Relevant bibliographies by topics / Minster Lovell (England). Church

Academic literature on the topic 'Minster Lovell (England). Church'

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Published: 26 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Minster Lovell (England). Church"

1

Murray, Philip. "Re St Michael le Belfrey, York." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 26, no. 2 (May 2024): 231–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x24000164.

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St Michael le Belfrey (‘the Belfrey’) is a 16th century parish church in the shadow of York Minster. It sits in the charismatic evangelical tradition of the Church of England. With a large, young and vibrant congregation, the Belfrey is a Resource Church and plays a significant role in the life of the Diocese of York, the Northern Province and, more broadly, the Church of England. Through a petition described as ‘of the highest quality’, it sought a faculty for a dramatic re-ordering of its interior, proposals that had been at least 14 years in the development.
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2

Thurlby, Malcolm. "THE ABBEY CHURCH OF LESSAY (MANCHE) AND ROMANESQUE ARCHITECTURE IN NORTH-EAST ENGLAND." Antiquaries Journal 94 (July 1, 2014): 71–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003581514000262.

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The date of the Romanesque fabric of the abbey church of Lessay (Manche, France) has been much debated by architectural historians. Was the eastern arm of the church completed by the time of the burial of Eudes de Capel in the choir on 3 August 1098? Or do features such as the high rib vault and scalloped capitals preclude a date in the late eleventh century? This paper argues that the choir was completed by 1098, and that the master mason of Lessay was acquainted with architectural developments in north-east England in the 1080s and early 1090s, especially those at York Minster, St Mary's Abbey, York, and allied churches.
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3

Sheils, W. J. "The Altars in York Minster in the Early Sixteenth Century." Studies in Church History 35 (1999): 104–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s042420840001398x.

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Good God! what a pomp of silk vestments was there, of golden candlesticks.’ The dismissive satire of Erasmus’s pilgrim on looking down on Canterbury Cathedral not only brought traditional piety into disrepute among significant sectors of the educated, both clerical and lay, in early sixteenth-century England, but has also helped to colour the views of historians of the later medieval Church until recently. The work on parochial, diocesan, and cathedral archives since the 1960s, undertaken and inspired by the publication of A. G. Dickens’ The English Reformation, has refined that view, which saw traditional piety as something of a clerical confidence trick designed to impoverish a credulous laity, and recovered the reputation of the early sixteenth-century Church. The most recent, and most eloquent, account of the strength of traditional piety among the people is that by Eamon Duffy. His work has concentrated on the parochial context, where he has shown how intercessory prayer, through gilds, obits, and chantries, remained at the centre of a liturgical tradition which commanded great loyalty from the laity up to and, in some cases, beyond the dissolution of those institutional expressions of that devotion in 1547. The place of such devotion within a cathedral context has largely been ignored, despite the recently published histories, and this paper sets out to fill that gap a little by looking at the minor altars of York Minster and the clergy which served them.
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4

Hadley, Dawn M. "Conquest, Colonization and the Church: Ecclesiastical Organization in the Danelaw." Historical Research 69, no. 169 (June 1, 1996): 109–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2281.1996.tb01846.x.

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AbstractThis article reconsiders the fate of the Church in the Danelaw in the period following the Viking invasions and settlement of the region. It is generally accepted that the peculiarities of ecclesiastical organization found in the Danelaw can be attributed to the impact of the Vikings, but although they undoubtedly inflicted terrible damage on the Church there may be other explanations for the idiosyncracies of the region. Pre-existing regional differences and the impact of the West Saxon conquest of the region must also be considered. The existing model for the development of the parochial system in Anglo-Saxon England-the so-called ‘minster model’-increases the sense that the Danelaw had experienced a great calamity. Yet this model is open to criticism, and its applicability to the Danelaw is brought into question. Elements of continuity can be identified as can evidence for change, and this article concludes that the period of Scandinavian settlement was but one factor that shaped ecclesiastical organization in the later Anglo-Saxon centuries.
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5

Lapidge, Michael. "A Frankish scholar in tenth-century England: Frithegod of Canterbury/Fredegaud of Brioude." Anglo-Saxon England 17 (December 1988): 45–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263675100004014.

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In 948 King Eadred of Wessex conducted a military campaign in Northumbria against Eric Blood-Axe. During the course of this campaign the minster church at Ripon – which had been founded by St Wilfrid and which housed his remains – was burnt down. This unfortunate incident was used as the pretext for a notoriousfurta sacra: the relics of St Wilfrid were seized and were duly conveyed to Archbishop Oda of Canterbury. In order to celebrate the acquisition of these distinguished relics, Oda built a new altar in honour of St Wilfrid and commissioned a member of his Canterbury household, one Frithegod, to compose a poem in honour of St Wilfrid. Frithegod responded by producing theBreuiloquium uitae Wilfridi, a poem of some 1,400 Latin hexameters which is closely based on the early eighth-century proseVita S. WilfridibyStephanusor Stephen of Ripon. Since the poem bears in its closing lines a dedication to Archbishop Oda, it must have been finished before the archbishop's death on 2 June 958; in other words, it was written between 948 and 958.
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6

Swanson, R. N. "An Appropriate Anomaly: Topcliffe Parish and the Fabric Fund of York Minster in the Later Middle Ages." Studies in Church History. Subsidia 12 (1999): 105–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143045900002477.

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Money provides the sinews of religion no less than of war. Since their emergence, parishes have been and remain fundamental to many ecclesiastical financial regimes. In pre-Reformation England, their revenues not only supported the incumbent, but might be diverted to many other purposes. The process of appropriation transformed a monastery, collegiate church, or other institution or office into the perpetual rector, entitled to receive the revenues in full. The ordination of a vicarage would then normally divide the income, the rector usually taking the lion’s share of the spoils, while the vicar received a small portion. Parishioners then found their parochial payments being used not in the locality, but perhaps hundreds - occasionally thousands - of miles away, for purposes over which they had no influence. At the same time, the perception of the parish as milch cow might lead the appropriators to ignore the cure of souls, whilst exploiting the finances to the full.
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Wood, Betty. "Episcopacy without Episcopate. The Church of England in Jamaica before 1824. By R. A. Minter. Pp. 320. Upton-on-Severn: Self Publishing Association/Minster, 1990. £14.95. 1 85421 060 2." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 44, no. 3 (July 1993): 562. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900014573.

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Kastelik, Justyna. "Beda Czcigodny o klasztorach mieszanych na Wyspach Brytyjskich (Historia Ecclesiastica, III–IV w.)." Analecta Cracoviensia 40 (January 4, 2023): 345–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.15633/acr.4022.

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The system of double monasteries, or monasteries for both men and women, is as old as that of Christian monasticism itself. The double monastery in its simplest form was that organization said to have been founded in the fourth century by St. Pachomius, an Egyptian monk. This settlement soon became a proper nunnery under the control of the superior of the monks, who delegated elderly men to care for its discipline. Through the ages, double monasteries comprising communities of both men and women dwelling in contiguous establishments, united under the rule of one superior, and using one church in common for their liturgical offices. It’s cannot be stated with any certainty when the system found its way into the West. At the opening of the sixth century, double monasteries existed in Gaul. St. Caesarius of Arles persuaded his sister Caesaria to join him at Arles, to preside over the women who had gathered there to live in monastery under his guidance. Later the system of double monasteries in Gaul was widely propagated by St. Columbanus and his followers. The double monasteries seem always to have flourished wherever the fervor of the Irish missionaries penetrated. In a short time, British Isles were became covered with similar dual establishments, of which Whitby, Coldingham, Ely, Sheppey, Minster, Wimborne, Barking and Kildare are prominent examples. Abbesses ruled these houses.Bede Venerabilis in his work Historia Ecclesiastica gentis Anglorum, gives much information about double monasteries and the most famous abbesses. Princesses, royal widows, sometimes reigning queens, began to found monasteries, where they lived on terms of equality with the daughters of ceorls and peasants. Bede writes that from the beginning of Christianity in England, the women, and particularly these royal women, were as active and persevering in furthering the Faith, as their men. Hild from Whitby, Aethelthryth (Etheldreda) from Ely, Aethelburh (Ethelburga) from Barking are the most luminous examples of powerful abbesses. A system of double monasteries was always an object of solicitude and strict legislation at the hands of ecclesiastical authority. Many synodal and conciliar decrees recognized its dangers, and ordered the strictest surveillance of all communications passing between monks and nuns. The Norman invasions of the eight and ninth centuries destroyed the double monasteries of British Isles and, when they were restored, it was for one sex only, instead of for a dual community.
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Shepherd, Jack. "What’s in a Name? An Examination of Current Definitions of Resource Churches." Journal of Anglican Studies, February 23, 2023, 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740355323000086.

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Abstract This article is the first in a trilogy exploring the concept of resource churches, providing a starting point to develop a comprehensive understanding of their implications for the Church of England. The scene is set by introducing the impact of this recent model of church planting, which has become widespread since the ambitious programme of church development in London in the 1990s. This opening piece examines understanding of what constitutes a resource church and identifies flaws in the existing definition. The existence of resource churches as a distinct model is demonstrated by comparison to concepts of hub churches, megachurches, minster churches and resourcing churches. The need to discuss such distinctions provides evidence that an unambiguous definition for ‘resource church’ is needed. Evaluation of the five core elements in Bishop Ric Thorpe’s definition of resource churches establishes the need for research to determine beliefs and practices of current resource churches.
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Books on the topic "Minster Lovell (England). Church"

1

Coulstock, Patricia H. The collegiate church of Wimborne Minster. Woodbridge, Suffolk, UK: Boydell Press, 1993.

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2

S, Barnwell P., and Pacey Arnold, eds. Who built Beverley Minster? Reading: Spire Books, 2008.

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3

Heighway, Carolyn M. The Golden Minster: The Anglo-Saxon Minster and later medieval priory of Saint Oswald at Gloucester. York, United Kingdom: Council for British Archaeology, 1999.

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4

Brooks, Beda. Saint Domneva and the foundation of Minster-in-Thanet c. 670 - c. 700. [Minster-in-Thanet]: Minster Abbey Trustees, 1991.

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J, Tringham Nigel, Yorkshire Archaeological Society, and York Minster. College of Vicars-Choral., eds. Charters of the vicars choral of York Minster. Woodbridge, Suffolk: Boydell, 2002.

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6

J, Tringham Nigel, Yorkshire Archaeological Society, and York Minster. College of Vicars-Choral., eds. Charters of the vicars choral of York Minster. [Leeds: Yorkshire Archaeological Society], 1993.

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7

Perkins, T. Wimborne Minster and Christchurch Priory: A short history of their foundation and description of their buildings. London: G. Bell, 1988.

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8

Dimock, Arthur. The Cathedral Church of Southwell: A description of its fabric and a brief history of the Episcopal see. London: G. Bell, 1988.

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9

E, Kelly S., ed. Charters of St. Augustine's Abbey, Canterbury and Minster-in-Thanet. Oxford [England]: Published for the British Academy by Oxford University Press, 1995.

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Shaw, Watkins. A study of the Bing-Gostling part books in the Library of York Minster, together with a systematic catalogue. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994.

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Book chapters on the topic "Minster Lovell (England). Church"

1

Blair, John. "The Birth and Growth of Local Churches c.850–1100." In The Church in Anglo–Saxon Society, 368–425. Oxford University PressOxford, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198226956.003.0008.

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Abstract When Bishop Hereman of Ramsbury visited the pope in 1050 he told him, says Goscelin of Saint-Bertin, about ‘England being filled everywhere with churches which daily were being added anew in new places, about the distribution of innumerable ornaments and bells in oratories, and about the most ample liberality of kings and rich men for the inheritance of Christ’. Probably Hereman was thinking mainly of great churches, but a national, transformative boom in building and patronage is just as obvious at a local level. By the Norman Conquest, the religious landscape in at least the more easterly parts of England looked very different from the minster centred world which this book has considered so far. It was gradually filling up with solidly built little churches with their own priests, landholdings, and rights to burial and tithe.
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Pickles, Thomas. "Introduction." In Kingship, Society, and the Church in Anglo-Saxon Yorkshire, 1–14. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198818779.003.0001.

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The Introduction establishes the historiographical justification for, and contribution of, a study of kingship, society, and the church in Anglo-Saxon Yorkshire. It suggests that historians of conversion to Christianity in Anglo-Saxon England have tended to emphasize the role and agency of kings in conversion. It demonstrates that historians of the Anglo-Saxon church have debated the merits of the ‘minster hypothesis’, partly as a result of the distinctive sources for the church in northern England. It highlights that this study will challenge that emphasis on the role and agency of kings in conversion and provide a study of church organization in one region of northern England. It justifies the decision to study Yorkshire through its status as a meaningful socio-political unit in the period with a particularly helpful range of sources.
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Blair, John. "A Saint for Every Minster? Local Cults in Anglo-Saxon England." In Local Saints And Local Churches, 455–94. Oxford University PressOxford, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198203940.003.0013.

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Abstract There [Tavistock] the holy bishop Rumon lies and is venerated, and is endowed with a beautiful shrine, although no written evidence attests to his legend. You will find this not merely there but in many places in England: only the bare names of saints are known, and whatever miracles they may still perform. All evidence for their doings has been obliterated, I believe, by the violence of enemy attacks. On the face of it, William of Malmesbury’s comment seems more appropriate to Celtic regions than to England. The plethora of obscure local cults in Wales, Cornwall, and Brittany is often thought to reflect a type of Christian organization fundamentally different from the more centralized and hierarchical church of the early English. The operations of the typical Welsh saint were small-scale, producing a pattern of very restricted, sometimes unique place-names and dedications which suggest, in How Pryce’s words, ‘intensely localized lay devotion’. In England, by contrast, the spotlight has been on a small number of major figures whose lives, or at least legends, are well recorded and well known: important prelates and abbesses, or politically significant royal martyrs.
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Pickles, Thomas. "Conclusion." In Kingship, Society, and the Church in Anglo-Saxon Yorkshire, 278–86. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198818779.003.0008.

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The Conclusion returns to the two broader historiographical contexts set out in the Introduction—the process of conversion and the organization of the Anglo-Saxon church—to bring out the contributions of this study. Though it is impossible to address the wide range of anthropological, sociological, historical, and archaeological studies of conversion across time and space, the Conclusion considers the arguments in light of those studies that have been influential in histories of Anglo-Saxon conversion and in light of two significant sociological reviews of conversion. Though the Introduction establishes that this should not be considered a defence or vindication of the ‘minster hypothesis’, the Conclusion highlights those areas where this study has offered new perspectives on the organization of the church in Anglo-Saxon England.
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Fernie, Eric. "Minsters and Parish Churches." In The Architecture of Norman England, 208–32. Oxford University PressOxford, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198174066.003.0006.

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Abstract The spiritual needs of the laity in Anglo-Saxon England were provided for by a system of minsters, (‘minster’ being derived from the Old English form of the Latin monasteriupz), which included houses of secular priests as well as those of monks. In the eleventh century, because of economic growth in the countryside and the demands of the Gregorian reform for ecclesiastical control of church appointments, the areas served by the minsters began to be broken up into parishes based on manors and villages; new churches were built, each in the charge of a resident priest, an argument which was to be standard for the rest of the Middle Ages and which remains so today. It has: been estimated that there were almost 10,000 parish churches in England by the sixteenth century, and that the majority of those which survive have a core datable between 1050 and 1200.1 The buildings of the first seventy years of this span are in many respects a continuation of Anglo-Saxon practice, in plan types, especially two-cell churches, often with a square east end and a western tower, and forms of decoration adapted to new uses and in new combinations.
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Hinton, David A. "An Epoch of New Dynasties." In Gold and Gilt, Pots and Pins. Oxford University Press, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199264537.003.0010.

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The Wessex kings’ conquest of the whole of England during the first half of the tenth century created conditions that led to a nation-state being recognizable by the end of the eleventh. In Scotland this was a much longer process, and Wales remained fragmented. The differences between them are mirrored by coinage; increasingly regulated and systematic in England, but not even produced in Scotland or Wales. The nation-state remained focused upon kings, however, elevating their status but exposing society to the haphazard behaviour and ambitions of an individual. They might still be seen as leading their ‘people’, English, Norman or whomsoever, but in reality they depended upon the support of a military elite and legitimization by the Church, rather than upon an efficient bureaucracy, let alone upon popular acceptance. Physical expression of royal supremacy was provided by increasingly elaborate inauguration rituals, and by crown-wearing ceremonies held on major feast-days at Gloucester, Winchester, and elsewhere, when the king represented his elevation by displaying himself with his emblems of power. A crown had been used as an image on coins by King Athelstan in the 930s, though his immediate successors stuck mainly to the traditional diadem. Ethelred (978–1016) added a staff, symbolizing a king’s pastoral duties to his people, and was occasionally shown wearing a round cap, usually taken to represent a helmet based on Roman coin images rather than on contemporary armour. The ‘hand of Providence’ on the reverse of some of his coins implied God’s blessing on an anointed king (cf. Col. pl. F.2). Cnut (1016–35) began his reign with a coin showing him crowned, as though to emphasize that his usurpation of power was legitimized by God through his coronation; the crown was a new type, an open circle surmounted by gold lilies. He followed it with a coin that has him wearing a tall, pointed helmet, this time a form that was in contemporary use. The lily-circlet crown had already been shown in a manuscript picture being worn by King Edgar in c.966, and a domed version was drawn being brought down from Heaven to crown Cnut in a painting that commemorates his donation of a gold cross to the New Minster at Winchester.
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