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1
Kozachuk, Oleh. "Liberal Pluralism and Multiculturalism in Central and Eastern Europe (W. Kymlicka Views’ Analysis)." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 33-34 (August 25, 2017): 230–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2016.33-34.230-237.
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Will Kymlicka is widely known in the world for the research in the field of the theoretical principles of liberal pluralism and justification of the policy of multiculturalism. In his scientific work, he pays attention not onlyto his native Canada but also draws attention to other regions of the world, including Central and Eastern Europe. The scientist asks whether the export of Western model of liberal pluralism and multiculturalism policies available in the region? Are Western models of multiculturalism and minority rights relevant for the post-Communist countries of Central and Eastern Europe? In the following article, we analyze Will Kymlicka’s views on this issue. Kymlicka explains why conventional ways of distinguishing between ethnic relations in the East and West do not help in understanding or responding to ethnic conflicts in the post-Communist world. He argues why the states of Central and Eastern Europe are not inherent in the territorial autonomy in their state building. He also argues why federalism as a form of government is not the solution of interethnic interaction’s problems. In addition, Will Kymlicka tries to highlight the unique characteristics of the region, which do not suggest the possibility of the introduction of liberal pluralism and multiculturalism in Central and Eastern Europe in the near future.
Keywords: Liberal pluralism, multiculturalism, territorial autonomy, federalism, minorities
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Cordell, Karl, and Stefan Wolff. "Germany as a Kin-State: The Development and Implementation of a Norm-Consistent External Minority Policy towards Central and Eastern Europe." Nationalities Papers 35, no. 2 (May 2007): 289–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990701254367.
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Germany's role as a kin-state of ethnic German minorities in Central and Eastern Europe stems from a number of factors. At one level it is part and parcel of a unique historical legacy. It is also inextricably linked with the country's foreign policy towards this region. The most profound policy that the Federal Republic of Germany developed in this context after the early 1960s was Ostpolitik, which contributed significantly to the peaceful end of the Cold War, but has remained relevant thereafter despite a fundamentally changed geopolitical context, as Germany remains a kin-state for hundreds of thousands of ethnic Germans across Central and Eastern Europe, particularly in the former Soviet Union, in Poland, Romania, and Hungary. As such, a policy towards these external minorities continues to form a significant, but by no means the only, manifestation of Ostpolitik.
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BIEBER, FLORIAN. "LESS DIVERSITY - MORE INTEGRATION: INTERETHNIC RELATIONS IN THE CONTEMPORARY BALKANS 1." Southeastern Europe 32, no. 1 (2007): 23–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633307x00039.
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Abstract Summary: This article surveys the state of diversity in Southeastern Europe by examining the nature of interethnic relations and diversity, minority rights protection and political participation of minorities. During the past decade, state repression and hostility towards minorities have largely made way to including minorities in government and introducing comprehensive minority rights protection laws. These improvements at the level of policy are often not matched in terms of general interethnic relations. Majority-minority relations remain burdened by the 1990s and Southeastern Europe is considerably more homogenous than it was in 1989. As a consequence, legal and policy changes are often the consequence of international and in particular EU pressure rather than domestic processes.
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Kuzub, Halyna. "National minorities political rights in the context of decentralization of power in the Eastern European countries." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 33-34 (August 25, 2017): 250–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2016.33-34.250-256.
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The question of political minorities rights is always crucial for European countries because of mutual history and border changes. Almost each of these countries are characterized by small groups of ethnic minorities who are living in boarding areas. Some representatives of these ethnic groups have separatistic points of view during the years. In some European countries situation becomes even more complicated because of assimilation policy which was provided by the former Soviet Union.
Decentralization is transferring of authorities to the local levels what is other serious accelerator of the questions of political minorities rights. The question of our research work is if the impact of decentralization process matches political minorities rights in Eastern Europe? In the present study we analyze the results of administrative and territorial reforms in Poland, the Czech Republic , Slovakia and we also took into consideration the impact of ethnic factor within new administrative and territorial division.
In conclusions author emphasizes that in Eastern Europe new division process mostly happened without taking into account historical areas where small groups of political minorities lived. Author also draws our attention to the possible separatism, which can be the reason of articulation of national minorities will, who live near the borders to other countries as to unite in some areas.
Keywords: Decentralization of authority, administrative-territorial reform, post-socialist transformation, minorities, Poland, Czech Republic, Slovakia
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Collins, Susan M. "Policy Watch: U.S. Economic Policy Toward the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe." Journal of Economic Perspectives 5, no. 4 (November 1, 1991): 219–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jep.5.4.219.
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As the Soviet Union and the countries in Eastern Europe take steps towards market economies and democratic political systems, the U.S. and other western countries have been confronted by a range of difficult and important questions about the appropriate economic policy response. What role should government policies play? How much assistance should be given? In what form? What actual policies have been undertaken? Are they a lot or a little? At one extreme, some argue that the United States and other developed countries should finance the rebuilding of the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe—even though it may cost tens of billions of dollars per year, for at least a decade. At the other end of the spectrum are those who argue that Eastern Europe does not warrant official U.S. assistance, other than for humanitarian purposes, because the situation is just too precarious, because there are worthier uses of scarce government resources, or because any restructuring should be undertaken by the private sector. This paper suggests a framework for answering these questions that considers both the nations of Eastern Europe and recent proposals for direct assistance to the Soviet Union. It draws upon the valuable lessons to be learned from assistance to the developing countries and from historical experience.
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Blitstein, Peter A. "Cultural Diversity and the Interwar Conjuncture: Soviet Nationality Policy in Its Comparative Context." RUDN Journal of Russian History 19, no. 1 (December 15, 2020): 16–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8674-2020-19-1-16-46.
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Soviet nationality policy was one of several political responses to cultural diversity in the interwar period. The author situates that policy in its comparative context, contrasting the Soviet Union to its eastern European neighbors and to British and French rule in Africa. Contrary to the nationalizing policies of the new states of eastern Europe, which sought national unity at the expense of ethnic minorities, Soviet nationality policy was initially based on practices of diff erentiation. Contrary to the colonial policies of Britain and France, which were based on ethnic and racial diff erentiation, Soviet policy sought to integrate all peoples into one state. In the mid-to-late 1930s, however, Soviet policy took a nationalizing turn similar to its neighbors in eastern Europe, without completely abandoning policies of ethnic diff erentiation. We should thus understand the Soviet approach as a unique hybrid of contradictory practices of nationalization and diff erentiation.
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Blitstein, Peter A. "Cultural Diversity and the Interwar Conjuncture: Soviet Nationality Policy in Its Comparative Context." Slavic Review 65, no. 2 (2006): 273–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4148593.
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Soviet nationality policy was one of several political responses to cultural diversity in the interwar period. Peter A. Blitstein situates that policy in its comparative context, contrasting the Soviet Union to its eastern European neighbors and to British and French rule in Africa. Contrary to the nationalizing policies of the new states of eastern Europe, which sought national unity at the expense of ethnic minorities, Soviet nationality policy was initially based on practices of differentiation. Contrary to the colonial policies of Britain and France, which were based on ethnic and racial differentiation, Soviet policy sought to integrate all peoples into one state. In the mid-to-late 1930s, however, Soviet policy took a nationalizing turn similar to its neighbors in eastern Europe, without completely abandoning policies of ethnic differentiation. We should thus understand the Soviet approach as a unique hybrid of contradictory practices of nationalization and differentiation
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Priestly, Tom. "The Position of the Slovenes in Austria: Recent Developments in Political (and other) Attitudes." Nationalities Papers 27, no. 1 (March 1999): 103–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/009059999109217.
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The Slovene-speaking minority in Austria—when compared with many other linguistic minorities in Europe—is in an enviable position. Superficially, its minority rights are both constitutionally guaranteed and, for the most part, legally enforced; in the province of Carinthia/Kärnten/Koroška (the home of nearly all the minority; see Map 1) bilingual education is available in many communities at the primary level, and there is a thriving bilingual secondary school; Slovene is officially used in many offices and churches, and can be heard in many shops and on many street corners; there are two weekly newspapers. The picture below the surface is not quite as pleasant: there is anti-Slovene discrimination in several forms, and the pressure on minority members to Germanize themselves is strong; in particular, it must be emphasized that although the minority enjoys virtually full support from the federal government in Vienna, the provincial government in Carinthia has seldom been as favorably disposed. Still, most of the other minorities in Central and Eastern Europe can only dream of living in conditions like those of the Carinthian Slovenes.
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Kovalchuk, Vitaliy, Iryna Sofinska, Taras Harasymiv, Ivan Terlyuk, and Maiia Pyvovar. "Parliamentary opposition and democratic transformation issues: Centraland Eastern Europe in focus." Cuestiones Políticas 40, no. 75 (December 29, 2022): 855–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.46398/cuestpol.4075.51.
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The article presents a framework for comparing the policy-making rights of the parliamentary opposition in the parliamentary democracies of Central and Eastern Europe (Czech Republic, Hungary, Lithuania, Poland and Ukraine). The right of the parliamentary opposition to oppose the government formed by the ruling majority is a fundamental feature of liberal democracy. The application of constitutional values (democracy and rule of law) in Central and Eastern European states demonstrates the actual level of fragmentation, polarization and cartelization of the opposition. The Rule of Law Index 2021 explicitly shows that, among the Central and Eastern European countries surveyed, Lithuania ranks 18th, the Czech Republic 22nd, Poland 36th, Hungary 69th and Ukraine 74th. The Rule of Law Index refers to limitations of government powers, absence of corruption, open government and other issues related to the mission of the parliamentary opposition. It is concluded that, the distance (not only ideological) between the ruling majority and the parliamentary opposition is based on the ability to form government, participation in policy making, scrutiny of strategy and (populist) government policy.
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Moroz, Olga. "Practical experience of self-government of the italian minority of Slovenia." Bulletin of Mariupol State University. Series: History. Political Studies 11, no. 31-32 (2021): 168–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.34079/2226-2830-2021-11-31-32-168-179.
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The Republic of Slovenia is a multinational state that appeared on the political map of Central and Eastern Europe as a result of disintegrating processes in socialist Yugoslavia. The problems of national minorities have been further deteriorated at the end of the SFRY existence, despite the fact that the Yugoslav leaders tended minority issues. National relations in modern Slovenia are a legacy of the socialist period. Italians and Hungarians are only two of national minorities in the republic who exercise their constitutional rights and guarantees. The Slovenian Constitution defines these minorities as autochthonous (historical). The article offers an analysis of situation and political activity of the autochthonous minorities in Slovenia using the example of the Italian community. Despite the fact that Slovenian Italians enjoy broad powers of autonomy in education, language, and they are actively involved in the political life of the state, there are still a number of unresolved problems of the coexistence of the Italian minority and the Slovenian majority, which are common to both autochthonous minorities and largely concern all other national communities of the Republic of Slovenia. The resettlement of Italians on the territory of Slovenia is characterized by compactness, which positively influenced the processes of consolidation of the minority in the matter of protecting their constitutional rights and guarantees. In the article, the author reasoned conclusion that Slovenian society has always been marked by a high level of xenophobia, also developed on the basis of the consequences of disintegration processes in socialist Yugoslavia. The concept of autochtonomism has become a kind of society response to the threat of external migration, and, according to the official Ljubljana, poses a danger to the titular nation and language. The Italians and Hungarians, in the minds of the Slovenes and the Slovenian government, are the lesser evil compared to the so-called unconstitutional minorities - immigrants from the former SFRY.
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Stoilova, D., and I. Todorov. "Fiscal policy and economic growth: Evidence from Central and Eastern Europe." Journal of Tax Reform 7, no. 2 (2021): 146–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/jtr.2021.7.2.095.
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This study aims to estimate the impact of three fiscal instruments (direct tax revenue, indirect tax revenue and government consumption expenditure) on the economic growth of ten new European Union member states from Central and Eastern Europe– Bulgaria, Czechia, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Romania, Slovakia and Slovenia. We examine the hypothesis about the effect of expansionary fiscal policy on economic growth. The study employs a vector autoregression and annual Eurostat data for the period 2007–2019. Four control variables (the shares of gross capital formation, household consumption, exports in GDP, and the economic growth in the euro area) are included in the model to account for the influence of non-fiscal factors on economic growth. The empirical results indicate that the real output growth rate in the ten new member states of the European Union is negatively affected by direct tax revenue, while economic growth in the euro area, exports and gross capital formation are positively related to economic growth. The results also imply that government consumption and indirect tax revenue have no significant impact on the growth rate of real output of the ten studied countries from Central and Eastern Europe. It may be inferred that policymakers in the new European Union member states can raise economic growth by encouraging exports and investment and by lowering the share of direct tax revenue in GDP. From the three analyzed fiscal instruments (direct taxes, indirect taxes and government consumption expenditure), only one has proven to be effective in the case of the new member countries.
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Legge, J. S., and J. R. Alford. "Can Government Regulate Fertility? An Assessment of Pronatalist Policy in Eastern Europe." Political Research Quarterly 39, no. 4 (December 1, 1986): 709–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/106591298603900411.
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Legge, Jerome S., and John R. Alford. "Can Government Regulate Fertility? An Assessment of Pronatalist Policy in Eastern Europe." Western Political Quarterly 39, no. 4 (December 1986): 709. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/448273.
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Frenkel, Marcin. "Litwa w polskiej polityce zagranicznej w latach 2007–2014." Poliarchia 5, no. 8 (January 30, 2017): 7–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/poliarchia.05.2017.08.02.
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Lithuania in Polish Foreign Policy in the Years 2007–2014Lithuania plays a crucial part in the Polish eastern policy. Poland shares a complicated past with its north-eastern neighbour as well as many common interests. One can call it “a love-hate relationship”. The main purpose of this article is to investigate Polish-Lithuanian relations in four main areas: energy recourses and transmission lines; security and democratisation in the Eastern Europe; cooperation within the European Union; condition of minorities. The article focuses on ears 2007–2014 when Donald Tusk was the Prime Minister of Poland and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs was led by Radosław Sikorski. The paper also presents the role of the Polish president and parliament.
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Yarulin, Ildus, and E. Pozdnyakov. "World outlook split in Europe." Journal of Political Research 5, no. 1 (March 26, 2021): 133–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/2587-6295-2021-5-1-133-149.
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The article deals with the reasons for the emergence of ideological differences between the Eastern and Western Europe. The article also describes how the views of the population of "new" Europe give rise to a demand for the right-wing state policy. The methodological basis was the principles of comparative analysis. The differences in the worldview of Western and Eastern Europeans are analyzed. The author suggests that the confrontation between a number of the EU countries (Poland, Hungary) with Brussels is caused, first of all, by serious ideological differences between the worldview concepts of the population of different regions of Europe. It is concluded that the inhabitants of the East largely disagree with the progressive views of the West, which gives rise to misunderstanding at the level of the population of the current EU policy (in particular, the problems of discrimination against minorities and the dispute over quotas for the admission of migrants are mentioned). It is concluded that in the society of the "new" Europe, a demand for right-wing politics has been formed, based on the cultural past of these countries. The request finds a way out in the victory of the conservative parties in the elections, which complicates relations with Brussels. The author concludes that the confrontation between the West and the East largely arises from the desire of the first to "level" the Europeans according to a certain standard of liberal democracy, although in the countries of Eastern Europe the population it does not agree with the imposition of such a system.
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Horváthová, Brigitte, Michael Dobbins, and Rafael Pablo Labanino. "Towards energy policy corporatism in Central and Eastern Europe?" Interest Groups & Advocacy 10, no. 4 (October 22, 2021): 347–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41309-021-00138-9.
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AbstractThis paper contributes to our understanding of interest intermediation structures in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) and, specifically, whether, which, how and to what extent organized interests are incorporated into policy-making processes. Unlike previous studies primarily focusing on patterns of economic coordination (Jahn 2016), we focus on energy policy-making in the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovenia. We address the extent to which these energy interest intermediation systems are gravitating towards a more corporatist policy-making paradigm and whether corporatist arrangements have been dismantled in view of the new wave of national conservatism in CEE. We offer a complex operationalization of corporatism based on concrete indicators and present the results of a survey of energy interest groups operating in the region. It covers questions regarding interest intermediation between the organized interests and the government, regulatory authorities as well as the degree of policy coordination and political exchange with the state and between rivalling organizations, enabling us to derive a “corporatism score” for each national institutional setting and discuss them in the light of Jahn’s (2016) corporatism rankings for the region. We show that—despite striking differences—at least rudimentary corporatist interest intermediation structures have emerged with some variations of pluralism and statism in all four countries.
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Pickvance, C. G. "Decentralization and Democracy in Eastern Europe: A Sceptical Approach." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 15, no. 2 (June 1997): 129–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c150129.
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The author focuses on the link between local government decentralization and democracy in Eastern Europe. It is shown that decentralization is a multidimensional concept and that actual local government systems can be positioned differently on each dimension (functions, control, and finance) depending on the implicit model of local government. Formal and substantive definitions of democracy are distinguished and some conventional measures examined; it is concluded that decentralization and democracy do not necessarily go together. The degree of decentralization and implicit models of postsocialist local government in Eastern Europe are then outlined, with a focus on the contrast between Budapest and Moscow. The development of social movements in the two capitals is taken as an index of substantive democracy and is shown to be influenced not only by the extent of decentralization but also by other features of the local political context. This illustrates the earlier argument that the relation between decentralization and democracy is an empirically variable one rather than a necessary one.
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Sych, Olexandr. "The choice of the peoples or the choice of elites?" Науковий вісник Чернівецького національного університету імені Юрія Федьковича. Історія 2, no. 50 (December 16, 2019): 79–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/hj2019.50.79-85.
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It is known the WWI has drastically altered the map of Central and Eastern Europe. The peoples of the newly formed states had to choose the most optimum way of their social development and political system. The direction of their subsequent historical development substantially depended on the solution of this task.
We know that the new independent states of the Central and Eastern Europe made a choice in favor the Western socio-political model. It is represented to analyse an actual scientific problem: how natural and justified there was this choice, and whose choice it was - of the peoples or of the elites?
The democratic reforms along Western lines began in the countries of this region. However, the period of democratization and modernization was minimized by a number of reasons such as monarchism, government centralism, tough social control, corporativism, clericalism, commitment to social stability and order, negative attitude to innovations, traditionalism. Nationalism also had negative and destructive impact on the fate of democracy in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. The idea of my paper is to show that imperial legacy (in fact, the legacy of agrarian, or traditional, society) and nationalism were the major reasons that have caused the evolution of their political system from democracy to authoritarian dictatorships in the interwar period.
Keywords: Central and Eastern Europe, elites, modernization, democratization, nationalism, ethnic minorities, authoritarian dictatorships.
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Trachtenberg, Marc. "The United States and Eastern Europe in 1945: A Reassessment." Journal of Cold War Studies 10, no. 4 (October 2008): 94–132. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2008.10.4.94.
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This article reassesses U.S. Cold War policy in 1945, with particular emphasis on Eastern Europe. The article considers how the U.S. government proposed to deal with the Soviet Union in the postwar period more generally. The article looks closely at U.S. policy toward Poland and toward Romania and Bulgaria and sets these policies into context in order to determine whether U.S. leaders had “written off” the East European countries by the end of the year, consigning them to a Soviet sphere of influence. The article traces the strategic concept underlying U.S policy and analyzes key aspects of Secretary of State James Byrnes's policy at the July 1945 Potsdam conference and in the October–December 1945 negotiations with the USSR about the occupation of Japan.
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Barwiński, Marek. "Polish Interstate Relations with Ukraine, Belarus and Lithuania After 1990 in the Context of the Situation of National Minorities." European Spatial Research and Policy 20, no. 1 (July 3, 2013): 5–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/esrp-2013-0001.
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When we compare the contemporary ethnic structure and national policy of Poland and its eastern neighbours, we can see clear asymmetry in both quantitative and legal-institutional aspects. There is currently a markedly smaller population of Ukrainians, Belarusians and Lithuanians living in Poland than the Polish population in the territories of our eastern neighbours. At the same time, the national minorities in Poland enjoy wider rights and better conditions to operate than Poles living in Ukraine, Belarus and Lithuania.
Additional complicating factor in bilateral relations between national minority and the home state is different political status of Lithuania, Belarus and Ukraine and different processes of transformation the consequence of which is differentiated state of political relations of Poland with its eastern neighbours. Lithuania, like Poland, is a member of EU, Ukraine, outside the structures of European integration, pursued a variable foreign policy, depending on the ruling options and the economic situation, and Belarus, because of internal policy which is unacceptable in the EU countries, is located on the political periphery of Europe.
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Stankovic-Pejnovic, Vesna. "Past and future of multiculturalism in Southeast Europe." Medjunarodni problemi 62, no. 3 (2010): 463–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1003463s.
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Multiculturalism is a logical extension of the politics of equal respect and the politics of recognition but it is not an inheritance of modern liberal state. In the area of Southeast Europe multiculturalism is known through centuries. By the collapse of Yugoslavia, new countries prioritized the strengthening the central state and creation one nation state, deleted memory of multiculturalism of past. When 1993 European Union, through Copenhagen criterion, stipulates condition for accession (respect and protection national minorities), countries of Southeast Europe faced with the implementation of multicultural standards based on assumption that policy of recognition and promotion ethno-cultural diversity can enlarge human freedom, strengthen human rights and democracy. Unlike west federal models, cultural autonomy exclude territorial autonomy, but include institutional autonomy, local government and right to use mother tongue. Models of the multicultural policy are numerous and dependable on political, social and cultural circumstances, but countries of Southeast Europe must accept multicultural future.
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Andrejević Panić, Andrea, and Zagorka Lozanov-Crvenković. "Analysis of Higher Education Indicators Coherency in Central and Eastern Europe." Business Systems Research Journal 10, no. 2 (September 1, 2019): 6–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/bsrj-2019-014.
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AbstractBackground: Higher education has the main role in generating innovative activity in knowledge-based economies. Therefore, the efficiency of the higher education sector reflects the alignment of the higher education policy with government expenditure. However, countries in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE region) have been struggling with national budget optimisation, which can cause fiscal stress and thus affect the efficiency of higher education.Objectives: The main objective is to examine mutual interaction of higher education indicators, through formulating financial models that connect performance and financial indicators.Methods/Approach: A total of 4 higher education indicators were analysed and observed in the time period of 10 years in selected CEE countries. The statistical analysis was based on panel data models.Results: The main result of the paper is the analysis of coherency of selected higher education indicators in selected CEE countries in order to establish functional links between government expenditure and efficiency through formulating financial models.Conclusions: Formulated financial models can predict the behaviour of selected performance indicators, depending on financial indicators. Therefore, the obtained models can contribute to the efficient allocation of funds and comprehensive macro-level decision making assessments in higher education policy reforms.
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Mullins, Marty Manor. "Forgotten Velvet: Understanding Eastern Slovakia's 1989." New Perspectives 27, no. 3 (October 2019): 1–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2336825x1902700304.
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By focussing on the experience of Eastern Slovakia during Czechoslovakia's 1989 Velvet Revolution, this article examines the motivations propelling local revolutionaries who opposed the Communist regime at great risk to themselves and their families. It asks what inspired those who countered the government 30 years ago and argues that, for many, ideological factors were the primary driver, rather than economic considerations. Exploring these questions through the lens of Košice provides a counterpoint to accounts of the Velvet Revolution in Prague and Bratislava, which have come to dominate understandings of Czechoslovakia in 1989 and which obscure the particularities of the revolution in other significant places across the country. The text draws on regional archival and period newspaper accounts which foreground the voices of students, steel workers, dramatists, minorities and local Communist Party leaders. These sources indicate the active but uncertain nature of civil society in those crucial November and December days. The article also underscores the urban rivalry between Bratislava and Košice, which manifested itself when Košice sided with Prague's protest organization over Bratislava's. The 30th anniversary of the fall of Communism in Eastern Europe provides a timely platform for a glimpse into the largely untold story of Eastern Slovakia's Velvet Revolution.
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Zsamboki, K., and M. Bell. "Local Self-Government in Central and Eastern Europe: Decentralization or Deconcentration?" Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 15, no. 2 (June 1997): 177–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c150177.
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The development of autonomous local self-governments is a critical, albeit often over-looked, element of the long-term transition to democracy in Central and Eastern Europe and the newly independent states of the former Soviet Union. All countries in the region have taken clear steps to pass legislation creating new local government institutions. Such institutional reform is necessary, but not sufficient, for the development of autonomous local self-government. In this paper we present several fundamental criteria which must be satisfied in order to establish and nurture autonomous local self-government. We test these criteria against institutional reforms in Central and Eastern Europe and the newly independent states to gauge the extent to which there has been actual devolution of governmental responsibility from central to local governments. We conclude that, although some individual strands of these fundamental reforms may have received some attention in the current transition process, such attention is more ad hoc than strategic. As a result, the goal of creating autonomous local self-governments has not been achieved. Donor nations and reform elements in each country must think strategically about all dimensions of this local government transition if these changes are to be institutionalized and the transition is to be successful in the long term.
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Grizo, Melina, Jovan Ananiev, and Zaneta Poposka. "The Right of the Minorities to Participate in the Public Life on Local Level: The Case of Republic of Macedonia in the Framework of the EU Policy of ‘Regional Approach’." Lex localis - Journal of Local Self-Government 13, no. 3 (July 31, 2015): 879–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.4335/13.3.879-895(2015).
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The paper aims to contribute to the clarification of several aspects of the minorities’ right to participate in public life on local level. It considers the following elements: analysis of the Macedonian legal and constitutional framework; analysis of relevant provision of the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities and the European Union’s treatment of the issue in the framework of its foreign policy of ‘Regional Approach’ (1996-1999). The analysis relies on two comparisons. Firstly, it contrasts the content of the EU conditionality in the field of minority rights developed during the 1990’s in the framework of the eastern enlargement with the content of conditionality in the same field developed in the framework of the ‘Regional Approach’. Secondly, the study encompasses a brief comparison with the later development of the relevant standards within the framework of the subsequently developed EU enlargement policy of Stabilisation and Association Process (SAP). Considering that the EU relies on the standards developed in the system of Council of Europe in the field of minority rights, the analysis in particular attempts to contribute to the understanding of the dynamics of this ‘’borrowing’’, during which the Council and the Commission rely on certain aspects of the body of rules of the Council of Europe, while omitting others.
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Ida, Yoram, and Gal Talit. "Israeli Government Policy on Non-Israeli Construction Workers." Migration Letters 20, no. 1 (January 31, 2023): 101–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ml.v20i1.2820.
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In Israel, there has been a severe shortage of housing units for several decades, due, among other things, to a shortage of skilled construction workers. The industry employs Palestinian labourers (since 1967) and migrant workers, mainly from Eastern Europe and China (since the 1990s). The Israeli government has changed its policy on the employment of non-Israeli workers several times. This article reviews these changes and discusses their successes and failures. The findings show that the shortage of workers in the construction industry in Israel might justify an increase in the quota of non-Israeli workers in the short term. However, in the medium and long term, measures must be taken to ensure implementation of planned reforms to reduce Israel's dependence on non-Israelis and encourage the integration of Israeli workers in the industry. This should be achieved mainly through technological improvements and a transition to industrialized construction.
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Ágh, Attila. "The Transition to Democracy in Central Europe: A Comparative View." Journal of Public Policy 11, no. 2 (April 1991): 133–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x00006176.
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ABSTRACTThe collapse of Communist regimes in Eastern Europe has also caused the collapse of old-fashioned studies of Communist systems that subscribed to a simple notion of totalitarian uniformity, or a static belief in the continuance of self-equilibrating cycles within socialist states. To understand what is happening in Central and Eastern Europe today we need to be discriminating in a choice of paradigms. European conceptions of democracy as having a socio-economic as well as political dimension are more relevant than formalist American definitions. Moreover, Europe, in the form of the European Community, is also a much more immediate influence than the United States upon what is happening in Central or Eastern Europe. The transition to democracy in Southern Europe provides encouraging models for ex-Soviet satellites. The failure of Latin American countries to democratize provides warnings, such as the risk that Presidential government can produce dictatorship or instability, a risk that is present in new democracies in Europe too.
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Kornyliuk, Anna, Alla Ivashchenko, Yevheniia Polishchuk, Oleg Tereshchenko, and Serhii Onikiienko. "Government early policy responses on COVID-19 challenges in central and eastern europe: SME support." Acta Innovations, no. 42 (March 14, 2022): 50–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.32933/actainnovations.42.4.
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he main aim of the given research is to analyse Government policy early response due to the Covid-19 crisis in Central and Eastern Europe regarding SME support. The research methodology is based on an analysis of the pandemic impact on key indicators of countries development as well as an analysis of SME support policies responses by selected countries (Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Romania, Slovenia and Ukraine). The dynamic trends of Covid-19 spread and its impact on macroeconomic indicators were analysed. The negative growth of GDP, as well as current account balance and increasing gross debt burden, were explored in all analysed countries and the policy responses were the required measures to avoid possible economic collapse. Implemented measures were mainly directed to achieve economic recovery and capturing stability, but the main focus of the research is to analyse the support policies according to the criterion of enterprise size, SME in particular. The study is based on country-level data as well as on individual State Aid cases of each analysed CEE country. It allowed to evaluate policy response mechanisms in terms of measures regarding enterprise size. Although SMEs suffered the most during the crisis, CEE countries spent most of their resources on supporting companies, regardless of their size.
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Rodrik, Dani. "Coordination failures and government policy: A model with applications to East Asia and Eastern Europe." Journal of International Economics 40, no. 1-2 (February 1996): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0022-1996(95)01386-5.
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HALLERBERG, MARK, and SAMI YLÄOUTINEN. "Political Power, Fiscal Institutions and Budgetary Outcomes in Central and Eastern Europe." Journal of Public Policy 30, no. 1 (February 25, 2010): 45–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x09990213.
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AbstractThis paper considers the effects of fiscal governance in Central and East European countries 1998–2008. The first part makes predictions about which form of fiscal governance fits which form of government. Under multi-party coalition governments, fiscal contracts where governments make political commitments to multi-annual fiscal plans work well. In countries where two political blocks face off against one another, delegation based around a strong finance ministry should be most effective. The second part examines electoral and party systems, which affect the form of government in place. The third part documents norms, rules, and institutions in place. The final section considers the joint effects of fiscal governance on fiscal outcomes. On balance, the underlying political climate is crucial for determining what types of fiscal norms, institutions, and rules function best. The more countries diverge from their expected form of fiscal governance, the greater the increase in a country's debt burden.
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FARROW, SCOTT. "The duality of taxes and tradable permits: A survey with applications in Central and Eastern Europe." Environment and Development Economics 4, no. 4 (October 1999): 519–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1355770x99000315.
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Economic instruments such as taxes and tradable permits have been promoted as efficiency improving policies in the transition economies of Central and Eastern Europe and elsewhere. The little noticed potential for a symmetric equity impact from the two instruments in a world without distortions is first discussed. A specific policy option is suggested in which existing environmental taxes in Central and Eastern Europe can be increased without imposing additional financial burdens in industry if appropriate tax credits are provided. Second, conditions in Central and Eastern Europe are identified that reduce the change of efficiency losses in a general equilibrium setting when distortions exist. The trade-off between efficiency and equity in such a setting is found to depend on country-specific parameters and to be reduced if: (1) a cost-effective policy is implemented, (2) environmental assets can be distributed prior to privatization, and (3) government expenditures can decline.
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Terletzki, Peggy, and Claudia-Yvette Matthes. "Tripartite Bargaining and its Impact on Stabilisation Policy in Central and Eastern Europe." International Journal of Comparative Labour Law and Industrial Relations 21, Issue 3 (September 1, 2005): 369–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/ijcl2005019.
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Abstract: In this paper we examine the impact of self-imposed governmental constraints (by tripartite arrangements) and the timing of reforms (window of opportunity) on the successful implementation of large-scale reforms (fiscal stabilisation policy) in seven Central and Eastern European Countries. By analysing different sources and conducting interviews with experts and members of the tripartite councils, we consider the impact of tripartite structures on the government decision-making process in Bulgaria, Estonia, the Czech and Slovak Republics, Hungary, Poland and Slovenia. Our findings indicate that the early and continuously stabilising countries secured their policy-making by factors other than tripartite bargaining. In those countries that took a second, later approach to fiscal stabilisation, with a more confrontational style and stronger trade unions, tripartite bargaining proved to be a successful instrument.
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Safira Mustaqilla, Safira Mustaqilla. "Book Review: “Muslim Minority-State Relations (Violence, Integration and Policy) The Executive Summary: Robert Mason, First Published 2016 by. Palgrave Macmillan, 2016." SAMARAH: Jurnal Hukum Keluarga dan Hukum Islam 1, no. 2 (December 30, 2017): 528. http://dx.doi.org/10.22373/sjhk.v1i2.2382.
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The book under the auspices of the modern Muslim world in a tittle “Muslim Minority-State Relations: Violence, Integration and Policyâ€, described on the minority Muslim community before the government 11 september, and thereafter. Before the reign of 11 September, the government does not target minority Muslim community with a comprehensive policy that aims to foster multiculturalism, integration and social cohesion. But in the last decade all of has changed.Now Muslims are confronted by the global issue of radicalization, the legitimacy of actors Muslims and Islam to be a challenge to traditional national identity. The issue is more visible in 2015 when the conflict in Syria, and instability in other parts of the Middle East and Africa has sparked a new case of terrorism in Europe carried out by Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant. More than 350,000 migrants were on the border of the EU between January and August 2015, more than the total figure for 2014. Germany alone, expects to receive 800,000 refugees and asylum-seekers in 2015, four times in 2014.That glimpse of the picture presented by Robert Mason about the situation of Muslim minorities in some parts of the western countries and the Middle East.
This book consists of eight chapters. Each chapter is summarized well by the writer. each contents highlight about the position of minorities and their involvement in the public sphere. The authors describe a wide range of minority issues from different countries, with several cases of violence and the restrictions experienced by minorities. This book is very helpful, because it contains a variety of information that is current and up to date, about the state of minorities in various countries around the globe. And this book is the first edition in 2016.
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Bird, R. M., and C. Wallich. "Local Finance and Economic Reform in Eastern Europe." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 12, no. 3 (September 1994): 263–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c120263.
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Extensive decentralization, both political and fiscal, is taking place in many of the countries newly emerging from behind the socialist veil. Decentralization represents both a reaction from below to the previously tight political control from the center and an attempt from above to further the privatization of the economy and to relieve the strained fiscal situation of the central government. Although there are of course many variations in this process from country to country, some important common elements arise from the similar institutional starting point in all countries and the common transitional problems most of them are facing. The on-going reforms of subnational finance in the transitional economies are more important than seems generally to be recognized. The design of a well-functioning intergovernmental fiscal system is key to many of the major reform goals of the transition economies—macroeconomic stability, privatization, and the social safety net.
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Domber, Gregory F. "Skepticism and Stability: Reevaluating U.S. Policy during Poland's Democratic Transformation in 1989." Journal of Cold War Studies 13, no. 3 (July 2011): 52–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00142.
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This article evaluates the U.S. role in the revolutions of 1989, specifically the claim that the U.S. government was a catalyst, accelerating the pace of change in Eastern Europe. Drawing from memoirs, declassified U.S. cables, Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs reports, and underground literature from the Polish opposition, the article shows that the policy of George H. W. Bush's administration was not a “catalyst” and did not even “grease the skids” to remove Communist governments from power during the first ten months of 1989. Rather, the United States pursued a much more cautious policy that actively sought to impede the pace of change. The evidence indicates that U.S. policy was much more fixated on promoting stability in Eastern Europe, preferring evolutionary change to revolutionary transformation. The article concludes by placing these findings in the context of the emerging scholarship on the revolutions of 1989 and the Bush administration's foreign policy
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Spaulding, Robert Mark. "German trade policy in Eastern Europe, 1890–1990: preconditions for applying international trade leverage." International Organization 45, no. 3 (1991): 343–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300033130.
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Over the past century, Germany has repeatedly attempted to use trade as a tool of foreign policy vis-à-vis Imperial Russia, the Soviet Union, Poland, and Czechoslovakia. Against the background of continual German economic superiority, this article analyzes Germany's ability to apply trade leverage in terms of four other factors: the nature of the prevailing international trade regime, government views of trade leverage as a tool of statecraft, the degree of German state autonomy in setting trade policies, and the availability of an effective bureaucratic mechanism for controlling German imports and exports. The historical record demonstrates that beyond economic superiority, the application of trade leverage requires a permissive international trade regime, state acceptance of trade-based economic statecraft, an autonomous domestic regime, and a rigorous trade control bureaucracy. Surprisingly, this conjunction of factors, as they applied to Eastern Europe, occurred during both the Nazi period and the early years of the Federal Republic. The article closes by pointing out how two important factors—the politicized nature of the East-West trade regime and the Federal Republic's high degree of state autonomy in setting Eastern trade policy–are being eroded by political and economic change in Eastern Europe.
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Semenova, Elena, and Keith Dowding. "Presidential power effects on government and ministerial durability: evidence from Central and Eastern Europe." European Political Science Review 13, no. 2 (March 9, 2021): 227–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773921000059.
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AbstractIn this article, we examine the variation in the institutional powers granted to president to terminate cabinets (by dismissing prime ministers), and appointing ministers to show how variations affect both cabinet durability (and the mode of cabinet termination) and ministerial durability (i.e., the overall time a minister remains in cabinet). Using the most extensive survival data set on ministers in 14 Central and Eastern European countries available to date alongside data on government survival, our Cox regression models demonstrate that the institutional rules granting extensive powers to the presidents are powerful determinants of ministerial durability. We show that the effect of presidential powers reduces cabinet durability but increases ministerial durability. These results demonstrate that the specific powers given to chief executives are essential for issues surrounding implications for ministerial and cabinet durability, institutional choice, policy stability, and governmental accountability.
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Elander, I. "Between Centralism and Localism: On the Development of Local Self-Government in Postsocialist Europe." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 15, no. 2 (June 1997): 143–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c150143.
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During real-socialism in Central and Eastern Europe the scope for local government discretion was marginal. Local government had a very low degree of legitimacy, and this is something that poses a big problem when it comes to developing local self-government under postsocialism. It seems as if most citizens are prepared to pin their hopes on new central leaders, while they are still very hesitant with regard to local self-governance. Various expressions of localism appeared during the first three to four years of postsocialist development. However, today it seems as if the tide has turned in favour of more centralist hopes and policies. This development is discussed in the light of some of the arguments commonly raised in favour of centralism and localism, respectively, highlighting the complex relationships between the two concepts and their current manifestations. In the concluding section some ideas are put forward concerning the issue how to bridge the gap between centralism and localism, and there is also a reminder that some of the current developments of local government in Eastern and Central Europe are similar to those in Western Europe. This makes a strong argument in favour of intensified transnational contacts between academics, practitioners, and ordinary citizens with an interest in developing local self-government.
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Niklass, Mareks. "SOCIAL WELFARE POLICY PREFERENCES IN LATVIA: EVIDENCE FROM ISSP SURVEYS." CBU International Conference Proceedings 6 (September 27, 2018): 678–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.12955/cbup.v6.1232.
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This study seeks to find out how social welfare policy preferences have changed over time and what factors account for those preferences in Latvia. The author analyses ISSP survey data gathered in 1996, 2007 and 2016. The data analysis shows that most Latvians still support government interventions in providing social welfare. However, economic factors like material wellbeing and self-interest have decreased the overall support for social welfare policies during the last 20 years. The article provides a long-term perspective missing in previous studies on social welfare policy preferences in Eastern Europe.
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Saner, Raymond, Gordana Toseva, Aziz Atamanov, Roman Mogilevsky, and Aleksandar Sahov. "Government Governance (GG) and Inter-Ministerial Policy Coordination (IMPC) in Eastern and Central Europe and Central Asia." Public Organization Review 8, no. 3 (June 15, 2008): 215–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11115-008-0051-x.
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WILSON, ELIZABETH, and DANA ŠVIHLOVÁ. "DEVELOPING MUNICIPAL CAPACITY FOR EIA IN SLOVAKIA." Journal of Environmental Assessment Policy and Management 01, no. 04 (December 1999): 489–503. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1464333299000363.
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Effective implementation of environmental policy proves difficult in many countries. Even where there is a comprehensive policy framework, the capacity for implementation at the local level may be weak. In some countries of central and eastern Europe, such as Slovakia, local government has acquired new environmental responsibilities, but lacks the capacity for exercising these roles. The Slovakian environmental impact assessment (EIA) law, for example, gives local government a role as a channel for public comment. However, most municipalities lack the technical expertise or political experience to play an effective role in the EIA process. This paper describes a project supported by the UK Know-How Fund with Slovakian partners to develop municipal capacity. It offers a preliminary evaluation of the effectiveness of the programme, and emphasises the need for training in EIA to relate to municipalities' other environmental responsibilities. It draws some conclusions on cross-national learning between local government in central and western Europe.
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McCagg, William O. "Gypsy Policy in Socialist Hungary and Czechoslovakia, 1945–1989." Nationalities Papers 19, no. 3 (1991): 313–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999108408206.
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In discussion of ethnic minorities in Eastern Europe, one hears regularly of appalling official misbehavior—not just about attempted genocide (though that too), but also about bureaucratic cruelties inflicted in every field of human activity and at every level of control. Nonetheless, it is always useful to have a measurable basis for assessing unfairness; and historians have the special task of inquiring rationally why and how unfairness came about. Hence the following paper, which attempts not just to condemn, but to explain and evaluate the Hungarian and Czechoslovak official treatment of the Gypsies in recent decades. As is fairly well known, this treatment has included not only harassment of populations which presently exceed 600,000 people in each country, but also (in both countries) systematic abduction of children by the state from unwilling Gypsy parents, and (in Czechoslovakia) equally systematic sterilization of Gypsy women.Since the point of the paper is to reach beyond mere indictment, I will use a comparative method. Specifically, in recounting each stage of the development of policy towards the Gypsies I will compare what was being done to two other groups: the Jews, on the one hand, and the physically disabled on the other.
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Clarke, George R. G. "The effect of privatization and government policy on competition in transition economies." Corporate Ownership and Control 3, no. 4 (2006): 35–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.22495/cocv3i4p2.
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Recent studies have emphasize how important role competition is for enterprise productivity in Eastern Europe and Central Asia. This paper looks at the effectiveness of government policy in promoting competition in these countries. Improving enforcement of competition law and reducing barriers to trade increase competition. Firms are considerably less likely to say that they could increase prices without losing many customers when competition policy is better enforced and when tariffs are lower. In contrast, there is little evidence that privatization increases competition in of itself. State-owned enterprises face no less competition than other enterprises and the overall level of competition is no lower in countries with more state-owned enterprises. Although privatization might have other benefits, there is little evidence that it will increase competition unless governments take complementary actions such as reducing trade barriers or enforcing competition laws
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Helfer, Laurence R., and Erik Voeten. "International Courts as Agents of Legal Change: Evidence from LGBT Rights in Europe." International Organization 68, no. 1 (December 13, 2013): 77–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818313000398.
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AbstractDo international court judgments influence the behavior of actors other than the parties to a dispute? Are international courts agents of policy change or do their judgments merely reflect evolving social and political trends? We develop a theory that specifies the conditions under which international courts can use their interpretive discretion to have system-wide effects. We examine the theory in the context of European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) rulings on lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) issues by creating a new data set that matches these rulings with laws in all Council of Europe (CoE) member states. We also collect data on LGBT policies unaffected by ECtHR judgments to control for the confounding effect of evolving trends in national policies. We find that ECtHR judgments against one country substantially increase the probability of national-level policy change across Europe. The marginal effects of the judgments are especially high where public acceptance of sexual minorities is low, but where national courts can rely on ECtHR precedents to invalidate domestic laws or where the government in power is not ideologically opposed to LGBT equality. We conclude by exploring the implications of our findings for other international courts.
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Hrubinko, Andriy. "British Policy toward the eastern enlargement of the European Union: historical aspects." European Historical Studies, no. 5 (2016): 20–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2016.05.20-32.
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The article describes historical features of shaping and implementation of British policy toward the Eastern enlargement of the European Union, its impact on the implementation of the Сommon Foreign and Security Policy in the Central and Eastern Europe region. The author denotes that the history of participation of the UK in implementing Eastern enlargement of the EU not been sufficiently investigated. According to the author’s vision, the policy of the enlargement of the EU is seen as an integral part of united foreign and security policy and as a factor of its implementation in countries of the nearest periphery. The 31 enlargement process is a part of the EU enlargement policy as a geopolitical phenomenon. The United Kingdom became one of the biggest supporters of further enlargement as a permanent phenomenon in its history among countries of the Community, forming their own specific conceptual approaches and strategy. The factors of shaping active and positive positions of the British governments in connection with the enlargement of the EU toward the East have been analyzed. The author came to the conclusion that the Eastern enlargement had questionable effect for the development of the effective CFSP. The UK as one of the leading powers in the EU came to a forefront in this process. The enlargement of the EU has become an integral part of the country’s leadership strategy in the political integration. However, the confrontational European policy of the David Cameron’s government in 2010–2016 has resulted in a loss of the previous governments’ achievements in developing the cooperation and support for the countries of Eastern and Central Europe and escalated the decrease of the country’s original positions in the region.
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Kovács, Eszter Krasznai, Agata Bachórz, Natasha Bunzl, Diana Mincyte, Fabio Parasecoli, Simone Piras, and Mihai Varga. "The War in Ukraine and Food Security in Eastern Europe." Gastronomica 22, no. 3 (2022): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/gfc.2022.22.3.1.
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This dispatch outlines some of the immediate consequences and long-term challenges posed by the Ukraine war on food security and production systems in Eastern Europe. We draw particular attention to the food aid and provisioning realities around many million (and increasing) numbers of Ukrainian refugees, and the current lack of systemic, government-coordinated responses to the humanitarian crisis. Further, we outline the distinct forms of agriculture characterizing Eastern Europe, notably, the short supply chains and farming networks that are socially and environmentally unique and valuable, and are a result of the persistence of smaller, family-led farms. However, these farms and farmers are facing increasingly difficult times as a result of inflation, rising fuel prices, rationing, climate stress, export bans, and now large numbers of refugees arriving to some already very poor rural areas. We highlight the need for these multiple stresses to be discussed together, for their consequences on food production in the short and long term, especially as the effects of the war extend beyond the region. These stresses include, in the immediate, a lack (and a lack of reliability on) of state aid and infrastructures for refugee hosts and food aid organizations and, in the longer term, persisting EU-policy and market pushes toward intensification that will greatly challenge the smallholder system in Eastern Europe.
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Reslow, Natasja. "The Role of Third Countries in EU Migration Policy: The Mobility Partnerships." European Journal of Migration and Law 14, no. 4 (2012): 393–415. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718166-12342015.
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Abstract Third countries are actors in EU external migration policy, not merely passive recipients of policy proposals. In order to understand policy outcomes, it is necessary to understand why third countries decide to participate (or not) in EU migration policy initiatives. The conditionality model provides an explanation which focuses on the domestic preferences of and processes in the third countries. In 2007, the EU introduced the Mobility Partnerships. These partnerships are intended to be the framework for migration relations between the EU and third countries in Eastern Europe and Africa. The Cape Verdean government decided to sign a Mobility Partnership because the benefits of this cooperation with the EU outweighed the costs. The Senegalese government refused to sign because the Mobility Partnership would have implied significant, unacceptable costs.
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Klasnja, Marko. "Electoral rules, forms of government, and political budget cycles in transition countries." Panoeconomicus 55, no. 2 (2008): 185–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/pan0802185k.
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Recent studies have suggested the existence of 'election-year economics' in fiscal policy in transition countries. This study asks whether such electoral cycles in aggregate measures (overall expenditures, revenues and balance) and spending composition (broad vs. targeted outlays) differ among countries with different political systems. This question is motivated by a sharp division between majoritarian presidential systems in Central Asia and Eastern Europe, and proportional-parliamentary systems in the Baltic's, Central and Southeastern Europe. Further, in the absence of context-sensitive theories, the paper asks whether observed outcomes in the transition process conform to the theoretical priors developed for conditions in stable democracies. Finally, the paper attempts to normatively establish whether either of the alternative combinations yields more optimal policy outcomes. The results suggest that the differences indeed exist, primarily on the revenue side and in the composition of expenditures. These results differ markedly from those for stable democracies, especially in the case of composition of spending. Normatively, presidential yields sub optimal outcomes in comparison to parliamentarians, likely due to inefficient system of constitutionally intended checks and balances. .
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Megits, Nikolay, Inna Neskorodieva, and Julian Schuster. "Impact assessment of the COVID19 on trade between Eastern Europe and China." Journal of Eastern European and Central Asian Research (JEECAR) 7, no. 3 (December 1, 2020): 385–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.15549/jeecar.v7i3.579.
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The high-risk of the rapidly spreading COVID-19 virus worldwide created a necessity for developing a diagnostic tool designed to predict economic development, considering the risks of spreading the coronavirus epidemic. In the proposed research, China is selected strategically due to the U.S. "Buy American" trade policy. Also, the European Union presents various trade barriers for countries of Eastern Europe. The risk-versus-economic efficiency study is performed based on Fibonacci law utilizing trade-dynamic indicators with incorporating the SIR-model used to predict the dynamics of COVID-19 cases in the region. The research was performed based on data collected for the period of March-July 2020. As a result, a scientific model to predict the dynamics of trade volume between China and selected Eastern European countries is developed. The results obtained have a practical application and can be used for government institutions and economic agencies to determine their nation's short- and long-term international trade strategy.
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Carboni, Luca. "Nascita e morte delle rappresentanze pontificie e dei loro archivi nell’Europa centro-orientale. Dalla “grande guerra” alla “guerra fredda” (1918–1952)." Textus et Studia, no. 2(2) (May 8, 2017): 117–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.15633/tes.01206.
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Birth and death of pontifical representatives and their archives in Central Eastern Europe. From the “great war” to the “cold war” At the end of World War I in the Central Eastern Europe new national states replaced the multinational empires. The international policy of the Holy See aimed at the recognition of the new nation-states, which had numerous non-native minorities on its territory. The Holy See, despite the difference in approaching to the Eastern issues between Benedict XV and his successor Pius XI, opened new apostolic nunciatures (and where it was not possible new apostolic delegations) whose main purpose was to sign concordats to define the generality of relations between State and Church, mainly by ensuring the freedom of ecclesiastical appointments (against the ancient rights of patronage) and dissolving the conflict between local hierarchy and the Holy See in favor of the latter, thanks to the new role assigned to the papal nuncios. The article traces the vicissitudes that had to face during the interwar period the pontifical representatives in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, often in situations where national identity was identified with the religious one. With the outbreak of World War II and the advent of the new pope Pius XII, the Holy See had to face the sad period of the war, trying to maintain a benevolent neutrality towards someone and a critical one towards others. At the end of the conflict, with the birth of the “Iron Curtain”, the strong action against the danger of an “impassive omnipotence of a materialistic state, without a celestial ideal, no religion and no God” assumed, in the eyes of the pope, the perspective of an apocalyptic struggle between good and evil, which led in a few years to close all the pontifical representatives.