with resilience in everyday contexts can enable us to view resilience as a potential practice that can shape the conditions of social life that produce adversity in the first place (Chalmers). By studying relationships between material objects and people in conditions of adversity, this project aims to enhance and extend emerging understandings of multisystemic resilience (Ungar). Objects have been central to human history, culture, and life. According to Maurizio Ferraris, objects are characterised by four qualities: sensory-ness, manipulability, ordinariness, and relationality. “Unlike the three spheres of biological life – the mineral, the vegetable and the animal – objects and things have been customarily considered dependent on humans’ agency and presence” (Bartoloni). In everyday life, objects can enhance resilience when they are mobilised in strategies of resourcefulness and “making do” (de Certeau). Objects may also support the performance of identity and enable inter-subjective relations that create a sense of agency and of being at home, wherever one is located (Ahmed et al.; Gerrand). From an existential perspective, the experience of being confined in lockdown, “stuck” in one place, challenges cosmopolitan connectedness and sense of belonging. It also bears some similarities to the experiences of migrants and refugees who have endured great uncertainty, distance, and immobility due to detention or vintage of migration (Yi-Neumann et al.). It is possible that certain objects, although facilitating resilience, might also trigger mixed feelings in the individuals who relied on them during the lockdown (Svašek). From domestic accoutrements to digital objects, what kinds of things supported wellbeing in situations of confinement? Multisystemic Resilience in Lockdown It is especially useful to consider the material dimensions of resilience when working with people who have experienced trauma, marginalisation, or mental health challenges during the pandemic, as working with objects enables interaction beyond language barriers and enables alternatives to the re-telling of experiences. Resilience has been theorised as a social process supported (or inhibited) by a range of “everyday” intersecting external and contextual factors at individual, family, social, institutional, and economic resource levels (Ungar; Sherrieb et al.; Southwick et al.). The socio-ecological approach to resilience demonstrates that aspects of individual, family, and community resilience can be learned and reinforced (Bonanno), but they can also be eroded or weakened, depending on the dynamic interplay of various forces and influences in the social ecology of an individual or a group. This means that while factors at the level of the individual, family, community, or institutions may strengthen resistance to harms or the ability to overcome adversity in one context, the same factors can promote vulnerability and erode coping abilities in others (Rutter). Our project asked to what extent this social-ecological understanding of resilience might be further enhanced by attending to nonhuman materialities that can contribute or erode resilience within human relations. We were particularly interested in understanding the potential of the exhibition for creating an inclusive and welcoming space for individuals who had experienced long COVID lockdowns to safely reflect on the material conditions that supported their resilience. The aim of this exercise was not to provide answers to a problem, but to draw attention to complexity, and generate additional questions and uncertainties, as encouraged by Barone and Eisner. The exhibition, through its juxtaposition of (lockdown-induced) loneliness with the conviviality of the public exhibition format, enabled an exploration of the tension between the neoliberal imperative to physically isolate oneself and the public messaging concerning the welfare of the general populace. Our project emerged from insights collected on the issue of mental health during “Living Lab” Roundtables undertaken in 2020 by our Centre For Resilient and Inclusive Societies, convened as part of the Foundation Project (Lam et al.). In particular, we deployed an object-based analysis to investigate the art- and object-based methodology in the aftermath of a potentially traumatising lockdown, particularly for individuals who may not respond as well to traditional research methods. This approach contributes to the emerging body of work exploring the affordances of visual and material methods for capturing feelings and responses generated between people and objects during the pandemic (Watson et al.). “Objects for Everyday Resilience” sought to facilitate greater openness to objects’ vitality (Bennett) in order to produce new encounters that further understandings of multisystemic resilience. Such insights are critically tied to human mental health and physical wellbeing. They also enabled us to develop shared resources (as described below) that support such resilience during the period of recovery from the pandemic and beyond. Arts and Objects as Research The COVID-19 pandemic provoked not only a global health response, but also a reorientation of the ways COVID-related research is conducted and disseminated. Javakhishvili et al. describe the necessity of “a complex, trauma-informed psycho-socio-political response” in the aftermath of “cultural/societal trauma” occurring at a society-wide scale, pointing out the prevalence of mental health issues following previous epidemics (1). As they note, an awareness of such trauma is necessary “to avoid re-traumatization and to facilitate recovery”, with “safety, trustworthiness, transparency, collaboration and peer support, empowerment, choice” among the key principles of trauma-informed policies, strategies, and practices (3). Our project received funding from the Centre for Resilient and Inclusive Societies (CRIS) in July 2021, and ethics approval in November 2021. Centring materiality, in November 2021 we circulated a “call for objects” through CRIS’ and the research team’s social media channels, and collected over 40 objects from participants of all ages for this pilot study. Our participants comprised 33 women and 10 men. Following is a breakdown of the self-described cultural background of some participants: Five Australian (including one ‘6th generation Australian’); four Vietnamese; two Caucasian; one Anglo-Australian; one Asian; one Brazilian; one British; one Caucasian/English Australian; one Filipino; one Filipino-Australian; one German/Portuguese/US; one Greek Australian; one Iranian; one Irish and Welsh; one Israeli; one Half German, Half Middle Eastern; one Middle Eastern; one Singaporean; one White British. Participants’ objects and stories were analysed by the team both in terms of their ‘people, place, and things’ affordances – enhancing participants’ reflections of life in the pandemic – and through the prism of their vibrancy, drawing on object-oriented ontology and materiality as method (Ravn). Our participants were encouraged to consider how their chosen object(s) supported their resilience during the pandemic. For example, some objects enabled linking with memories that assist in elaborating experiences of loss or grief (Trimingham Jack and Devereux). To guide those submitting objects, we asked about: 1) their relationship to the object, 2) the meaning of the object, and 3) which features of resilience are mobilised by the object. From an analysis of our data, we have developed a working typology of objects to understand their particular relationship role to features of resilience (social capital, temporality) and to thematise our data in relation to emerging priorities in research in multisystemic resilience, materiality, and mental health. Things on Display Whilst we were initially unable to gather in person, we built an online Instagram gallery (@objectsforeverydayresilience) of submitted objects, with accompanying stories from research participants. Relevant hashtags in several languages were added to each post by the research team to ensure their widest possible visibility. This gallery features objects such as a female participant’s jigsaw puzzle which “helped me to pass the downtime in an enjoyable way”. Unlike much of her life in lockdown that was consumed by chores that “did not necessarily make me feel content or happy”, jigsaw puzzles made this participant “happy for that time I was doing them, transport[ing] me out of the confines of the lockdown with landscapes and images from across the globe”. Another female participant submitted a picture of her worn sneakers, which she used to go on what she called her “sanity walks”. To counteract the overwhelm of “being in the house all the time with 3 (autistic) children who were doing home learning and needed a lot of support”, while attempting to work on her PhD, going for walks every day helped clear my mind, get some fresh air, keep active and have some much needed quiet / me time. I ordered these shoes online because we couldn’t go to the shops and wore them almost daily during the extended lockdowns. Books were also popular. During lockdowns, according to a female participant, reading helped me connect with the outside world and be able to entertain myself without unhealthy coping mechanisms such as scrolling endlessly through TikTok. It also helped me feel less alone during the pandemic. Another female participant found that her son’s reading gave her time to work. Olfactory objects provided comfort for a participant who mourned the loss of smell due to mask wearing: perfumes were my sensory transport during this time – they could evoke memories of places I’d travelled to, seasons, people, feelings and even colours. I could go to far-off places in my mind through scent even though my body was largely stationary within my home. (Female participant) Through scent objects, this participant was “able to bring the world to meet me when I was unable to go out to meet the world”. Other participants sought to retreat from the world through homely objects: throughout lockdown I felt that my bed became an important object to my sanity. When I felt overwhelmed, I would come to bed and take a nap which helped me feel less out of control with everything going on in the world. (Female participant) For an essential worker who injured her leg whilst working in a hospital, an Ikea couch enabled recovery: “the couch saved my throbbing leg for many months. It served as a place to eat, paint and rest.” (Female participant) While pets were not included as objects within this project, several participants submitted their pets’ accoutrements. A female participant who submitted a photograph of her cat’s collar and tree movingly recounts how while I was working online in lockdown, this cat tree kept my cat entertained. She was so enthusiastic while scratching (covered in her fur) she somehow managed to remove her collar. I call Bouny my Emotional support cat … . She really stepped up her treatments of me during the pandemic. My mother had advanced dementia and multiple lockdowns [which] meant I could not see her in the weeks leading up to her death. These objects highlight the ways in which this participant found comfort during lockdown at a time of deep grief. For other participants, blankets and shawls provided sources of comfort “since much of lockdown was either in cool weather or deepest winter”. I found myself taking [my shawl] whenever I went out for any of the permitted activities and I also went to bed with it at night. The soft texture and the warmth against my face, neck and shoulders relaxed my body and I felt comforted and safe. (Female participant) Another used a calming blanket during lockdown “for time-outs on my bed (I was confined to a tiny flat at the time and separated from my family). It gave me a safe space”. (Female participant) In a similar vein, journalling provided several participants with “a safe space to explore thoughts and make them more tangible, acting as a consistent mindful practice I could always turn to”. The journal provided consistency throughout the ever-changing lockdown conditions and a strong sense of stability. Recording thoughts daily allowed me to not only process adversity, but draw attention to the areas in my life which I was grateful for … even from home. (Female participant) In addition to fostering mindfulness, the creative practice of journalling enabled this participant to exercise her imagination: writing from the perspectives of other people, from friends to strangers, also allowed me to reflect on the different experiences others had during lockdown. I found this fostered empathy and motivated me to reach out and check in on others, which in turn also benefited my own mental health. (Female participant) Creative practices were critical to sustaining many participants of this study. The Norman family, for example, submitted an acrylic on canvas artwork, Surviving COVID in Port Melbourne (2021), as their object of resilience: this work represents the sentiments and experiences of our family after a year of successive COVID lockdowns. Each section of the canvas has been completed a member of our family – 2 parents and a 21, 18 and 14 year-old. (Norman family) Likewise, musical instruments and sound objects – whether through analogue or digital means – helped participants to stay sane in long lockdowns: wen I didn’t know what to do with myself I always turned to the guitar. (Male participant) Music was so important to us throughout the lockdowns. It helped us express and diffuse big feelings. We played happy songs to amplify nice moments, funny songs to cheer each other up, angry songs to dance out rage. (Family participants) Curating the Lockdown Lounge To enhance the capacity of our project’s connections to the wider community, and respond to the need we felt to gather in person to reflect on what it meant for each of us to endure long lockdowns, we held an in-person exhibition after COVID-19 restrictions had eased in Melbourne in November 2022. The decision to curate the “Lockdown Lounge” art and research exhibition featuring objects submitted by research participants was consistent with a trauma-informed approach to research as described above. According to Crowther, art exhibits have the potential to redirect viewers’ attention from “aesthetic critique” to emotional connection. They can facilitate what Moon describes as “relational aesthetics”, whereby viewers may connect with the art and artists, and enhance their awareness of the self, artist, and the world. As a form of “guided relational viewing” (Potash), art exhibits are non-coercive in that they invite responses, discussion, and emotional involvement while placing no expectation on viewers to engage with or respond to the exhibition in a particular way. When considering such questions, our immersive in-person exhibition featured a range of object-based installations including audio-visual and sound objects, available for viewing in our Zine, The Lockdown Lounge (Walimunige et al.). The living room design was inspired by French-Algerian artist Zineb Sedira’s immersive living room installation, “Dreams Don’t Have Titles”, at the 59th Venice Art Biennale’s French pavilion (Sedira), attended by project co-lead Vivian Gerrand in June 2022. The project team curated the gallery space together, which was located at Deakin University’s city conference venue, “Deakin Downtown”, in Melbourne, Australia. Fig. 1: The Lockdown Lounge, living room. “What Got You through Lockdown?” research exhibition and experience, Deakin Downtown, Melbourne, 21-25 November 2022. In the centre of the Lockdown Lounge’s living room (see fig. 1), for example, a television screen played a looped collection of popular YouTube videos, many of which had gone viral in the early months of the COVID-19 pandemic. There was Victorian Premier Daniel Andrews, admonishing Victorians to avoid non-essential activities through the example of an illicit dinner party held that resulted in a spike in coronavirus cases in March 2020 (ABC News). This short video excerpt of the Premier’s press conference concluded with his advice not to “get on the beers”. While not on display in this instance, many visitors would have been familiar with the TikTok video remix made later in the pandemic that featured the same press conference, with Premier Andrews’s words spliced to encourage listeners to “get on the beers!” (Kutcher). We recalled the ways in which such videos provided light relief through humour at a time of grave illness and trauma: when army trucks were being summoned to carry the deceased from Northern Italian hospitals to makeshift gravesites, those of us privileged to be at home, at a remove from the ravages of the virus, shared videos of Italian mayors shouting at their constituents to “vai a casa!” (Go home!). Or of Italians walking fake dogs to have an excuse to go outside. We finished the loop with a reproduction of the viral Kitten Zoom Filter Mishap, in which in online American courtroom defendant Rod Ponton mistakenly dons a cat filter while telling the judge, ‘I am not a cat’. The extraordinary nature of living in lockdown initially appeared as an opportunity to slow down, and this pandemic induced immobility appeared to prompt a kind of “degrowth” as industries the world over paused operation and pollution levels plummeted (Gerrand). In reflection of this, we included videos in our YouTube playlist of wild animals returning to big cities, and of the waters of Venice appearing to be clear. These videos recalled how the pandemic has necessitated greater appreciation of the power of things. The spread of the novel coronavirus’s invisible variants has permanently altered the conditions and perceptions of human life on the planet, forcing us to dwell on the vitality intrinsic to materiality, and renewing awareness of human lives as taking place within a broader ecology of life forms (Bennett). Within this posthuman perspective, distinctions between life and matter are blurred, and humans are displaced from a hierarchical ontological centre. In an essay titled “The Go Slow Party”, anthropologist Michael Taussig theorises a “mastery of non-mastery” that yields to the life of the object. This yielding – a necessary response to the conditions of the pandemic – can enable greater attentiveness to the interconnectedness and enmeshment of all things, leading to broader understandings of self and of resilience. To understand how participants responded to the exhibition, we asked them to respond to the following questions in the form of open-ended comments: What if anything affected you most? Did any of the objects resonate with you? Did the exhibition provide a safe environment for you to reflect on your sense of resilience during the pandemic? Fig. 2: Research exhibition participant standing beside artwork by the Norman family: Surviving COVID in Port Melbourne, acrylic on canvas (2021), The Lockdown Lounge. Through curating the art exhibition, we engaged in what Wang et al. describe as “art as research”, whereby the artist-researcher aims to “gain a deeper understanding of what art, art creation, or an artistic installation can do or activate … either in terms of personal experiences or environmental circumstances” (15). As Wang et al. write, “the act of creating is simultaneously the act of researching”, neither of which can be distinguished from one another (15). Accordingly, the process of curating the gallery space triggered memories of living in lockdown for members of our team, including one male youth researcher who remembers: as the space gradually began to be populated with object submissions … the objects began to find their place … . We slowly developed an understanding of the specific configurations of objects and the feelings that these combinations potentially could invoke. As we negotiated where my object might be placed, I felt an odd sense of melancholy seeing my record player and guitar at the exhibition, reminiscing about the music that I used to play and listen to with my family when we were all in lockdown … . As my Bon Iver record spun, and the familiar melodies rung out into the space, I felt as if I was sharing an intimate memory with others … . It also reminded me of the times when I had felt the most uplifted, when I was with family, near and far, knowing that we all were a unit. Another of our youth researcher team members served as an assistant curator and agreed to monitor the gallery space by being there for most of the five days of the exhibition’s opening to the public. She describes her work in the gallery thus: my role involved general exhibition upkeep – setup, answering visitor inquiries and monitoring the space – which meant being in the exhibition space for around 7.5 hours a day. Although it cannot be fully compared to living through Melbourne’s lockdowns, being in a space meant to mimic that time meant that comparisons naturally arose. I can see similarities between the things that supported my resilience during the lockdowns and the things that made my time at the gallery enjoyable. Through engaging with the gallery, this researcher was reminded of how spending time engaging in hands-on tasks made physical distancing more manageable. Spending time in the exhibition space also facilitated her experience of the lockdowns and the material conditions supporting resilience. She reflects that the hands-on, creative tasks of setting up the exhibition space and helping design a brochure reminded me of how I turned to baking so I could create something using my hands … . In the beginning, I approached my time at the gallery as a requirement of my work in this project … . Looking back now, I believe I understand both the person I was those years ago, and resilience itself, a little bit better. Fig. 3: Research exhibition participant wearing an Oculus virtual reality headset, watching the film Melbourne Locked Down (van Leeuwen), The Lockdown Lounge, November 2022. As these examples demonstrate, complex assemblages of people, places, and things during the COVID-19 pandemic were, and are, “suffused with multisensory and affective feelings”; exploring the ways affect is distributed through socio-spatialities of human experience enables researchers to better unpack individuals’ COVID experiences in ways that include their surroundings (Lupton). This was further evident in the feedback received from participants who attended the exhibition. Exhibition Feedback Feedback from participants suggested that the public exhibition format enabled them to explore this tension between isolation and orientation to the greater good in a safe and inclusive way (e.g. fig. 2). For Harry (29/m/Argentinian/New Zealand), interacting with the exhibition “reminded me that I wasn’t the only one that went through it”, while Sam (40/m/Chinese Australian) resonated with “many … people’s testimonials” of how objects helped support their resilience during long periods of confinement. Sam further added that participating in the exhibition was a “pleasant, friendly experience”, and that “everyone found something to do”, speaking to the convivial and inclusive nature of the exhibition. This resonates with Chaplin’s observation that “the production and reception of visual art works are social processes” that cannot be understood with reference to aesthetic factors alone (161-2). In the quotes above, it is evident that participants’ experience of the exhibition was inherently entwined with the sociality of the exhibition, evoking a sense of connection to others who had experienced the pandemic (in Harry’s case), and other exhibition attendees, whom he observed “all found something to do”. Additionally, participants’ responses highlighted the crucial role of the “artist researcher”, whom Wang et al. describe as qualitative researchers who use “artistically inspired methods or approaches” to blend research and art to connect with participants (10). In particular, the curation of the exhibition was something participants highlighted as key to facilitating their recollections of the pandemic in ways that were relatable. Nala (19/f/East-African Australian) commented that “the room’s layout allowed for this the most”: “the room was curated so well, it encaptured [sic] all the various stages of COVID lockdown – it made me feel like I was 16 again”. Returning to Wang et al.’s description of “art as research” as a means through which artist researchers can “gain a deeper understanding of what art, art creation, or an artistic installation can do or activate” (15), participant responses suggest that the curation of Lockdown Lounge as a trauma-informed art exhibition allowed participants to re-experience the pandemic lockdowns in ways that did not re-traumatise, but enabled the past and present to coexist safely and meaningfully for participants. Conclusion: Object-Oriented Wellbeing From different sections of the community, “Objects for Everyday Resilience” collected things that tell stories about how people coped in long lockdowns. Displaying the objects and practices that sustained us through the peak of the COVID-19 health crisis helped our participants to safely reflect on their experiences of living through long lockdowns. The variety of objects submitted and displayed draws our attention to the complex nuances of resilience and its material and immaterial intersections. These contributions composed, as fig. 1 illustrates, an almost accidentally curated diorama of a typical lockdown scene, imitating not only the materiality of living room itself but something also, through the very process of contribution, of the strange collectivity that the city of Melbourne experienced during lockdown periods. Precisely partitioned within domestic zones (with important differences for many “essential workers”, residents of public housing high-rises, and other exceptions), lockdowns enforced a different and necessarily unifying rhythm: attention to daily briefings on COVID numbers, affective responses to the heaves and sighs of infection rates, mourning over a new and untameable cause of loss of life, and routine check-ins on newly isolated friends and family. In hindsight, as the city has regained – perhaps redoubled, a sign of impatience with earlier governmental languages of austerity and moderation? – its economic and hedonistic pulse, there are also signs that any lockdown collectivity – which we also acknowledge was always partial and differentiated – has dispersed into the fragmentation of social interests and differences typical of late capitalism. The fascination with “public” objects – the Northface jacket of the state premier, COVID masks and testing kits, even toilet paper rolls, serving metonymically for a shared panic over scarcity – has receded. To the point, less than two years on, of this media attention being a scarcely remembered dream. The Lockdown Lounge is an example of a regathering of experiences through a process that, through its methods, also serves as a reminder of a common sociality integral to resilience. 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