Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Minorities in Turkey'
To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Minorities in Turkey.
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 38 dissertations / theses for your research on the topic 'Minorities in Turkey.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse dissertations / theses on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Karaosmanoglu, Keram. "Beyond the nation : minorities and identities in urban Turkey." Thesis, Goldsmiths College (University of London), 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.427812.
Full text
2
Ongur, Hakan Ovunc. "An Analysis Of The Minorities Issue In Turkey-european Union Relations." Master's thesis, METU, 2006. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12607346/index.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
The aim of this thesis is to analyze the minorities issue within the Turkey-European Union relations. In the study, international, European and Turkish perspectives in minority understanding will be explored, respectively. The main argument will read: &ldquoMinorities issue is a highly politicized matter upon which neither legal nor academic standards are reached commonly in international, European or Turkish perspectives
thus, it must not constitute one of the focal points in Turkey-EU relations&rdquo
. The analyses of historical development, legal background, political influence as well as a conceptual analysis will be followed for all three perspectives. A textual and descriptive research method will be employed throughout the thesis. The conclusion will be drawn with regards to the controversial position of the minorities issue, overall, and specifically for the membership negotiations between Turkey and European Union. This road of approach would contribute to the perception of those reluctant to the political intervention of the European Union towards candidate states, as well as would help locate Turkey&rsquo
s future position regarding Protection of Minorities and minority rights.
3
Emen, Gozde. "Turkey And Turkish/muslim Minorities In Greece And Bulgaria (1923-1938)." Master's thesis, METU, 2011. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12613673/index.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examined how Turkish perception of insecurity, which was based on its suspicions about Greek and Bulgarian intentions and politics towards its territorial integrity and stability of its regime, shaped its view of Turkish/Muslim minorities living in these two states in the early Republican period. Using a wealth of archival material and newspapers, it questioned to what extent these physical and ideological concerns of the Turkish Republic played a role in its approach to these minorities in the period between 1923 and 1938. Turkey perceived the Greek and Bulgarian maltreatment of these minorities as a part of these states&rsquohostile intentions regarding the new Turkish state. Thus, what this thesis argued is that Turkey responded to pressure on Turkish/Muslim minorities in these two states not only because of humanitarian concerns but according to its security concern, which became an important factor to determine Turkish interventionist approach to the minority issues in Greece and Bulgaria in this period.
4
Soykan, Taskin Tankut. "The implications of the Copenhagen political criteria on the language rights of the Kurds in Turkey /." Thesis, McGill University, 2003. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=81236.
Full textAbstract:
In recent years, the attention is being increasingly drawn to the role of the European Union on the development of minority rights in the candidate countries. The adoption of the Copenhagen political criteria, which also require "respect for and protection of minorities," as preconditions that applicants must have met before they could join the Union has inevitably led to some policy changes to the minorities in Eastern Europe. This policy shift is particularly directed at minority language rights, because one of the most important aspects of the protection of minorities is the recognition of their linguistic identity. The aim of this study is to explore to what extent this development has influenced the situation of language rights of the Kurds in Turkey. In order to answer this question, it first examines the relationship between the Copenhagen criteria and international and European standards protecting minority language rights. Secondly, considering those standards, it assesses the achievements and failures of the recent legislative amendments which are directed to bring the language rights of the Kurds within the line of the Copenhagen criteria. The case of Turkey reveals the vast potential of the European enlargement process on the development of minority language rights, but also its limits in situations where there is a lack of political will to respect and protect diversity.
5
Aydinli, Ersel. "Political globalization versus anarchy : an operationalization of the transformationalist approach through the Turkish case." Thesis, McGill University, 2002. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=82825.
Full textAbstract:
This study asks how national power capacity and state structures are reconfigured when faced simultaneously with the power diffusion impact of political globalization---defined as a consensus of ideas and subsequent pressure on states for further democratization and liberalization---and the power maximization demands of internal and external security dilemmas. Hypothesizing a resulting bifurcation of such state structures, this study identifies and explores the transformation dynamics of states being pressured by these two forces through an in-depth analysis of the Turkish case. First, the roots of the two pressures are explored from the late Ottoman and early Republican eras, and a pendulum period is observed, in which the incompatibility of the two drives becomes accepted. As the inevitability of the transformation from more authoritarian to more liberal regimes is realized, a resulting gradual development and institutionalization of a dual state structure into hard and soft agendas and, eventually, realms is shown. Within such a structure, a compromised governance system emerges, in which both a form of democracy and democratization is maintained for legitimacy purposes, and a strong power-holding mechanism, unaccountable to the public, is preserved as an ultimate guard to maintain control over the transformation process. An analysis of changes in the Turkish constitutions is used to reveal traceable reflections of the gradual expansion and consolidation of the hard realm. The actual workings of a dual state structure, revealing the realms' actors, their domestic and external allies, their positions, arguments and rhetoric, is provided by focusing on the clash in the Turkish case over the issue of minority rights in relation with the country's application process for European Union membership. The study identifies the new security dilemma of these countries as being the challenge of securing the inevitable transformation, including the
6
Helicke, James C. ""Armed Minorities": The Cold War, Human Rights, and Ethnicity in U.S.-Turkish Relations." The Ohio State University, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1420159586.
Full text
7
Niarchos, Georgios. "Between ethnicity, religion and politics : foreign policy and the treatment of minorities in Greece and Turkey, 1923-1974." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.418178.
Full text
8
Yener-Roderburg, Inci Oyku. "Defined on the edge of power: the Alevi identity through centuries of transition in Turkey." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/12543.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis will argue that one of the main challenges Alevis experience in Turkey is the lack of adequate historical credit afforded to them within Modern Turkish society. Though Alevis have a much older history than the Republic of Turkey, having occupied the region for centuries before the inception the modern Turkish nation-state, they still have a very specific relationship with the development of the secular Kemalist-Turkish identity. In fact, Alevis began to develop a novel and unique political identity, which embraced secularism in spite of deeply rooted religious convictions, during Turkey's National transition from the late Ottoman Empire (early 1900s) to the early multi-party era (late 1950s).
Existing scholarship on Alevi identity often exclusively focuses on how they were perceived as a religious group during the Ottoman Era or on their increasingly marginalized political identity after the 1970s. However, this thesis will argue that these approaches fail to appreciate the "transition period" of Alevi identity, and how the transformation from being considered a strictly religious/ethnic identity within the Ottoman Empire to becoming viewed as vocal and political advocates of secularism from the early Republic is crucial to understanding contemporary Alevi identity. It will argue that past research has not paid enough attention to this transition, casting Alevi cultural and political identity as fragmented, rigid and impermeable rather than fluid and constantly evolving.
To this end, this thesis will seek to demonstrate that Alevism has in fact evolved politically since the sixteenth century of the Ottoman Era, and validate why most Alevis became secular Kemalists during the early twentieth century Republican era of modern Turkey, with the Alevi identity maintaining a dedicated Kemalist ideology since then society at large.
9
ASLAN, JOHANNA. "The Zazas in Crisis: A qualitative study on the influence of the Turkish political discourse on the Zaza Identity." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-23176.
Full textAbstract:
Författaren till denna uppsats har under en fältresa till Turkiet gjort en undersökning om Zazas, en mellangrupp människor som ofta faller i den etniska kategorin kurder eller turk, och som där samlade essensiellt akademiskt innehåll och individuella åsikter från lokalbefolkningen som intervjuades. Skälen bakom försummelsen av Zazas och förtrycket mot dem orsakade av Turkiets nationalistiska diskurs utforskas och det lärs ut att när Zazas försummades sitt språk, hade de officiellt uteslutits från hela nationens samhällsstrukturer. Deras språk är nu mycket hotat, på väg att glömmas bort. Denna forskning presenterar Zazas och deras hotade ställning på grund av en stor identitetsförlust orsakad av ett nationalistiskt statligt beslut, vilket främst har påverkat Zazas genom de språkbegränsningar som påtvingats dem.The author of this essay has during a field trip to Turkey done research about the Zazas, an inbetweener group of people who often fall into the ethnic category of Kurds or Turks, gathering essential academic content and individual views from locals who were interviewed. The reasons behind the neglection of Zazas and the oppression against them caused by the nationalist discourse of Turkey are explored and it is taught that when the Zazas were neglected their language, they officially became excluded from all the nation’s societal structures. Their language is now highly endangered, on a path to be forgotten. This research presents the Zazas and their endangered position due to a great identity loss caused by a nationalist state ruling, which has mainly affected the Zazas by the language restrictions forced upon them.
10
Melville, Edmund Christopher. "The role of EFL educators in Turkey in the era of globalisation : an analytical auto-ethnography of an EFL educator turned administrator at IPRIS." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2015. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/54471/.
Full textAbstract:
Globalisation, a major aspect of English foreign language (EFL) education in the twenty-first century, can be described as the worldwide circulation of goods, services, and capital as well as information, ideas, and people. EFL educators encounter relentless demands to shift their positions, perspectives, and identities, and to assume many roles because they must accommodate new cultures and people in order to teach in their chosen field. We also have to accommodate differences in ideologically constructed representations of our roles as educators in terms of culture, class, gender, race, and religion within their various contexts. Thus, it can be difficult to determine exactly what one's role is in the context of globalisation. Using an analytic, auto-ethnographic, and naturalistic research design, I purposefully selected five EFL educators (six, including me) and investigated how we fit/belong at IPRIS, what our perceived roles as EFL educators are, and how our roles as EFL educators in full relate to globalisation. Bourdieu's experiences in Algeria, his theories arising from them, and Bhabha's notion of the third space, which is synchronistic with postcolonial theory, formed my theoretical framework. I collected data through interviews, reflexive journal, and critical incidents that were member checked to ensure trustworthiness. The inductively oriented data analysis yielded the themes and categories that are the foundation of this research. The emergent findings in this research were key in showing how the backgrounds of the participants positioned each of us so differently one from another as EFL educators. The varied ways in which the participants have discerned their roles as individuals and as EFL educators unfolded. The explicit commentary of all the participants in this study (including me) reflected a deep commitment to the needs of the students at IPRIS as we expressed our views on our roles. This research revealed the knowledge that I have built concerning myself, both in my context and in relation to others, by investigating the spaces in between coming and going, participant and researcher, educator and administrator; it has helped to reveal the fault-line spaces that shift in perspective and has thus helped me find my fit/belonging. The flipped researcher-participant roles allowed me to explain and further interrogate my own views of my role at IPRIS, as the primary participant, in relation to the secondary participants' perceptions of their roles. This research has also revealed both the positioning of the EFL educator and the space that English occupies globally, in which it has an opposing logic that sometimes results in hybridisation. The secondary participants' comments in this study reflected their perception that they needed to bring information from their prior experiences, both as educators and as people living in the world, to bear on their primary role of teaching English to Turkish students. Thus, none of the participants felt that they were enabled in their role, as all reported that they needed to add old experiences with the new in order to teach their assigned students and to navigate the terrain at IPRIS. Drawing from the definition of globalisation in the literature, I was also able to use the participants' current perceptions of the role of English as a global language to reveal their relationship to globalisation. As a result of my thesis research, I can recommend the use of analytic auto-ethnography as a form of professional development and evaluation. The degree of reflexivity involved can enable EFL educators at IPRIS and elsewhere to raise their own awareness of other people and of their institutional and cultural contexts.
11
Sharifi, Sirwa. "The possible implementation of a federalist model and the Kurdish claims to self-determination : a comparative study of Iran and Turkey." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/96122.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2014.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The Kurds, numbering somewhat 40 million, are the largest stateless nation worldwide. As smaller minorities, they are mainly spread in Iran, Iraq, Syria and Turkey in the Middle East. The Kurdish claims for self-determination have been a century-long struggle, and at the moment only the Kurds in north-Iraq have achieved the establishment of the semi-autonomous territory of Kurdistan, and the Kurds in Syria have autonomous control over the Kurdish region. Iran and Turkey with their significant Kurdish communities have not been successful in addressing the Kurdish claims of selfdetermination in an efficient and structural manner. This thesis assessed the possibilities of a successful implementation of a federal model in Iran and Turkey in order to address the Kurdish claims for self-determination. The main finding of this thesis is that the current political atmosphere in each country is not ready to make the necessary accommodations, as the transition to a federal system requires, and consequently will not be successful in addressing the Kurdish claims of self-determination. In Iran, it is found that the union between religion and politics, and consequently, the controlled nature of the theocratic system, will not accommodate for a society along federalist principles in which rule is divided amongst groups in society. In Turkey, it is found that while the political rule in Turkey is different from that in Iran, it is however believed that not even a possible transition to a direct Presidential system will change the governments fears of separatism, or the constitutional constraints which further hinders a federal transition. As seen from the assessment of the case studies, a federal implementation is not foreseen in Iran and Turkey within the nearest future, and will subsequently fail in addressing the Kurdish claims of self-determination. A transition of this manner requires dedication and willingness, and this research presents recommendations for the road towards a federalist political arrangement and greater Kurdish self-determination in order to reach a peaceful solution to the century-long Kurdish issue.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die Koerde wat 40 miljoen lede het is die grootste staatlose nasie in die wêreld. Hulle word hoofsaaklik in Iran, Irak, Sirië en Turkye in die Midde-Ooste aangetref. Die Koerde se aanspraak vir selfbeskikking is ‘n eeue-lange stryd: op die oomblik het slegs die Koerde in Noord-Irak die vestiging van die semi-outonome gebied van Kurdistan terwyl die Koerde in Sirië outonome beheer het oor die Koerdiese gebied. Beide Iran en Turkye het aansienlike Koerdiese gemeenskappe, maar was onsuksesvol om die Koerdiese se aanspraak op selfbeskikking aan te spreek. Hierdie tesis assesseer die moontlikheid vir die suksesvolle implimentering van ‘n federale model in Iran en Irak om die Koerdiese aanspraak vir selfbeskikking aan te spreek. Die hoof bevinding van hierdie tesis is dat die huidige politieke klimaat in elkeen van hierdie lande ongunstig is: hierdie lande is nie gereed om die oorgang tot ‘n federale sisteem te maak nie, en sal gevolglik onsuksesvol wees in die aanspreek van Koerdiese aanspraak op selfbeskikking. In Iran is daar geen onderskeid tussen godsdiens en politiek nie: die streng beheerde teokratiese sisteem sal nie die ontwikkeling van ‘n samelewing langs federale beginsels toelaat waar mag tussen verskillende groepe in die samelewing verdeel is nie. In Turkye waar die politieke sisteem verskil van dié van Iran, sal ‘n moontlike oorgang na ‘n Presidensiële sisteem nie die vrese van separatisme verander of die grondwetlike beperkings verander wat ‘n federale oorgang verhinder nie. Soos uit die gevallestudies blyk kan ‘n federale sisteem nie in die nabye toekoms in Turkye en Iran voorsien word nie en sal hierdie lande gevolglik misluk in die aanspreek van die Koerdiese aanspraak op selfbeskikking. ‘n Politieke oorgang van hierdie soort benodig toewyding en bereidwilligheid, en hierdie navorsing stel aanbevelings voor vir die pad na ‘n federale politiese ooreenkoms en groter Koerdiese selfbeskikking. Dit is nodig indien ‘n vreedsame oplossing vir die eeuelange Koerdiese kwessie gevind moet word.
12
Hatyina, Ladislav. "Kurdská otázka a problematika kurdské menšiny v Turecku." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2008. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-77027.
Full textAbstract:
This Final Thesis is concerning the question of Kurdish minority which is currently dwelling in the Turkish state. I tried to make a clear picture about historical development of both nations, Turkish and Kurdish. The main hypothesis should reveal whether prevail the effort of Kurdish people to reconstruct own state -- new Kurdistan or whether are they attempting to obtain autonomy of Turkish government on the present. One part of this Thesis covers the interrelations in between those two groups of nations.
13
Akan, Aysun. "Press Discourse In Turkey As An Agent Of Discrimination Towards The Non-muslims: A Critical Analysis Of The Press Coverage Of The 1934 Thrace Events, 1942 Wealth Tax And 6/7 September 1955 Riots." Phd thesis, METU, 2009. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12611115/index.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
The purpose of the study is to focus on the press discourse in the representation of the non-Muslims in the news reports, editorials and columns based on the case studies of the 1934 Thrace Events, 1942 Wealth Tax and 6/7 September 1955 Riots. The aim is to
critically analyse the ideological representation of the non-Muslims in the Turkish press through critical linguistics and discourse analysis.
14
Henzelmann, Martin. "Зеленгора, Георги, Помаците в Турция." De Gruyter, 2016. https://tud.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A71157.
Full textAbstract:
Die Erforschung der pomakischen Kultur in der Türkei ist zum gegenwärtigen Zeitpunkt bei Weitem noch nicht nachhaltig genug ausgereift. Zwar finden wir zu dieser Problematik einige Einzelbeiträge mit Überblickscharakter, es bedarf aber dringend umfangreicher Studien, die sich mit den Pomaken in der Türkei beschäftigen. In der vorliegenden Monographie erklärt Georgi Zelengora, dass seine Arbeit gerade durch diese Leerstelle inspiriert wurde, denn in der bulgarischen Forschungslandschaft habe sich bislang niemand hinreichend mit der Thematik befasst. Obwohl die pomakische Gemeinschaft in der Türkei am zahlreichsten sei, fehle es in Bulgarien an Wissen über ihre Besonderheiten. Zelengora setzt sich daher zum Ziel, dem Leser eine kaum erforschte Minderheit im südöstlichen Nachbarland Bulgariens vorzustellen.
15
Arnold, Nathaniel M. "Targeting the Minority: A New Theory of Diversionary Violence." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1590166439219292.
Full text
16
Sabeh, Mada. "Démocratie et religions au Proche-Orient : les cas du Liban, d'Israël, des Territoires palestiniens et de la Turquie." Thesis, Paris 5, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA05H010/document.
Full textAbstract:
Existe-t-il un pluralisme démocratique, une démocratie différente de celle des normes « occidentales » ? C’est la question que nous nous sommes posés dans notre recherche, en partant sur une hypothèse affirmative, dans un contexte spécifique qui est celui de l’alliance communément contestée entre démocratie et religion. Nous avons décidé de nous pencher sur les démocraties du Proche-Orient, sur leurs particularismes liés au rapport étroit qui existe dans ces pays entre politique et religion. Les pays de la région qui sembleraient à nos yeux les plus démocratiques à ce jour sont le Liban, Israël (en incluant une étude des Territoires palestiniens également), et la Turquie. En tenant pour principes démocratiques l’égalité et la liberté, présents dans leurs constitutions respectives, nous avons décidé d’étudier les spécificités de chaque pays ; celui d’être un Etat confessionnel pour le Liban, un Etat Juif pour Israël, un Etat sans Etat pour les Territoires palestiniens, un Etat à la fois laïc, turc, et islamique pour la Turquie. Il existe des failles démocratiques dans chacun de ses Etats, que nous avons mises en évidence, tout comme des évolutions positives. Le nationalisme présent dans chacun de ces pays est particulièrement prononcé, selon les différentes communautés d’appartenances, ce qui fait de l’appartenance ethnique principale une appartenance nationale ; d’où notre choix ambitieux d’appeler ces Etats des démocraties ethniques, se basant sur l’ethnos (l’appartenance communautaire du peuple). C’est aussi en raison de cette condition qu’ils connaissent surtout des lacunes vis-à-vis de la reconnaissance d’autres appartenances, leurs minorités respectivesDoes a democratic pluralism exist, implying a democracy different from the "Western" standards? Based on a positive assumption, this is the question that we attempt to answer to in this research within a specific framework, namely the commonly contested alliance between democracy and religion. We have decided to study Middle-Eastern democracies with their specificities related to the narrow link that exists in those countries between politics and religion. The countries of the area that seemed, as of today, the most democratic to us are Lebanon, Israel (including a study of the Palestinian Territories) and Turkey. Based on the democratic principles of Equality and Liberty, also present in their respective constitutions, we have decided to look into the specificities of each country; such as being a confessional state for Lebanon, a Jewish state for Israel, a state without a state for the Palestinian Territories and a state being at the same time secular, Turkish and Islamic for Turkey. In each of these countries there are democratic flaws that we have highlighted, as well as positive evolutions. The Nationalism present in each of these countries is particularly pronounced according to the different communities to which one belongs, which leads the main ethnic to become a national identification, hence our ambitious choice to name these states ethnic democracies based on the ethnos (people's identification to a community). It is also because of this specificity that they encounter weaknesses towards the recognition of other identifications such as their respective minorities
17
Erol, Su. "Les Syriaques orthodoxes d’Istanbul : l’identité d’une minorité chrétienne au XXIe siècle." Thesis, Paris, EHESS, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019EHES0129.
Full textAbstract:
Cette thèse interroge la vision essentialiste qui désigne les chrétiens orientaux comme des communautés immobiles situées hors de l’histoire en mettant l’accent sur l’émergence des nouvelles dynamiques sociales des Syriaques orthodoxes d’Istanbul en Turquie contemporaine. S’appuyant sur les données historiques ainsi qu’ethnographiques, elle tend à déconstruire le discours communautariste identitaire des fidèles et avance que ce qu’on nomme aujourd’hui l’identité Syriaque orthodoxe contemporaine dans le contexte turc, s’est construite dans une longue durée et est en train de se construire par le biais des interactions continuelles avec les identités environnantes, c’est-à-dire l’identité turque musulmane, kurde, arménienne, catholique latine et protestante. Cette identité se construit beaucoup par contact, opposition et mimétisme avec l'identité nationale turque dominante, les autres identités chrétiennes, et l'identité musulmane majoritaire. A ces facteurs, l’influence du nationalisme assyrien diffusé par des réseaux transnationaux s’ajoute et ceci grâce à l’expansion radicale des mouvements de personnes et des développements technologiques, entraînés par le processus de mondialisation. Dans la présente thèse, nous suggérons également que l’identité syriaque contemporaine ne présente plus un aspect monolithique qui se caractérise par une mentalité traditionnelle et rurale. Au sein d’une métropole diversifiée et un terrain diasporique comme Istanbul, marquée par la multiplicité des cultures, on constate chez les fidèles l’émergence des nouveaux bricolages en terme religieux ainsi que des différentes modalités de croire, liées à une modernité qui se traduit par l’individualisme et le transnationalThis thesis questions the essentialist vision that identifies Eastern Christians as unchanging communities located outside of history by emphasizing the emergence of new social dynamics among Orthodox Syriacs from Istanbul in contemporary Turkey. Based on historical as well as ethnographic data, this thesis intends to deconstruct the communitarian identity discourse of the faithful and argues that what is now called contemporary Syrian Orthodox identity in the Turkish context has been built over a long period of time and through continuous interactions with surrounding identities, i.e., Muslim, Kurdish, Armenian, Latin Catholic and Protestant Turkish identities. This identity is constructed much by contact, opposition and mimicry in relation to the dominant Turkish national identity, other Christian identities and the majority Muslim identity. An additional factor is the influence of Assyrian nationalism spread by transnational networks as a result of the radical expansion of the movement of people and technological developments driven by the process of globalization. In this thesis, it’s also suggested that contemporary Syriac identity no longer has a monolithic aspect characterized by a traditional and rural mentality. Within a diversified metropolis and diasporic terrain like Istanbul marked by a multiplicity of cultures, one can see among the faithful the emergence of new bricolages in religious terms as well as the different modalities of believing, which is linked to a modernity finding its expression in individualism and transnationality
18
Kieser, Hans-Lukas. "Der verpasste Friede : Mission, Ethnie und Staat in den Ostprovinzen der Türkei 1839 - 1938 /." Zürich : Chronos, 2000. http://www.h-net.org/review/hrev-a0f1j0-aa.
Full text
19
Cagaptay, Soner. "Islam, secularism, and nationalism in modern Turkey : who is a Turk ? /." London ; New York : Routledge, 2006. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb402323640.
Full text
20
Aşçı, Mehmet. "L’Etat laïque et sa religion officielle : l’enseignement religieux, l'uléma et les minorités en Turquie." Thesis, Paris 1, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA010267.
Full textAbstract:
Ce travail est une recherche historique sur le principe de la laïcité en Turquie. L'hypothèse principale sur laquelle cette recherche repose est que la conception de la laïcité en Turquie est un moyen politique qui sert aux objectifs conjoncturels et non pas que celle-ci reste un principe politique traduisant la neutralité étatique face aux différentes formes de croyance religieuses. On étudie l'union historique entre l'Etat turc et la tradition sunnite de l'islam durant les trois différentes périodes républicaines en Turquie et dans 3 différents domaines de recherche. Ces derniers sont l'éducation religieuse, l'uléma et les minorités religieuses. Dans la 1ère partie on cherche à comprendre pour quels objectifs et comment l'Etat a utilisé la " laïcité comme idéologie politique pendant la 1ère République entre 1923-1960, en formant la politique de l'éducation religieuse dans les écoles, du clergé islamique et celles des minorités non musulmanes. La deuxième partie étudie comment le principe de la laïcité institutionnalisé par la 1ère République, a été réinterprété par des gouvernements conservateurs successifs et par la 2ème République. On essaie de voir comment une transformation politique, à partir d'un idéal de nation laïque vers un idéal de nation musulmane, a façonné les politiques de l'éducation religieuse de l'Etat "laïque" et du clergé islamique institutionnalisé. Dans la troisième partie, on essaie de voir comment l'Islam et la laïcité ont été instrumentalisés à des fins de rationalité en finalité, dans le but de défendre l'autorité d'un Etat fort construit sur le modèle jacobin par les militaires qui ont fondé la 3ème République et par le parti islamiste au pouvoirThis study is a research about the secularism principle of Turkish constitution. My hypothesis is that the secularism principle in Turkey is a political way helping to conjectural aims and it isn't a political principle about state's neutrality against different religious beliefs. I deal with the historical union between the Turkish State and the Sunni tradition in the 3 different republican periods and 3 different fields, religious education, ulema and religious minorities. ln the first part I discuss how the State used the secularism ideology between ] 923-1960 constituting religious education politics, Islamic clergy politics and non Muslim minorities politics. The second part studies how the secularism institutionalized by the first Republic was reinterpreted by conservative governments and by the second Republic. How did a political transformation from the secular nation ideal to a Muslim nation ideal, shape the religious education, secular state and institutionalized Islamic clergy politics ? ln the third part, we focus on Islamic ulema and religious minorities politics in the post coup d'état period of 1980 and we try to see how Islam and the secularism were used as a political instrument as part of rationality goals, in order to defend the authority of a strong state built according to the Jacobin model by the army which founded the third Republic and by the lslamist party in power
21
Cin, Turgay. "Yunanistan'daki Müslüman Türk azınlığın din ve vicdan özgürlüğü başmüftülük ve müftülükler sorunu /." Ankara : Seçkin, 2003. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/52311545.html.
Full textAbstract:
Originally presented as the author's Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ege Üniversitesi, İzmir, Turkey, 2002, under the title: Yunanistan'da Müslüman azınlık açısından din ve vicdan özgürlüğü.Includes bibliographical references (p. [443]-454).
22
Kaltman, Blaine. "In the shadow of the dragon : a study of the coping strategies employed by the Uighur living in predominantly Han locales in Xinjiang and China's coastal cities /." [St. Lucia, Qld.], 2006. http://www.library.uq.edu.au/pdfserve.php?image=thesisabs/absthe19114.pdf.
Full text
23
Meyer, Patrik Kristof. "Governing Muslim minorities as security treats : the case of the Uyghurs and the concept of a new Chinese nation." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610840.
Full text
24
Chen, Yangbin. "Uyghur students in a Chinese boarding school social recapitalization as a response to ethnic integration /." Click to view the E-thesis via HKUTO, 2006. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B3679806X.
Full text
25
Dynevall, Johan. "Konstruktionen av alevitisk religiös identitet i turkisk media : - en diskursiv analys av de engelskspråkiga tidningarna Hürriyet DailyNews och Today´s Zaman." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-215609.
Full textAbstract:
Alevism as such is both contested and difficult to define, despite the fact that nearly a quarter of the Turkish population can be said to identify with it (See egMarkussen, 2005; Sirin, 2013). Discussions regarding whether alevism should bedefined as a religious minority or not is going on both in the research communityas among the Alevis themselves. Also the meaning of Alevi religiosity as such isdebated and can be simply described as a discussion of whether alevism should beregarded as a part of Islam. The purpose of this discourse study is therefore to examine the construction of Alevi religious identity in two English-language Turkish newspaper, namely the Hürriyet Daily News and Today `s Zaman. With the overarching aim to achieve adeep understanding of the conditions that are given the Alevi group to form their own identity. The research questions are therefore formulated as follow; How are alevism described in Hürriyet Daily News and Today `s Zaman?, What religious dimensions are highlighted in the description of alevism? and What limitations and negotiation space indicates these descriptions of the Alevi group?. To sum up, this study shows that the Alevi identity constructed in Hürriyet DailyNews and Today´s Zaman is based on three different discourses; The Islamdiscourse, which describe alevism as a minority position within Islam emphasizing it´s heterodox nature, The Syncretisticdiscourse, which instead emphasizes the syncretic character of alevism and describes it as a separate religion outside the Islamic Community, and The Alevireligion-discourse, that in turn can be said to include both The Islamdiscourse and The Syncretisticdiscourse. Furthermore, it describe alevism and the Alevi identity as non-sunni and as a religious minority. Regardless of discourse the Alevis are inevitably in a minority position when it requires a Sunni identity to be a part of the majority group. The negotiation space of their identity could therefore be seen as limited.
26
Karabencheva-Lévy, Katerina. "Politiques publiques à l'égard des minorités ethniques et religieuses après 1989 : étude comparative entre la Roumanie et la Bulgarie." Phd thesis, École normale supérieure de Cachan - ENS Cachan, 2010. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00595290.
Full textAbstract:
Cette thèse analyse les politiques à l'égard des minorités ethniques et religieuses sous une perspective comparative entre la Roumanie et la Bulgarie. La première partie s'interroge sur les politiques à l'égard des minorités dès la création des Etats-Nations et ensuite leur situation durant les régimes communistes dans les deux pays. La deuxième partie met l'accent sur l'analyse des deux modèles d'intégration des minorités après 1989 et étudie la question de l'émergence de la représentation politique des Turcs en Bulgarie, des Hongrois en Roumanie et des Roms dans les deux pays. La recherche étudie comment les politiques et les dispositifs sont destinés à favoriser l'intégration des groupes minoritaires dans les deux pays. Une attention est accordée à la genèse et à l'évolution, ainsi qu'à la mise en œuvre de ces projets d'action publique.Cette recherche est enrichie par l'analyse des entretiens semi directifs, des observations ainsi qu'une analyse des statistiques, de la presse nationale et locale, des dispositifs juridiques et des programmes des partis. Quatre hypothèses principales sont défendues dans cette thèse : la transformation des identités ethniques en identités politiques- l'idéologisation des politiques à l'égard de minorités- l'autonomisation du religieux par rapport à l'ethnique et, enfin, de l'impact indirect de l'européanisation sur le traitement des minorités.
27
Gulmez, Recep. "La politique linguistique de la Turquie en vue d’une adhésion à l’Union européenne." Thesis, Paris 10, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA100135.
Full textAbstract:
La Turquie a connu un nouveau tournant dans les relations entre l'UE et la Turquie le 3 octobre 2005, lorsque les négociations pour la pleine adhésion ont débuté. Lorsque le gouvernement turc de coalition a commencé à améliorer les droits de l'homme et les droits des minorités en Turquie en 1999, l'Union européenne a commencé à adopter une perspective différente sur son adhésion à l'UE. L'objectif de cette étude est de mettre en lumière les progrès réalisés en matière de droits de l'homme et de droits linguistiques des minorités non officielles en Turquie compte tenu de l'adhésion à l'Union européenne. L'étude est basée sur une analyse documentaire, une méthode de recherche en sciences politiques, où nous avons examiné les rapports de progrès et les résolutions du Parlement européen sur les progrès réalisés par la Turquie ainsi que d'autres documents internationaux relatifs à la minorité et/ou aux droits de l'homme et les documents d’archive ottoman et turc. Ces documents ont été examinés sous l'angle des droits linguistiques. Nous avons découvert que la Turquie devrait élargir sa compréhension des minorités et que le turc doit être la langue officielle tandis que toutes les autres langues devraient être reconnues officiellement sans donner un statut de minorité. Donc, si un ressortissant turc veut avoir un emploi dans une unité gouvernementale, il doit connaître le turc alors que sa propre langue maternelle n'est pas interdite, comme en Angleterre et en France, où l'anglais ou le français sont obligatoires alors que toutes les autres langues sont libres à apprendre et pratiquer dans les médias, l'école et en publicTurkey had a new turning point in EU-Turkey relations on 3 October 2005 when the negotiations for full membership started. When the Turkish government of coalition started to improve human rights and minority rights in Turkey, the European Union commenced to adopt a different perspective on the accession to the EU in 1999. The objective of this study is to shed light on the progress in human rights and linguistic rights of the unofficial minorities in Turkey in view of European Union membership. The study is based on document analysis, one of research methods in political science, where we examined the progress reports and European Parliament resolutions on the progress made by Turkey as well as other international documents related to the minority and/or human rights besides Ottoman and Turkish archives. These documents were examined from the perspective of language rights. We found out that Turkey should broaden its understanding of minorities and the language of the state should be Turkish while all other languages should be recognized officially. So, if one national wants to have a job in any government unit, Turkish must be the official language while their own mother tongue is not forbidden like in England and France where English or French respectively are obligatory while all other languages are free to be learned and practiced in media, school, and in public
28
Chen, Yangbin, and 陳暘斌. "Uyghur students in a Chinese boarding school: social recapitalization as a response to ethnic integration." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2006. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B3679806X.
Full text
29
Yang, Fan. "Governing China's border regions : the impact of ethnic minority policy on ethnic Uighurs and Koreans." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2010. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/1232.
Full text
30
Sahan, Idil. "L'émergence d'un 'espace public LGBT en Turquie : une analyse de la revue Kaos GL." Thesis, Grenoble, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012GRENL023/document.
Full textAbstract:
L‘existence d‘une société civile et d‘un espace public en dehors d‘un contexte précis et d‘un espace géopolitique précis est un sujet de discussion. Notre recherche envisage de rechercher ces concepts dans le contexte ottoman – turc afin de contribuer modestement à cette discussion et surtout afin de définir les spécificités des structures existant sur cet espace géopolitique. Après avoir discuté la société civile et l‘espace public, nous prenons le mouvement lesbien, gay, bisexuel et trans (LGBT) comme exemple représentatif des nouveaux mouvements sociaux émergés en Turquie et on l‘examiné sous le perspectif de l‘espace public sociétal. En cherchant à éclaircir sa place dans la société, ses relations avec d‘autres mouvements sociaux, nous examinons de près la construction d‘un éventuel espace public autour des sujets spécifiques et l‘interaction entre mouvement et les médias afin d‘établir l‘évolution de cette relationThe existence of a civil society and a public space outside a specific context and a specific geography is a matter of discussion. Our research intends to investigate these concepts in the ottoman-turkish context to modestly contribute to this discussion and especially to define the characteristics of the existing structures on that geography. After discussing civil society and the public sphere, we take the movement of lesbian, gay, bisexual and trans persons (LGBT) as a representative example of the new social movements emerged in Turkey and we are working on that in the perspective of societal public space. In seeking to clarify its role in society, its relations with other social movements, we examine closely the possible construction of a public space around specific topics and the interaction between the movement and the media in order to establish the evolution of this relationship
31
Alicigüzel, Murat. "Les politiques linguistiques de la Turquie (1923-2013) : quelle gestion de la diversité linguistique ?" Thesis, Paris 3, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA030044.
Full textAbstract:
La Turquie, avec une population avoisinant les 75 millions d'habitants et abritant pas moins de quarante-sept groupes, de taille variable, de nature "ethnique", "religieuse" ou "linguistique", conserve une structure sociale et culturel multiethnique et multilingue.Le projet de construction de la nation turque, déclenché dans les années 1930, visait à créer une singularité culturelle et linguistique en conformité avec l'idéologie de l'État nation. La candidature de la Turquie à l'Union européenne ainsi que l'ouverture de son économie au marché international invite désormais la Turquie à modifier des perspectives, en s'engageant dans une politique de convergence avec l'Union européenne dans plusieurs domaines parmi lequel figure la gestion de la diversité linguistique. En prenant acte de l'importance de la diversité linguistique dans une Europe multilingue, le Conseil de l'Europe et l'Union européenne ont opté pour une politique en faveur de la diversité linguistique qui a pour objectif la valorisation et le développement d'une éducation plurilingue comprenant la langue nationale, les langues étrangères ainsi que les langues régionales et minoritaires. Cette recherche se donne pour objectif de caractériser la gestion de la diversité linguistique en Turquie et de décrire l'évolution des politiques linguistiques mises en œuvre sur le plan législatif, éducatif et culturel. Ceci en ce qui concerne la langue turque, les langues étrangères et les langues régionales et minoritaires, dans une vision holistiqueTurkey, with a population reaching 75 million people, consists of more than forty seven ethnical groups in different sizes varying in terms of religion, language and race. Inthe 1930s, a policy aiming single language and single culture was adopted within the scope of the efforts to build the "Turkish nation" due to the nation-state ideology. Turkey, which opened its economy to international markets and became a candidate to European Union in the 1990s, has guaranteed to make changes in many areas within the framework of the programme for alignment with the European Union acquis. The management of linguistic diversity also takes place among these promises.The Council of Europe and European Union, which amphasize the importance of linguistic diversity in multilingual Europe, have adopted an approach supporting multilingualism. It is aimed to assess the official language, foreign languages, regional an minority languages within a multilingual education system through the adopted policy. The aim of this research is to examine the development of the linguistic policies in Turkey ine the fields of education, legislation and culture through a holistic approach including the Turkishlanguage, foreign languages, regional ans minority languages by discussing the management of the linguistic diversity in Turkey
32
Maas, Jennifer Marie. "The German Education System: An Impediment to Integration of Turkish Youths into Society - A Modest Proposal." Kent State University Honors College / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ksuhonors1336099823.
Full text
33
Koşulu, Deniz. "Sociologie politique d'une communauté chiite minoritaire : les Caferis de Turquie, 1978-2015." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018AIXM0246.
Full textAbstract:
A partir d’une enquête ethnographique menée entre 2009 et 2015 dans les villes de Kars, Iǧdɪr et Istanbul, cette thèse étudie les conditions et les dynamiques de constitution et de mobilisation de la communauté chiite duodécimaine de Turquie, dite caféri, en contexte urbain. Plus particulièrement, nous étudions l’histoire sociale et politique de la communauté et nous analysons dans quelle mesure et comment cette communauté se transforme en mouvement sous l’appellation de Zeynebiye Hareketi. Les Caféris qui s’installent dans les quartiers populaires stambouliotes expérimentent la condition minoritaire de leur confession religieuse en contexte urbain, et se mettent à créer des associations pour la construction des mosquées chiites dans ces quartiers majoritairement sunnites. La réintroduction des commémorations d’Aşura dans l’espace public stambouliote par ces associations révèle les effets politisant de cette pratique rituelle religieuse pour un groupe chiite minoritaire. La migration, les nouveaux contextes d’interaction et l’expérience associative ont un effet décisif sur les trajectoires individuelles et sur le type d’identification et de différenciation ethnique, confessionnel et politique des Caféris. L’étude de l’évolution de la politisation des Caféris démontre les stratégies d’adaptation d’un groupe minoritaire confessionnel aux différents moments des politiques répressives de l’État et nous dévoile le fonctionnement d’un régime politique de type sécuritaire (jusqu’en 2015) vulnérabilisant les divers groupes minoritaires qui peuvent développer des réflexes ambigus de rapprochement et de méfiance envers l’ÉtatAs a product of an ethnographic field study that we conducted on Twelver Shias (Caferis) in Kars, in Igdir and in Istanbul between 2009 and 2015, our thesis analyses the construction of the new urban Caferi community and the different moments of its politicization process since 1978
34
Holm, Klas. "Integrationspolitikens utmaningar på kommunal nivå : En studie om immigranter i Sjöbo och Åstorp." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-376957.
Full textAbstract:
Invandringen till Sverige har ökat de senaste åren och i samband med flyktingkrisen 2015 steg antalet nyanlända dramatiskt. Denna utveckling har orsakat debatt om immigranters rättigheter och krav för integration som staten bör ställa för att utveckla integrationen av immigranter i det svenska samhället. Studier av hur integration fungerar på kommunal nivå har endast gjorts i begränsad omfattning. I och med det faktum att det finns en stark politisk självständighet på kommunal nivå i Sverige, samt att det råder en polarisering mellan politiker är det intressant att studera skillnader i målsättningar och förutsättningar för integration mellan kommuner. Uppsatsen behandlar därför frågan om vilka förutsättningarna är för integration av immigranter. Detta görs genom att studera de två skånska kommunerna Åstorp och Sjöbo som har liknande storlek och geografiskt läge men olika politiska styren. Intervjuer görs med politiker från dessa kommuner och uppsatsen redogör för skillnaderna i integrationspolitiska målsättningar. En kvantitativ analys görs även med hjälp av en enkät som besvarats av immigranter i de två kommunerna. Analysen visar att kommuntillhörighet spelar en viss roll för hur immigranterna upplever mottagandet av deras kultur samt social integration med svenskar. Därutöver visar resultaten att immigranters ursprung, kön, tid i Sverige, uppfattning om religionens betydelse samt upplevda krav på anpassning, förknippas på olika sätt med tillfredställande av deras anspråk för integration, såsom hur de upplever kulturellt mottagande, autonomi, inkludering i olika avseenden samt religiösa rättigheter. En slutsats är att förutsättningarna för integration är starkt förknippade med dessa egenskaper, men att de är relaterade till immigranternas anspråk om rättigheter på olika sätt. Integrationspolitiska åtgärder bör lämpligen ta hänsyn till hur de olika egenskaperna hos immigranterna är relaterade till tillfredställandet av deras anspråk för att därigenom stärka integrationsprocessen.
35
Ercel, Erkan. "Desiring Jews : the fantasy of Ottoman tolerance /." 2005. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:MR19713.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (M.A.)--York University, 2005. Graduate Programme in Sociology.Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 124-136). Also available on the Internet. MODE OF ACCESS via web browser by entering the following URL: http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:MR19713
36
Hade, Wolfgang Georg. "Anschuldigungen und Antwort des Glaubens : Wahrnehmung von Christen in türkischen Tageszeitungen und Maßstäbe für eine christliche Reaktion." Thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/18753.
Full textAbstract:
German textDie vorliegende Studie untersucht die Wahrnehmung von Christen durch die wichtigsten so-ziopolitischen Milieus in der heutigen Türkei mittels einer qualitativen Inhaltsanalyse von fünf türkischen Tageszeitungen. Zunächst schildert ein Rückblick die bedeutendsten ge-schichtlichen Faktoren für die Haltung gegenüber Christen in der Türkei: den frühen Islam, die gesellschaftliche Stellung der christlichen Minderheiten im Osmanischen Reich und in der Türkischen Republik sowie die Einflussnahme „christlicher“ Mächte in den Kreuzzügen und dann im Zeitalter des Kolonialismus. Die Analyse der Zeitungen Yeniçağ, Millî Gazete, Yeni Şafak, Milliyet sowie Cumhuriyet, die als Repräsentanten verschiedener Milieus ausgewählt wurden, erweist sich als aussage-kräftig in Bezug auf einen hinreichend differenzierten Befund der Wahrnehmung von Chris-ten. Es wird deutlich, dass laizistischer Kemalismus, türkisch-islamischer Nationalismus, Is-lamismus in seinen verschiedenen Spielarten sowie demokratischer Liberalismus die Christen durchaus sehr unterschiedlich wahrnehmen. Insbesondere in dem Misstrauen gegenüber christlicher Missionstätigkeit in der Türkei, die vorwiegend von Protestanten getragen wird, sind jedoch auch beachtliche Gemeinsamkeiten in der Sichtweise der untersuchten Milieus festzustellen. Im systematisierenden Teil der Arbeit werden für die vorwiegend negative Einstellung gegenüber Christen in der Türkei ideologische, historisch-politische und psychologisch-soziologische Gründe nachgewiesen. Zusätzlich wird die Notwendigkeit einer christlich-theologischen Interpretation der gegen Christen erhobenen Anschuldigungen dargelegt. Ge-eignete christliche Reaktionen werden unter besonderer Berücksichtigung des Ersten Petrus-briefes aufgezeigt. Dabei legt die theologisch begründete Einordnung verbaler Angriffe in den Gesamtrahmen von Verfolgung das Fundament für ein Spektrum solcher Reaktionen. Dazu gehören die Auseinandersetzung mit Vorwürfen gegen Mission und die Vergewisserung der eigenen christlichen Identität. Der Erste Petrusbrief legt aktive Strategien zur Korrektur ge-sellschaftlicher Vorurteile nahe, gebietet aber ebenso geduldiges Ertragen von Anklagen nach dem Vorbild Christi und um seinetwillen.
This study examines the perceptions of Christians within the most important socio-political milieus in today’s Turkey. Methodically it undertakes a qualitative content analysis of five Turkish daily newspapers. First a retrospect depicts the most prominent historical factors for the attitude towards Christians in Turkey: early Islam, the societal status of Christian minori-ties in the Ottoman Empire and the Turkish Republic, the interference of “Christian” powers during the crusades and later in the age of colonialism. The analysis of the newspapers Yeniçağ, Millî Gazete, Yeni Şafak, Milliyet and Cumhuri-yet, which are selected for representing the different milieus, proves to provide meaningful and adequately differentiated results concerning the perceptions of Christians. It becomes obvious that secular Kemalism, Turkish-Islamic nationalism, Islamism in its different flavors, and democratic liberalism manifest thoroughly different perceptions of Christians. Simultane-ously, significant common ground of the perspectives under examination can be demonstrat-ed, especially in terms of a deep mistrust against Christian missionary activities in Turkey. In the systematizing part of the study, ideological, historic-political, and psychological-sociological reasons are established for the mostly negative attitude towards Christians in Turkey. In addition the necessity of a Christian theological interpretation of the accusations against Christians is substantiated. Appropriate Christian responses are identified, with special attention to the First Letter of Peter. A theologically justified integration of verbal abuse into the broader framework of persecution creates the interpretational foundation for determining a variety of possible responses. Prominent among these responses are a debate about the accu-sations against Christian mission and the self-assurance of one’s Christian identity. The First Letter of Peter suggests active strategies to mitigate societal prejudice, but at the same time calls for Christians to patiently bear accusations according to the example of Christ and for his sake.
Christian Spirituality, Church History & Missiology
D. Th. (Missiology)
37
"族群、宗教与认同的重建: 广州一个维吾尔移民社群的研究." Thesis, 2009. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b6074795.
Full textAbstract:
I argue that there are three decisive elements in the Uyghur migrants' construction of their ethnicity, namely one theme, two discourses, and three binary relationships. One theme refers to the unity and stability of the Chinese nation, which is not only the aim of the goverment to promote national belonging, it also creates the category of "Xinjiang People". Two discourses refer to the state discourse and the discourse of the marginal Uyghur migrants. The former emphasizes the importance of national unity and the latter focuses on Uyghurs' interest. These discourses are the tactics of negotiation between the state and the Uyghur migrants. Three binary relationships refer to the relationships between the Uyghur migrants and the state, the Uyghur migrants and the Han, and the Uyghur migrants and the other Muslim groups. Among these, the relationship between the Uyghur migrants and the state is cucial, as it influences the other two relationships.This thesis examines how the Uyghur migrants in Guangzhou construct their ethnicity. I deconstruct the voice behind the state discourse, and analyze three binary relationships between the Uyghur migrants and the state, between the Uyghur migrants and the Han, and between the Uyghur migrants and the other Muslim groups in the context of globalization.
黄云.
Sumitted: "2008年10月"
Sumitted: "2008 nian 10 yue"
Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 70-09, Section: A, page: .
Thesis (doctoral)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2009.
Includes bibliographical references (p. 236-244).
Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.
Electronic reproduction. [Ann Arbor, MI] : ProQuest Information and Learning, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.
Abstracts in Chinese and English.
School code: 1307.
Huang Yun.
38
Michnáčová, Anna. "Postoje dětí z majoritní společnosti k romským dětem." Master's thesis, 2021. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-437763.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis work discusses the ability to change the attitudes of children from the majority society towards Roma children. The theoretical part describes the formation of the Roma minority in the Czech Republic and its development. It focuses on the forms of adaptation of minority societies into the majority society and also deals with the aspects that affect the coexistence of these two groups. The first part is also devoted to social work with the minorities and organizations that cooperate with the Roma. The empirical part describes the attitudes of children, from the majority society, of a predefined age in the selected location. It also discusses what influences their attitudes the most and on what basis they are able to change them. A survey also provided information about the differences children from the majority society see between themselves and the Roma children.