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1
BIEBER, FLORIAN. "LESS DIVERSITY - MORE INTEGRATION: INTERETHNIC RELATIONS IN THE CONTEMPORARY BALKANS 1." Southeastern Europe 32, no. 1 (2007): 23–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633307x00039.
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Abstract Summary: This article surveys the state of diversity in Southeastern Europe by examining the nature of interethnic relations and diversity, minority rights protection and political participation of minorities. During the past decade, state repression and hostility towards minorities have largely made way to including minorities in government and introducing comprehensive minority rights protection laws. These improvements at the level of policy are often not matched in terms of general interethnic relations. Majority-minority relations remain burdened by the 1990s and Southeastern Europe is considerably more homogenous than it was in 1989. As a consequence, legal and policy changes are often the consequence of international and in particular EU pressure rather than domestic processes.
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Reisch, Alfred A. "Hungarian Foreign Policy and the Magyar Minorities: New Foreign Policy Priorities." Nationalities Papers 24, no. 3 (September 1996): 445–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999608408459.
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In the wake of the 1989 revolutions in East Central Europe, two parallel developments took place in rapid succession. On the one hand, strong national sentiments accompanied by a desire to set up independent nation states emerged in the countries neighboring Hungary. At the same time, the ethnic Magyar minorities, long excluded from participation in the political life of those countries, gained the ability to establish their political movements, to enter candidates in local and national elections, and to elect their own deputies in the national parliaments and local governments. On the other hand, the fate of the Magyar minorities and the guaranteeing of their rights became one of the central elements of Hungary's foreign policy in bilateral relations with its neighbors. Budapest also embarked on a major effort to make the minority problem an international issue and to achieve some form of international legal codification for minority rights. These simultaneous and, in part, contradictory developments and goals placed several dilemmas before Hungarian policy-makers that, three years later, have yet to be resolved.
3
Stankovic-Pejnovic, Vesna. "Past and future of multiculturalism in Southeast Europe." Medjunarodni problemi 62, no. 3 (2010): 463–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1003463s.
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Multiculturalism is a logical extension of the politics of equal respect and the politics of recognition but it is not an inheritance of modern liberal state. In the area of Southeast Europe multiculturalism is known through centuries. By the collapse of Yugoslavia, new countries prioritized the strengthening the central state and creation one nation state, deleted memory of multiculturalism of past. When 1993 European Union, through Copenhagen criterion, stipulates condition for accession (respect and protection national minorities), countries of Southeast Europe faced with the implementation of multicultural standards based on assumption that policy of recognition and promotion ethno-cultural diversity can enlarge human freedom, strengthen human rights and democracy. Unlike west federal models, cultural autonomy exclude territorial autonomy, but include institutional autonomy, local government and right to use mother tongue. Models of the multicultural policy are numerous and dependable on political, social and cultural circumstances, but countries of Southeast Europe must accept multicultural future.
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Safira Mustaqilla, Safira Mustaqilla. "Book Review: “Muslim Minority-State Relations (Violence, Integration and Policy) The Executive Summary: Robert Mason, First Published 2016 by. Palgrave Macmillan, 2016." SAMARAH: Jurnal Hukum Keluarga dan Hukum Islam 1, no. 2 (December 30, 2017): 528. http://dx.doi.org/10.22373/sjhk.v1i2.2382.
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The book under the auspices of the modern Muslim world in a tittle “Muslim Minority-State Relations: Violence, Integration and Policyâ€, described on the minority Muslim community before the government 11 september, and thereafter. Before the reign of 11 September, the government does not target minority Muslim community with a comprehensive policy that aims to foster multiculturalism, integration and social cohesion. But in the last decade all of has changed.Now Muslims are confronted by the global issue of radicalization, the legitimacy of actors Muslims and Islam to be a challenge to traditional national identity. The issue is more visible in 2015 when the conflict in Syria, and instability in other parts of the Middle East and Africa has sparked a new case of terrorism in Europe carried out by Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant. More than 350,000 migrants were on the border of the EU between January and August 2015, more than the total figure for 2014. Germany alone, expects to receive 800,000 refugees and asylum-seekers in 2015, four times in 2014.That glimpse of the picture presented by Robert Mason about the situation of Muslim minorities in some parts of the western countries and the Middle East.
This book consists of eight chapters. Each chapter is summarized well by the writer. each contents highlight about the position of minorities and their involvement in the public sphere. The authors describe a wide range of minority issues from different countries, with several cases of violence and the restrictions experienced by minorities. This book is very helpful, because it contains a variety of information that is current and up to date, about the state of minorities in various countries around the globe. And this book is the first edition in 2016.
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Helfer, Laurence R., and Erik Voeten. "International Courts as Agents of Legal Change: Evidence from LGBT Rights in Europe." International Organization 68, no. 1 (December 13, 2013): 77–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818313000398.
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AbstractDo international court judgments influence the behavior of actors other than the parties to a dispute? Are international courts agents of policy change or do their judgments merely reflect evolving social and political trends? We develop a theory that specifies the conditions under which international courts can use their interpretive discretion to have system-wide effects. We examine the theory in the context of European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) rulings on lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) issues by creating a new data set that matches these rulings with laws in all Council of Europe (CoE) member states. We also collect data on LGBT policies unaffected by ECtHR judgments to control for the confounding effect of evolving trends in national policies. We find that ECtHR judgments against one country substantially increase the probability of national-level policy change across Europe. The marginal effects of the judgments are especially high where public acceptance of sexual minorities is low, but where national courts can rely on ECtHR precedents to invalidate domestic laws or where the government in power is not ideologically opposed to LGBT equality. We conclude by exploring the implications of our findings for other international courts.
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Kozachuk, Oleh. "Liberal Pluralism and Multiculturalism in Central and Eastern Europe (W. Kymlicka Views’ Analysis)." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 33-34 (August 25, 2017): 230–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2016.33-34.230-237.
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Will Kymlicka is widely known in the world for the research in the field of the theoretical principles of liberal pluralism and justification of the policy of multiculturalism. In his scientific work, he pays attention not onlyto his native Canada but also draws attention to other regions of the world, including Central and Eastern Europe. The scientist asks whether the export of Western model of liberal pluralism and multiculturalism policies available in the region? Are Western models of multiculturalism and minority rights relevant for the post-Communist countries of Central and Eastern Europe? In the following article, we analyze Will Kymlicka’s views on this issue. Kymlicka explains why conventional ways of distinguishing between ethnic relations in the East and West do not help in understanding or responding to ethnic conflicts in the post-Communist world. He argues why the states of Central and Eastern Europe are not inherent in the territorial autonomy in their state building. He also argues why federalism as a form of government is not the solution of interethnic interaction’s problems. In addition, Will Kymlicka tries to highlight the unique characteristics of the region, which do not suggest the possibility of the introduction of liberal pluralism and multiculturalism in Central and Eastern Europe in the near future.
Keywords: Liberal pluralism, multiculturalism, territorial autonomy, federalism, minorities
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Talalaeva, Ekaterina Yu. "Confessional “Parallel” Societies in the Context of the Immigration Policy of the Scandinavian Countries." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, no. 466 (2021): 143–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/15617793/466/17.
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The article analyzes potential and real threats to the national security of the Scandinavian countries from Muslim segregated communities of immigrants who form “parallel” societies on the territory of Denmark, Sweden and Norway. Based on the commonality of the historical development, the economic system and the sociopolitical structure of the states in this geopolitical region, the research identifies general trends in the formation of a confessional parallel society and the modern political immigration strategy in Northern Europe. The study of social and political discourse and officially published documents on the problem of “parallel” societies makes it possible to assess the effectiveness of actions taken by state structures to ensure the full integration of isolated Muslim communities in the majority society. The reports of ministries and internal law enforcement agencies in the states of Northern Europe deserve special attention against the background of the widespread exploitation of the problems of Muslim parallel communities in the media and sociopolitical debates that escalate social tension in the Scandinavian countries. Despite the fact that the official reports emphasize the undeniable relevance of this problem, they exclude the possibility of escalating the current situation into a threat of national or international scale since the police keep these territories under control. However, the lack of successful integration policies of Denmark, Sweden and Norway regarding ethno-religious minorities significantly complicates the legal regulation of cultural, religious and ethnic diversity within their national borders. This situation leads to the formation of “vulnerable residential areas” with a high degree of crime against the background of a low socioeconomic standard of living. The population of such areas mainly consists of non-Western immigrants practicing Islam. Discrimination of the rights of ethno-religious minorities in democratic countries to a large extent determines the tendency to the segregation of Muslim communities from the majority society on the basis of their own cultural and religious order, which subsequently may lead to religious radicalization. Despite the positive measures taken by the governments of Denmark, Sweden and Norway to integrate Muslim minorities into the majority society, the prevailing inefficiency of the existing immigration policy in the context of the continuous expansion of cultural, religious and ethnic diversity among the population of the Scandinavian countries is stated. Moreover, the main reason for the emergence of a confessional parallel society as a modern social phenomenon lies in the practical absence of state structures and public institutions capable to ensure full integration of all citizens into a united society.
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BOLZMAN, CLAUDIO, RAFFAELLA PONCIONI-DERIGO, MARIE VIAL, and ROSITA FIBBI. "Older labour migrants' well being in Europe: the case of Switzerland." Ageing and Society 24, no. 3 (April 26, 2004): 411–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0144686x03001557.
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This paper examines several aspects of the social situation of the older immigrant population in Switzerland. It reviews their demographic history and characteristics and provides profiles of their health and well being, their material standard of life and access to social security and related benefits. It reports selected findings from an original survey of older Italian and Spanish citizens who are resident in the country, which show relatively high rates of disadvantage and poverty. The determination of a large proportion of the immigrant population to remain in Switzerland after they have ceased work demonstrates that the minorities who entered the country as labour migrants will become a permanent element of the Swiss population and its society. Neither the politicians nor the general public in Switzerland have yet accepted the reality of this new diversity. Given the continuation and indeed growth of international labour migration, the paper concludes by discussing the social policy and attitudinal options that face the governments and the population of Switzerland and many other European countries.
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FEDINEC, Csilla, and István CSERNICSKÓ. "HISTORICAL-STRUCTURAL ANALYSIS OF LINGUISTIC DEVELOPMENT OF THE SLAVIC POPULATION OF TRANSCARPATHIA DURING THE AUSTRO-HUNGARIAN MONARCHY (1867–1918)." Ukraine: Cultural Heritage, National Identity, Statehood 35 (2022): 63–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/ukr.2022-35-63-77.
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Using the historical-structural method, the article outlines the linguistic processes of the Transcarpathian region during the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. For a long time in Europe, the national language and its codified dialect were not a defining element of people’s identification, much more important was, for example, religious affiliation. However, when language became the most important symbol of national identity, the international language ideology was replaced by vernacularization and the ideology of linguistic nationalism, and then local national languages came to the fore. In Hungary, as part of this long process, Latin and German were gradually replaced by Hungarian in those spheres of public life that were under the direct influence of the state (for example, administrative management and education). A sharp conflict between the Hungarian state and the minorities did not arise until the central government wanted to extend the scope of the use of the Hungarian language to the internal linguistic sphere of the non-Hungarian population. Based on this historical framework, a set of different factors that influenced language policy in the region is analyzed, namely the concept of language policy of the state, the ethno-political features of the region, and the local elites’ own cultural and national movement. Parallel to the processes of national awakening among Carpatho-Ruthenians, the desire to use their native language grew stronger, and the national and language movements of other Slavic nations living on Hungarian territory, including Serbs and Slovaks, were an example. The evolution of national ideas was also helped by the fact that Enlightenment rationalism was replaced by Romanticism, which contributed to the spread of national romanticism and the «finding» of one’s own language and popular culture. It is accepted that Hungarian linguistic and national policy was subordinated to the task of preserving territories: the Hungarian government sought to keep the national regions, including Transcarpathia, within Hungary by expanding their national-cultural and linguistic rights.
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Sokolovskyy, Oleksandr. "The influence of interethnic relations on cross-border cooperation." Grani 23, no. 4 (July 5, 2020): 57–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/172041.
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The research is based on the features of the influence of interethnic relations on the development of cross-border cooperation. It is noted that, provided effective ethno-national policies are implemented, multi-ethnic border regions have the advantage that national communities facilitate cross-border cooperation, and they often act as intermediaries in inter-regional relations. It has been proven that interethnic relations have a significant impact on the development of cross-border cooperation, in particular the importance of local authorities and national governments, which have a significant role to play in the issues of inter-ethnic relations in the region. It is argued that in the development of cross-border cooperation, greater emphasis should be placed on programs and projects aimed at improving the coexistence and development of national minorities in the border regions where they are most often living compactly, in particular representatives of national minorities; as a factor of European integration. For the successful development of cross-border cooperation, it is important to understand the needs and interests of the ethnic communities of a particular region, and to take into account historical, cultural factors. It is noted that the integration model is effective in the development of cross-border cooperation, since it enables different ethnic groups and national minorities to maintain their national identity, as well as to participate in regional and inter-state cooperation. Each interethnic community in Europe has its own peculiarities, and therefore the general list of recommendations included in the European Charter does not list the granting of large permits to municipal regions. However, these documents formed the basis for cross-border cooperation in European regions, and the provisions contained therein strengthened activities in this field. An important fact is that most inter-ethnic cooperation activities are within the structures of the European Union. The most common term is "territorial cooperation" or "cross-border cooperation", which are understood as different types of cooperation programs. These programs support the promotion and implementation of joint projects of an international nature throughout the European Union and its neighbors. A specific form of cross-border cooperation is Euroregional. Its characteristic feature is the institutionalization of cross-border cooperation structures. These structures may be: interethnic associations, councils, secretariats, committees, working groups, etc. Euroregional cooperation is carried out within the Euroregion. The Euroregion can be seen as a formal structure of cooperation, adopted on the basis of agreements between interethnic local and regional authorities in order to deepen economic and social cooperation. It is emphasized that the European experience of using the opportunities of cooperation with national minorities in multiethnic regions is of great importance for Ukraine, in particular, the work of the Council of Europe, the EU Strategy for the Danube Region (EUSDR), the Association of European Border Regions, which receive considerable attention, is useful. national minorities in the development of cross-border cooperation. European experience demonstrates that, with proper organization of state policy and historical experience, the involvement of ethnic groups in cross-border cooperation can have a positive impact. Interethnic cooperation promotes political stability and reduces tensions in border areas, and has a positive impact on economic cooperation, development of education, science and culture. It is proved that cross-border cooperation must take into account the nature of ethno-political relations in the border regions, promote the provision of conditions for the development of ethno-cultural characteristics of national minorities and develop mechanisms of interethnic interaction, cooperation of local authorities and public organizations of national minorities.
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Ippolitov, Sergey. "The Russian Prisoners of War in World War I as a Humanitarian Issue." Izvestia of Smolensk State University, no. 2(50) (July 2, 2020): 174–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.35785/2072-9464-2020-50-2-174-188.
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The tragedy occurred to the prisoners of war in World War I had the scale of a humanitarian disaster. Millions of people belonged to different nationalities lived under the hardest physical and psychological living conditions. The study devoted to this page of world history methodologically comprises an
intersection of disciplines: it is necessary to study and comprehend mental, legal, economic, cultural aspects of the humanitarian crisis which had significant effect on the course of political processes in Europe. The article studies activities
of government and public organizations involved in humanitarian assistance to the Russian prisoners of war who were in the European camps. In this case a special role was played by a spiritual and cultural support of the compatriots in captivity. Acute «cultural hunger» in the prisoners of war
camps was intended to be filled by the Russian book, which became a significant factor that impeded the prisoners’ marginalization and denationalization.
The growth of nationalism in a public discourse of different countries around the world which were involved in isolation and marginalization of ethnic minorities and diasporas, their loss of national and cultural identity, customs
and language make the study of the historical analogies connected with the fate of prisoners of war in World War I appropriate and of current interest. The history
of preservation by the Russian people in captivity and exile their own cultural identity allows the author to predict the course of these processes at the present stage, as well as to develop state policy of support provided to compatriots
abroad.
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Yushkevych, Volodymur. "Major vectors of cooperation of the War Refugee Board with non-governmental organizations (1944 – 1945)." European Historical Studies, no. 11 (2018): 254–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2018.11.254-270.
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The article analyzes one of the areas of the operational work of the War Refugee Board, an American governmental agency that emerged at the end of the World War II. The purpose of the new US government structure was to plan and implement relief and rescue actions for Jews and Nazi minorities persecuted in wartime. This organization appeared in early 1944 due to the efforts of the Secretary to the Treasury Henry Morgenthau Jr. and with the support of President Franklin Roosevelt. The WRB complemented the international organizations system on refugees, the active participant of which was the US government. The article shows that during the sixteen months of its existence the researched governmental structure was able to carry out specific tasks in the territory of the neutral and occupied countries as it was subordinated exclusively by the American administration. On the other hand, the WRB appeared more flexible in its operational activities in comparison with International institutions and entities (the Intergovernmental Committee on Refugees and the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation initiative) which needed overall consensus in decision-making process. It is revealed that the important part of the work of the War Refugee Board was to cooperate with public non-governmental organizations. The range of American Jewish and Christian structures that established close partnership with the War Refugee Board has been identified. Considerable attention is paid to the analysis of the main directions of bilateral cooperation. An important element in the implementation of US aid policy in the European armed forces was the involvement of a number of financial resources licensed by the US Department of Defense, of non-governmental organizations, mainly Jewish. It was reached that financial and diplomatic work in the neutral countries of Europe was an indispensable part of the work of the WRB, which was augmented by the cooperation with agents of non-governmental organizations on the occupied territories.
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Parvin, Phil. "Integration and Identity in an International Context: Problems and Ambiguities in the New Politics of Multiculturalism." Political Studies Review 7, no. 3 (September 2009): 351–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1478-9302.2009.00187.x.
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Debates about multiculturalism, minority rights, and identity dominated Anglo-American political theory during the majority of the 1990s, and continue to raise important questions concerning the nature of citizenship, community, and the responsibilities of liberal states. They were popular, too, among policy makers, politicians, and journalists: many academics and practitioners were, for a time, united in their support for multiculturalism. Just as the philosophical literature at that time became more ‘multiculturalist’, so many European states increasingly adopted multiculturalist policies as a way of including historically marginalised groups into mainstream liberal culture or, in some cases, as a way of protecting minority groups from unfair pressures from the majority culture. However, as time has gone on, the multiculturalist turn in liberal political theory, and among many European governments, has waned. In the wake of terrorist atrocities around the world, growing concerns about the erosion of civic and national identity, and fears that cultural recognition can permit illiberal practices, many academics and practitioners have sought to distance themselves from the idea that it is a role of the state to afford special treatment to cultural minorities, and have sought once again to emphasise those common bonds which unite citizens of liberal democratic states, rather than those cultural identities which may serve to divide them. This article evaluates some of the recent philosophical literature on multiculturalism against the changing political landscape in Britain and Europe and suggests that the multiculturalist position remains weakened by a number of crucial ambiguities.
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Dharmaputra, Radityo, Reza Akbar Felayati, and Yohanes Putra Suhito. "From Acceptance to “Othering”: An Analysis of Swedish Changing Identity towards the Refugees and Muslim Minority Groups." Jurnal Global & Strategis 13, no. 2 (November 25, 2019): 75. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/jgs.13.2.2019.75-92.
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By using the case study of Sweden and the momentum of the refugee crisis in Europe, this research attempts to analyse the extent to which the shifting practice of Swedish policy towards the refugees (as signified by the new 2016 law prohibiting/restricting the entrance of refugees) might prompt some forms of core identity changes related to immigrant and minority groups. Using the poststructuralism as the central perspective on identity, we argue that the flow of refugee during the crisis in 2015-2016 could be classified as an external shock which then compelled a changing practice of Swedish refugee policy. We then try to show the relationship between changing practice and changing identity discourse by tracing the dynamics of the attitude and perception from both the Swedish government and society regarding the refugees and the Muslim minority groups in Sweden. By analysing the main texts in Swedish identity discourses and the media/public discourses, we found that the changing policy reconstitutes (albeit slowly) the identity of Sweden in “othering” the refugees and Muslim minority groups. This kind of “Self/Other” relationship was different from the condition before and during the early days of the refugee crisis.Keywords: the European refugee crisis, Sweden, Muslim Minority Groups, Post-Structuralism, Changing Practices/Discourses. Dengan menggunakan studi kasus Swedia dan momentum krisis pengungsi di Eropa, penelitian ini berupaya menganalisis sejauh mana praktik pergeseran kebijakan Swedia terhadap para pengungsi (sebagaimana ditandai oleh undang-undang baru tahun 2016 yang melarang atau membatasi pintu masuk bagi pengungsi) mungkin mendorong beberapa bentuk perubahan identitas inti yang terkait dengan kelompok imigran dan minoritas. Dengan menggunakan poststrukturalisme sebagai perspektif utama tentang identitas, penulis berpendapat bahwa masuknya pengungsi selama krisis pada tahun 2015-2016 dapat diklasifikasikan sebagai guncangan eksternal yang kemudian mendorong perubahan kebijakan kebijakan pengungsi Swedia. Kami kemudian mencoba menunjukkan hubungan antara praktik yang berubah dan perubahan diskursus identitas dengan menelusuri dinamika tingkah laku dan persepsi dari pemerintah Swedia dan masyarakat terhadap pengungsi dan kelompok minoritas Muslim di Swedia. Dengan menganalisis teks-teks utama dalam diskursus identitas Swedia dan diskursus media atau publik, penulis menemukan bahwa kebijakan yang berubah merekonstruksi (walaupun perlahan-lahan) identitas Swedia dalam "othering" para pengungsi dan kelompok minoritas Muslim. Hubungan “self/other” semacam ini berbeda dengan kondisi sebelum dan selama masa-masa awal krisis pengungsi. Kata-kata kunci: Krisis pengungsi Eropa, Swedia, Kelompok Minoritas Muslim, Post-structuralism, perubahan praktik/diskursus.
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Ludanyi, Andrew. "Soviet Nationality Policy and East Central Europe: An Overview." Nationalities Papers 24, no. 3 (September 1996): 437–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999608408458.
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The Sovietization of East Central Europe between 1945 and 1948 led to a complete reformulation of the “nationalities question” on the basis of Marxist-Leninist theory and the practical experience of the USSR. The changed political and ideological context provided the expanded camp of peoples' democracies with new guidelines for the treatment of their minorities. From this time onward, the ethnic/national minorities of these states were guaranteed an existence which was “national in form,” but “socialist in content.”
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Gwiazda, Adam. "Poland's Policy Towards Its National Minorities." Nationalities Papers 22, no. 2 (1994): 435–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999408408338.
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During the last three years, extensive academic as well as public discussions of national minorities’ rights have taken place in Poland. Scholars can be roughly divided into a pro-national minorities rights group and an anti-national minorities rights group. Some strive to reconcile these two disparate positions. Similar groups can be found in the Sejm (Polish Parliament) which has been discussing the draft of a law on national minorities since Autumn 1993. This brief article investigates the situation of national minorities in Poland ever since a “specific” policy towards ethnic minorities was carried out in Poland by communist governments (though it focuses primarily on the German minority). It also reviews changes in the official policy of the Polish government, the Sejm, and assesses the prospects for the adoption of a Minorities Law, by discussing the major arguments of those groups proposing national minorities rights and those of its opponents.
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Leuprecht, Peter. "Le Conseil de l'Europe et les droits des minorités." Les droits des minorités linguistiques 27, no. 1 (April 12, 2005): 203–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/042735ar.
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This survey deals with the problem of linguistic diversity in Europe. In what way does the Council of Europe react to what is commonly called there the « new minorities » composed of immigrants and refugees ? The Director for Human Rights at the Council of Europe first covers guarantees provided to members of minorities under the European Convention on Human Rights (article 14), then describes attempts made by the Council of Europe to protect minorities as such. As for the new minorities, the Council is taking action to favour intercultural education. Its policy aims a both preserving European languages in their diversity and encouraging multilingualism which is of such nature as to facilitate communication and understanding between different peoples
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Abels, Michael. "The Local Government Manager as a Transformational Leader." Journal of Leadership Studies 3, no. 3 (July 1996): 96–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/107179199700300310.
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Local government managers fnd their organizations in an era of unparalleled political chaos. Accentuating this environment, an extremely angry public is the catalyst for the take over of policy making by radical minorities, and is precipitating the election of representatives who believe they must embrace a political philosophy oriented to satisfying the platform of single issue negative minorities. This vacuum of political leadership requires a new generation of managers. To counteract political negativity mangers must become transformational leaders. Transformational leadership will require that managers mobilize proactive citizen groups to perform legislative intervention with the policy making body.
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Smetanková, Daša. "Komparácia politík voči národnostným menšinám vlád Roberta Fica a Vladimíra Mečiara na Slovensku v rokoch 1994 až 1998 a 2006 až 2010." Středoevropské politické studie Central European Political Studies Review 15, no. 1 (April 1, 2013): 54–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cepsr.2012.1.54.
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The paper deals with minority policy in Slovakia during two governmental periods, 1994-1998 (Robert Fico’s government) and 2006-2010 (Vladimír Mečiar’s government). Political parties which formed government in these periods tend to be referred to also as national populist parties, because they pursue populist policy embedded in nationalist agenda. The goal of the article is to examine whether minority policy of Robert Fico’s government was comparable in this regard to that of Vladimir Mečiar. This is done by investigating their policies towards two largest national minorities, the Roma people and the Hungarian minority. The comparison focuses on two main issue areas: education and culture. These are assumed by the author to be most important ones from the perspective of national minorities. I analyse several sources, such as government programmes, minority strategic documents, and language, educational and culture policies, applying criteria such as content or financial considerations. As a conclusion, the paper claims that despite superficially similar characteristics, there were significant differences in both governments' policies towards national minorities.
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Moroz, Olga. "Practical experience of self-government of the italian minority of Slovenia." Bulletin of Mariupol State University. Series: History. Political Studies 11, no. 31-32 (2021): 168–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.34079/2226-2830-2021-11-31-32-168-179.
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The Republic of Slovenia is a multinational state that appeared on the political map of Central and Eastern Europe as a result of disintegrating processes in socialist Yugoslavia. The problems of national minorities have been further deteriorated at the end of the SFRY existence, despite the fact that the Yugoslav leaders tended minority issues. National relations in modern Slovenia are a legacy of the socialist period. Italians and Hungarians are only two of national minorities in the republic who exercise their constitutional rights and guarantees. The Slovenian Constitution defines these minorities as autochthonous (historical). The article offers an analysis of situation and political activity of the autochthonous minorities in Slovenia using the example of the Italian community. Despite the fact that Slovenian Italians enjoy broad powers of autonomy in education, language, and they are actively involved in the political life of the state, there are still a number of unresolved problems of the coexistence of the Italian minority and the Slovenian majority, which are common to both autochthonous minorities and largely concern all other national communities of the Republic of Slovenia. The resettlement of Italians on the territory of Slovenia is characterized by compactness, which positively influenced the processes of consolidation of the minority in the matter of protecting their constitutional rights and guarantees. In the article, the author reasoned conclusion that Slovenian society has always been marked by a high level of xenophobia, also developed on the basis of the consequences of disintegration processes in socialist Yugoslavia. The concept of autochtonomism has become a kind of society response to the threat of external migration, and, according to the official Ljubljana, poses a danger to the titular nation and language. The Italians and Hungarians, in the minds of the Slovenes and the Slovenian government, are the lesser evil compared to the so-called unconstitutional minorities - immigrants from the former SFRY.
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Atanasova, Ivanka Nedeva. "Transborder Ethnic Minorities and Their Impact on the Security of Southeastern Europe*." Nationalities Papers 32, no. 2 (June 2004): 355–440. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0090599042000230232.
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Ethnic issues have a paramount impact on the security of Southeastern Europe. The most recent proof of that has been NATO's involvement in the conflict between the Serbian government and the ethnic Albanians in Kosovo. Only NATO's involvement could reverse the highly destabilizing effect of the expulsion of over a million of the Kosovar Albanians by the Serb army and paramilitary forces beyond Kosovo's borders.
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Pham, Thanh Hang, and Ekaterina Nikolaeva. "The sustainable development of the ethnic minorities in Vietnam: The Indian experience and policy implications." E3S Web of Conferences 258 (2021): 05004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/202125805004.
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India is a country with diverse ethnic groups. To ensure special rights and benefits for ethnic minority groups aim at the sustainable development of the ethnic groups, the Indian Government has regulations on preferential treatment in terms of policies, capital provision, education and employment opportunities included in its Constitution. In addition to providing legal protection to minorities in the Constitution, the Government also implements national projects to promote socio-economic development in ethnic minority areas, establishing various agencies to manage issues of the groups. These are useful recommendations for Vietnam in ensuring the rights of ethnic minorities. In this article, the author will focus on clarifying the basic contents of Indian Government for ensuring the rights of ethnic minority groups and drawing some policy suggestions for Vietnam.
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Barrell, Ray J., and Sylvia Gottschalk. "Fiscal Policy in Europe." National Institute Economic Review 201 (July 2007): 33–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0027950107083047.
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In the past twelve months the government budget situation in Germany has improved markedly, and the budget deficit has moved from 3.2 per cent of GDP in 2005 to 1.7 per cent in 2006, with further improvements in prospect. Over the same period in France, the budget deficit moved marginally from 3 per cent of GDP in 2005 to 2.5 per cent of GDP in 2006. The prospects for further improvement appear limited as the new government plans to cut taxes to stimulate the economy. Projections for budget deficits are very uncertain, as they are the difference between two large numbers (receipts and spending) that are difficult to predict accurately. Figures 1 and 2 plot the errors around our budget projections for France and Germany based on stochastic simulations on NiGEM. The 95 per cent confidence limit for our forecast one year ahead is around 1 per cent of GDP around our central forecast, and uncertainty increases into the future. As we can see from figures 3 and 4, our forecast errors for France and Germany have been well within the 95 per cent bands in the past three years, except for our one year ahead forecast for Germany for 2006. The budget improved by 1.5 per cent of GDP more than we had anticipated, and this appears to have been due to unexpectedly high tax receipts, rather than to changed policy.
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Milburn, Fiona. "Migrants and minorities in Europe: implications for adult education and training policy." International Journal of Lifelong Education 15, no. 3 (May 1996): 167–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0260137960150303.
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Delsen, Lei. "Atypical Employment Relations and Government Policy in Europe." Labour 5, no. 3 (December 1991): 123–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9914.1991.tb00049.x.
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Priestly, Tom. "The Position of the Slovenes in Austria: Recent Developments in Political (and other) Attitudes." Nationalities Papers 27, no. 1 (March 1999): 103–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/009059999109217.
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The Slovene-speaking minority in Austria—when compared with many other linguistic minorities in Europe—is in an enviable position. Superficially, its minority rights are both constitutionally guaranteed and, for the most part, legally enforced; in the province of Carinthia/Kärnten/Koroška (the home of nearly all the minority; see Map 1) bilingual education is available in many communities at the primary level, and there is a thriving bilingual secondary school; Slovene is officially used in many offices and churches, and can be heard in many shops and on many street corners; there are two weekly newspapers. The picture below the surface is not quite as pleasant: there is anti-Slovene discrimination in several forms, and the pressure on minority members to Germanize themselves is strong; in particular, it must be emphasized that although the minority enjoys virtually full support from the federal government in Vienna, the provincial government in Carinthia has seldom been as favorably disposed. Still, most of the other minorities in Central and Eastern Europe can only dream of living in conditions like those of the Carinthian Slovenes.
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Patsiurko, Natalka, and Claire Wallace. "Citizenship, Europe and ethnic boundary making among Russian minorities in Latvia and Lithuania." Migration Letters 11, no. 2 (May 4, 2014): 187–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ml.v11i2.238.
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This article uses Andreas Wimmer’s model of ethnic boundary making to examine ethnic boundaries among the Russian-speaking minorities in Lithuania and Latvia, two countries with contrasting integration policies. We argue that the exclusive integration policies of Latvia, particularly with regard to citizenship, result in the ‘hardening’ of ethnic boundaries for Russian-speaking minorities in the country, while the more inclusive policies of Lithuania lead to the ‘softening’ of ethnic boundaries for the Russian-speaking minorities. The article considers exogenous factors of boundary making for Russians in Latvia and Lithuania, such as the influence of national policies, the policies of the Russian government and the European integration, but also examines endogenous factors such as the role of civil society, sense of identification and the different experiences of generations. We conclude that whilst endogenous and exogenous factors have shaped ethnic boundaries in different ways in the two countries, these boundaries are blurring because Europe opens up wider possibilities for work and study and younger generations are less likely to be excluded from participation by language or citizenship. In both countries, increasingly hybrid and fluid identities are replacing reified and essentialist ones that are based upon the previous Soviet-style constructs.
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Cordell, Karl, and Stefan Wolff. "Germany as a Kin-State: The Development and Implementation of a Norm-Consistent External Minority Policy towards Central and Eastern Europe." Nationalities Papers 35, no. 2 (May 2007): 289–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990701254367.
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Germany's role as a kin-state of ethnic German minorities in Central and Eastern Europe stems from a number of factors. At one level it is part and parcel of a unique historical legacy. It is also inextricably linked with the country's foreign policy towards this region. The most profound policy that the Federal Republic of Germany developed in this context after the early 1960s was Ostpolitik, which contributed significantly to the peaceful end of the Cold War, but has remained relevant thereafter despite a fundamentally changed geopolitical context, as Germany remains a kin-state for hundreds of thousands of ethnic Germans across Central and Eastern Europe, particularly in the former Soviet Union, in Poland, Romania, and Hungary. As such, a policy towards these external minorities continues to form a significant, but by no means the only, manifestation of Ostpolitik.
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Matyja, Mirosław. "Dominująca rola suwerennych państw w ramach europejskiej polityki mniejszościowej." Sprawy Narodowościowe, no. 44 (December 15, 2014): 16–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sn.2014.003.
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The dominant role of sovereign states in minotity policy in EuropeThe multi-ethnicity in Europe was shaped long time in the history, her image influenced the relations between countries and was often a source of international and internal conflicts. For this purpose, the international efforts have been made, which regulate the status of minorities in Europe and the world. Protective systems for national minorities were formed at different levels of policy; the global solutions of general and declarative nature, regional solutions, characterized by a greater degree of institutionalization, and national solutions with control mechanisms of functioning. These regulations, concerning minority policy in Europe, formulated in many international instruments, are declarative and facultative. Even within the European Union, there is generally no binding legal rights, which formulate protection of minorities. States are sovereign and the principle of the sovereignty determines the protection- policy of minorities living on their territories. Dominująca rola suwerennych państw w ramach europejskiej polityki mniejszościowejWieloetniczność w Europie kształtowana była przez kilka stuleci, zaś jej wizerunek rzutował na stosunki między poszczególnymi krajami, był źródłem międzynarodowych oraz wewnętrznych napięć i konfliktów. W tym celu na arenie międzynarodowej podjęte zostały starania, które mają na celu uregulowanie statusu mniejszości w Europie i na świecie. Systemy ochronne dla mniejszości narodowych ukształtowane zostały na różnych płaszczyznach politycznych, od rozwiązań globalnych mających charakter ogólnikowy i deklaratywny, po rozwiązania regionalne, charakteryzujące się większym stopniem instytucjonalizacji, i narodowe z funkcjonującymi mechanizmami kontroli.Wymienione uregulowania dotyczące polityki mniejszościowej w Europie, sformułowane w wielu międzynarodowych aktach prawnych, mają charakter fakultatywno‑deklaratywny i w tym sensie nie zobowiązują państw do ich przestrzegania. Nawet w ramach Unii Europejskiej nie ma zasadniczo wiążących praw formułujących ochronę mniejszości narodowych. Państwa są suwerenne i to właśnie zasada suwerenności determinuje ich dobrą bądź złą wolę w zakresie ochrony mniejszości zamieszkujących ich terytorium.
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Núñez, Gabriel González. "Translating to Communicate with Linguistic Minorities: State Obligations under International Law." International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 20, no. 3 (2013): 405–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718115-02003004.
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In the on-going debate about language rights, the role of translation remains somewhat of a blind spot. And yet, because there are very few truly monolingual societies in the world, any language policy implies a translation policy. Translation policies will vary from place to place, and they are often the result of ad hoc choices by policy makers at the local level. Even so, by looking at international law, we can find a sort of lowest common denominator for what is to be expected of translation policies. Sources of international law that can have an effect in shaping domestic policies include treaties/conventions and the judicial decisions of international tribunals. In Europe, in particular, a number of regional treaties from the Council of Europe weigh on translation as an instrument to guarantee the rights of minority speakers. The European Union – with its own treaties, regulations and directives – also helps set minimum standards for domestic translation policies. We will see that in Europe translation is usually cast as a means to secure other rights. Unfortunately, international law seems to set a rather low bar for this, with the most explicit protections afforded in the judicial realm but with relatively little elsewhere.
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Kuzub, Halyna. "National minorities political rights in the context of decentralization of power in the Eastern European countries." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 33-34 (August 25, 2017): 250–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2016.33-34.250-256.
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The question of political minorities rights is always crucial for European countries because of mutual history and border changes. Almost each of these countries are characterized by small groups of ethnic minorities who are living in boarding areas. Some representatives of these ethnic groups have separatistic points of view during the years. In some European countries situation becomes even more complicated because of assimilation policy which was provided by the former Soviet Union.
Decentralization is transferring of authorities to the local levels what is other serious accelerator of the questions of political minorities rights. The question of our research work is if the impact of decentralization process matches political minorities rights in Eastern Europe? In the present study we analyze the results of administrative and territorial reforms in Poland, the Czech Republic , Slovakia and we also took into consideration the impact of ethnic factor within new administrative and territorial division.
In conclusions author emphasizes that in Eastern Europe new division process mostly happened without taking into account historical areas where small groups of political minorities lived. Author also draws our attention to the possible separatism, which can be the reason of articulation of national minorities will, who live near the borders to other countries as to unite in some areas.
Keywords: Decentralization of authority, administrative-territorial reform, post-socialist transformation, minorities, Poland, Czech Republic, Slovakia
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Pizzi, Elise. "Ethnicity and Government Provision of Drinking Water Infrastructure in Rural China." Asian Survey 60, no. 4 (July 2020): 607–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2020.60.4.607.
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What areas of the country does the Chinese government prioritize for drinking water provision infrastructure? Chinese policy prioritizes ethnic minorities and minority autonomous areas due to concerns about inequality and interethnic harmony. However, the implementation is not always equitable or favorable for ethnic minorities. Drawing on a new data set of more than 10,000 drinking water projects, I explore how ethnicity and autonomy influence public goods provision in rural Guizhou Province. I find implementation concerns trump official policy priorities when it comes to drinking water infrastructure. Such facilities are more likely to be built in Han-majority areas, because implementation and project completion are easier for officials. The findings have implications for ethnic politics and public goods provision in nondemocratic contexts. They also demonstrate why regions with larger minority populations are often slower to develop and slower to receive better access to basic public services.
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Wauters, Patrick. "Benchmarking e‐government policy within the e‐Europe programme." Aslib Proceedings 58, no. 5 (September 2006): 389–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/00012530610692348.
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Marácz, László. "The Politics of Language Policies: Hungarian Linguistic Minorities in Central Europe." Politeja 12, no. 8 (31/2) (December 31, 2015): 45–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.12.2015.31_2.04.
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The paper will adopt the position that language is an intrinsic and largely non‑negotiable part of individual culture and identity. The recognition of one’s own language receives more and more support in international political and institutional frameworks. The promotion of linguistic diversity is the official policy of the European Union. Due to such policies, it is to be expected that languages will remain in contact in the context of all sorts of levels of governance. In order to manage linguistic diversity in multilingual and multicultural areas, the introduction of a global regime of language policies is unavoidable. These policies will need to satisfy transnational requirements and conditions, like universal human rights and the norms and standards of Europeanization set by the EU, OSCE, Council of Europe, and so on. However, because there are manifold connections between language and power, as we know from the work of political scientists such as Pierre Bourdieu, and sociolinguists such as Peter Nelde, that a language element is always a part of intergroup conflict. Hence, it is to be expected that language policies will be subject to power conflicts and hegemonic strives. In order to support my claim, I will analyze the language policies of states with Hungarian language minorities in Central Europe, particularly Romania, Slovakia, Serbia (Vojvodina), and Ukraine (Trans‑Carpathia). The policies can be studied in terms of concrete variables, like individual/collective rights, territorial rearrangements, thresholds, the Language Charter, multilingual education, the linguistic landscape, and so on. The range in which these variables are instantiated is determined by local politics; hence, it is a case of the politics of language policy.
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Norredam, Marie, Sally Hayward, Anna Deal, Charles Agyemang, and Sally Hargreaves. "Understanding and addressing long-COVID among migrants and ethnic minorities in Europe." Lancet Regional Health - Europe 19 (August 2022): 100427. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.lanepe.2022.100427.
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Fang, Shenghao. "Policy Analysis of the Treatment of Racial Inequality in the UK under COVID-19." International Journal of Education and Humanities 6, no. 2 (December 19, 2022): 198–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/ijeh.v6i2.3712.
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This article describes the long history of serious racial inequality and racial discrimination in the UK, which still does not receive widespread social and media attention. The paper focuses on the impact of covid-19 on BAME and analyses government policies and alternatives. Beyond this, the study shows that in addition to government remedial initiatives, it is more important to improve the welfare of ethnic minorities so that they have the right to be treated in hospitals.
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Cohen, Chen, and Lilach Rinot Levavi. "A Game-Theory-Based Approach to Promoting Health Policy among Minorities." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 20, no. 5 (February 28, 2023): 4335. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph20054335.
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The importance of designing policy measures that government and other public bodies apply to different populations has been escalating in recent decades. This study seeks the best way to induce conservative minority groups to cooperate with healthcare policy. The case study focuses on the Bedouin population of Israel and its willingness to accept COVID-19 vaccination. The study is based on vaccination data from the Israel Ministry of Health for the country’s entire Bedouin population, twenty-four semi-structured in-depth interviews with relevant key stakeholders, and the use of game-theory tools to profile the players, the utility functions, and various equilibrium combinations. By comparing the groups and integrating game-theory tools into the process, we reveal variables that may affect healthcare processes among conservative minority communities. Finally, cross-tabulating the results with the interview findings strengthens the insights and allows a culturally adjusted policy to be adopted. The different starting points of different minority populations have implications for the design of requisite policies in both the short and the long terms. The analysis of the game allowed us to indicate the strategy that policymakers should adopt in consideration of variables that should be taken into account in order to improve cooperation and the ability to apply policy. To increase vaccination rates among conservative minority communities in general and the Bedouin population in particular, trust in the government must be increased in the long term. In the short term, trust in the medical profession must be increased, and also health literacy.
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Bestanchuk, Yana. "National policy of the soviet government on the territory of Nothern Bukovyna and Khotyn region during the first period of sovietization (june 1940 – june 1941)." History Journal of Yuriy Fedkovych Chernivtsi National University, no. 53 (June 21, 2022): 90–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/hj2021.53.90-98.
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In the twentieth century, Bukovyna experienced a fourfold change of government and came under the rule of totalitarian regimes – first Romanian, then Soviet. The policy of the Soviet regime in the ethnic sphere – forced Russification, mass repression, which was one of the means of Sovietization of Bukovyna which deprived the region of its uniqueness and special spirit.A study shows the national policy of the Soviet government in the first year of the formation of Soviet power. The initial theoretical and methodological foundations of research include consideration concepts of «national policy». The author reveals the reaction of ethnic minorities to the entry of the Red Army on the territory of Northern Bukovyna and Khotyn region on June 28, 1940.It is pointed out that in the initial period of the formation of Soviet power, the Soviet government carried out significant agitation and propaganda, as well as work with ideological education, especially in the initial period, which was replaced by the party and the official government. The author conducts a separate analysis of the features of national policy for each of the national minorities who lived in this area. Therefore, indicating participation in activities related to the delegation of powers; participation in political and socio-political organizations.The article includes not only the positive side of national policy, but also attention to repressive measures, which is a place in the policy of the Soviet government. Repression and mass deportations of the population reduce the consequences for the region, lead to a deterioration of the main demographic indicators of the region.
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Phung, Viet-Hai. "Ethnicity and Child Poverty under New Labour: A Research Review." Social Policy and Society 7, no. 4 (October 2008): 551–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746408004491.
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This review article explores the evidence on child poverty rates amongst different ethnic groups in the UK. The Labour Government aims to end child poverty by 2020. Its strategy rests on improving employability, making work pay and expanding childcare provision. But child poverty rates among ethnic minorities are higher than among white people, which suggests that policies to reduce these have been ineffectual. The factors underlying this differential include labour market disadvantage, insensitive mainstream services and the language barriers that may cause low take-up of services, benefits and tax credits. The article concludes by suggesting a number of policy strategies that government could take to reduce the levels of child poverty amongst ethnic minorities.
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De Graaf, Beatrice, and Sipco Vellenga. "Angst voor religieuze orthodoxie? De verbreding van het terrorismediscours sinds ’9/11’." Religie & Samenleving 5, no. 3 (December 1, 2010): 227–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.54195/rs.13062.
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During the first decade of the new millenium the terrorism discourse in the Netherlands has broadened to processes of radicalization and polarization. Because of this, not only Islamic extremism but also religious orthodoxy in general has become a subject within this discourse. This article aims to answer the question which factors have contributed to this development. After outlining the terrorism policy of the Dutch government since the 1960s, it connects the trend of broadening to the rising urgency of the item of security in politics and society in the context of ‘risk society’ and the recent polarization within Dutch society along the cultural faultline between a mainly secular, liberal moral majority and strict, orthodox religious minorities. Intentional and unintentional effects of the negative link between religious orthodoxy and security on the government policy and the relationship between orthodox religious minorities and other sections of the Dutch population are analyzed.
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Appleby, Louis. "Services for ethnic minorities: a question of trust." Psychiatric Bulletin 32, no. 11 (November 2008): 401–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/pb.bp.107.018895.
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SummaryMental healthcare for ethnic minorities is a government policy priority. However, debate about how services should develop has been overshadowed by public criticism over high rates of admission and sectioning in some ethnic groups, the implication being that racism is rife in mental healthcare. These criticisms are headline-seeking, scientifically crude and unfair to mental health professionals. However, it is true that some minority communities are mistrustful of the services available. We need to overcome this mistrust with a positive message – and a promise of fair treatment.
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Kovalevych, L. "Policy of the states of the European Union against sessesionism." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. Geography, no. 64 (2016): 74–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2721.2016.64.13.
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The role of domestic policy in solving of inter-regional conflicts and counteracting secessionist processes are disclosed in the article. A mixed populatіon in any area can live either in peaceful coexistence and political stability or in violent conflicts. This is mostly dependent on the internal ethnic policy. Variety of the government’s reactions to the strengthening of centrifugal tendencies in some regions are explored; among which the approval of separatist demands, the advancement of conditions of underprivileged minorities, adoption of “asymmetric federalism”, allowance for minorities to participate in politіcal debate through parliamentary voting, referendums, etc., establishment of a confederation with only limited links between countries are distinguished. Another way to solve regional conflicts is to create a “multinational federation.” The main features of the state policy of the European Union’s countries which have regions with high potential secessionist conflict are analyzed. The necessities of a balanced domestic policy of the government to prevent the escalation of internal contradictions are emphasized. The influence of the form of government on minimizing of inter-regional conflicts is investigating. After correlating data about current regional conflicts and the forms of government of the hosting countries, it was found that the form of government (from unitary to federalism) is not the only decisive factor for solving of regional conflicts. However, taking into account the historical, cultural, linguistic, economic factors, it is important to understand that political mechanisms can give an initial impulse, the first impetus to resolve the conflicts. Therefore, political factors are some of the key one in regularizing of secessionism. Moreover, examples of the successful resolution of regional conflіcts by particular European states are considered. Experience of an effective resolving of regional conflicts in western European countries showed that in all the cases (Switzerland, Germany, Spain and Great Britain) the mechanisms of the institution of parliamentarism and solving of the language issue were used. The geographic decentralization policy of the supreme power (Germany) and legitimization of government decisions through referendums (Switzerland) are equally effective.
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Collins, Susan M. "Policy Watch: U.S. Economic Policy Toward the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe." Journal of Economic Perspectives 5, no. 4 (November 1, 1991): 219–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jep.5.4.219.
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As the Soviet Union and the countries in Eastern Europe take steps towards market economies and democratic political systems, the U.S. and other western countries have been confronted by a range of difficult and important questions about the appropriate economic policy response. What role should government policies play? How much assistance should be given? In what form? What actual policies have been undertaken? Are they a lot or a little? At one extreme, some argue that the United States and other developed countries should finance the rebuilding of the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe—even though it may cost tens of billions of dollars per year, for at least a decade. At the other end of the spectrum are those who argue that Eastern Europe does not warrant official U.S. assistance, other than for humanitarian purposes, because the situation is just too precarious, because there are worthier uses of scarce government resources, or because any restructuring should be undertaken by the private sector. This paper suggests a framework for answering these questions that considers both the nations of Eastern Europe and recent proposals for direct assistance to the Soviet Union. It draws upon the valuable lessons to be learned from assistance to the developing countries and from historical experience.
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Walker, Alastair G. H. "Towards a co‐ordinated policy of language planning for the indigenous linguistic minorities in Europe." Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development 7, no. 4 (January 1986): 345–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01434632.1986.9994250.
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Engl, Alice, and Johanna Mitterhofer. "Bridging National and Ethnic Borders: The European Grouping of Territorial Cooperation as a Space for Minorities." European Yearbook of Minority Issues Online 12, no. 1 (November 24, 2015): 1–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004306134_002.
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This article investigates territorial cooperation as an instrument that may help to link the two central objectives of the Council of Europe and the European Union: strengthening integration and cohesion, while encouraging and safeguarding diversity. Drawing on studies on minority protection and diversity management as well as on European integration, the authors examine the impact of regional development policies and strategies, in particular territorial cooperation, on minorities, on the one hand, and the importance of minorities for these policies on the other hand. The article focuses on the European Grouping of Territorial Cooperation (EGTC) as concrete policy instrument to promote territorial cooperation, studying its practical implementation on the Austrian-Italian border.
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HASMATH, REZA, and ANDREW W. MACDONALD. "Beyond Special Privileges: The Discretionary Treatment of Ethnic Minorities in China's Welfare System." Journal of Social Policy 47, no. 2 (July 3, 2017): 295–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279417000381.
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AbstractThe social welfare of ethnic minorities is a contested subject with a deep politicalised history in contemporary China. This article uses a new large dataset solely looking at ethnic minorities in China, to analyse the impact and outcomes that new urban social and welfare schemes – with notable attention to the basic medical insurance, and the minimum livelihood guarantee allowance (dibao) – have on the livelihoods of minorities. The data suggests that, contrary to the pro-minority rhetoric of the state, minority participation in social welfare programmes is predicated on the incentive set of local government officials. These findings have strong implications for constructing future social welfare policies, and for understanding their potential differential impact on ethnic minority cohorts.
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KE, FAN. "Ethnic Configuration and State-Making: A Fujian Case." Modern Asian Studies 46, no. 4 (August 30, 2011): 919–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x11000436.
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AbstractThis paper examines the relationship between ethnic configuration and state social policy in a Chinese context. Why did the Chinese communist government have to implement a preferential policy towards ethnic minorities, and to what extent has this policy come to reshape peoples’ consciousness of their group membership? As well as analysing the reasons and intents of the Chinese Communist Party when dealing with the minority issue before and after it attained power, this paper argues that categorizing of the population served to establish the state apparatus. Why the project of ethnic identification was first initiated in Fujian (a province best known for its overwhelming Han culture) is also discussed. By unfolding the process of searching for ethnic representation in Fujian in the early 1950s, this paper further argues that the major concern of the party-state regarding ethnic minorities is to hold onto its power. Finally, this paper documents how government agents, when investigating ethnicity, interacted with the local population. The Fujian case implies as well as exemplifies how ethnicity can be invented, constructed or reconstructed as a particular representation in relation to state formation.
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Milani, Mohsen M. "Iran's Policy Towards Afghanistan." Middle East Journal 60, no. 2 (April 1, 2006): 235–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/60.2.12.
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Since 1979, Iran's objectives in Afghanistan have changed as Afghanistan's domestic landscape changed. Still, Iran has consistently sought to see a stable and independent Afghanistan, with Herat as a buffer zone and with a Tehran-friendly government in Kabul, a government that reflects the rich ethnic diversity of the country. Toward those and other goals, Iran has created “spheres of influence” inside Afghanistan. During the Soviet occupation (1979-88), Iran created an “ideological sphere of influence” by empowering the Shi'ites. Iran then created a “political sphere of influence” by unifying the Dari/Persian-speaking minorities, who ascended to power. Iranian policies added fuel to the ferocious civil war in the 1990s. Astonishingly slow to recognize the threat posed by the Taliban, Iran helped create a “sphere of resistance” to counter the “Kabul-Islamabad-Riyadh” axis by supporting the Northern Alliance. Since the liberation of Afghanistan, Iran has also established an “economic sphere of influence” by engaging in the reconstruction of Afghanistan. Today, Iran's goals are to pressure the Afghan government to distance itself from Washington, and for Iran to become the hub for the transit of goods and services between the Persian Gulf and Afghanistan, Central Asia, India, and China. While Iran has been guilty of extremism and adventurism in some critical aspects of its foreign policy, its overall Afghan policy has contributed more to moderation and stability than to extremism and instability.
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Hoch, Tamara, and Sebahattin Abdurrahman. "Europeanisation as Legitimacy to Identify as a ‘National Minority’: The Turkish Community in Greece." International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 26, no. 3 (May 14, 2019): 436–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718115-02603001.
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The issue of national minorities has never ranked high on the European Union’s (eu’s) agenda. No legal or policy measures to protect Europe’s national minorities have been developed, reducing scholarly attention on the potential of Europeanisation of national minority politics to the minimum. This article addresses this misconception and argues that Europeanisation of national minority politics does occur, however, not where originally expected. By shifting attention to a poorly studied area - minority actors and their activities at the eu level – the article illustrates how minority actors create own change, how they are influenced by their own ‘usages of Europe’ and how this process helps to advance our knowledge of Europeanisation of today’s national minority politics.
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MacKenbach, Johan P., and Martin McKee. "Social-Democratic Government and Health Policy in Europe: A Quantitative Analysis." International Journal of Health Services 43, no. 3 (July 2013): 389–413. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/hs.43.3.b.
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