Academic literature on the topic 'Minorities – Government policy – Europe'
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Journal articles on the topic "Minorities – Government policy – Europe"
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BIEBER, FLORIAN. "LESS DIVERSITY - MORE INTEGRATION: INTERETHNIC RELATIONS IN THE CONTEMPORARY BALKANS 1." Southeastern Europe 32, no. 1 (2007): 23–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633307x00039.
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Abstract Summary: This article surveys the state of diversity in Southeastern Europe by examining the nature of interethnic relations and diversity, minority rights protection and political participation of minorities. During the past decade, state repression and hostility towards minorities have largely made way to including minorities in government and introducing comprehensive minority rights protection laws. These improvements at the level of policy are often not matched in terms of general interethnic relations. Majority-minority relations remain burdened by the 1990s and Southeastern Europe is considerably more homogenous than it was in 1989. As a consequence, legal and policy changes are often the consequence of international and in particular EU pressure rather than domestic processes.
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Reisch, Alfred A. "Hungarian Foreign Policy and the Magyar Minorities: New Foreign Policy Priorities." Nationalities Papers 24, no. 3 (September 1996): 445–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999608408459.
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In the wake of the 1989 revolutions in East Central Europe, two parallel developments took place in rapid succession. On the one hand, strong national sentiments accompanied by a desire to set up independent nation states emerged in the countries neighboring Hungary. At the same time, the ethnic Magyar minorities, long excluded from participation in the political life of those countries, gained the ability to establish their political movements, to enter candidates in local and national elections, and to elect their own deputies in the national parliaments and local governments. On the other hand, the fate of the Magyar minorities and the guaranteeing of their rights became one of the central elements of Hungary's foreign policy in bilateral relations with its neighbors. Budapest also embarked on a major effort to make the minority problem an international issue and to achieve some form of international legal codification for minority rights. These simultaneous and, in part, contradictory developments and goals placed several dilemmas before Hungarian policy-makers that, three years later, have yet to be resolved.
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Stankovic-Pejnovic, Vesna. "Past and future of multiculturalism in Southeast Europe." Medjunarodni problemi 62, no. 3 (2010): 463–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1003463s.
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Multiculturalism is a logical extension of the politics of equal respect and the politics of recognition but it is not an inheritance of modern liberal state. In the area of Southeast Europe multiculturalism is known through centuries. By the collapse of Yugoslavia, new countries prioritized the strengthening the central state and creation one nation state, deleted memory of multiculturalism of past. When 1993 European Union, through Copenhagen criterion, stipulates condition for accession (respect and protection national minorities), countries of Southeast Europe faced with the implementation of multicultural standards based on assumption that policy of recognition and promotion ethno-cultural diversity can enlarge human freedom, strengthen human rights and democracy. Unlike west federal models, cultural autonomy exclude territorial autonomy, but include institutional autonomy, local government and right to use mother tongue. Models of the multicultural policy are numerous and dependable on political, social and cultural circumstances, but countries of Southeast Europe must accept multicultural future.
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Safira Mustaqilla, Safira Mustaqilla. "Book Review: “Muslim Minority-State Relations (Violence, Integration and Policy) The Executive Summary: Robert Mason, First Published 2016 by. Palgrave Macmillan, 2016." SAMARAH: Jurnal Hukum Keluarga dan Hukum Islam 1, no. 2 (December 30, 2017): 528. http://dx.doi.org/10.22373/sjhk.v1i2.2382.
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The book under the auspices of the modern Muslim world in a tittle “Muslim Minority-State Relations: Violence, Integration and Policyâ€, described on the minority Muslim community before the government 11 september, and thereafter. Before the reign of 11 September, the government does not target minority Muslim community with a comprehensive policy that aims to foster multiculturalism, integration and social cohesion. But in the last decade all of has changed.Now Muslims are confronted by the global issue of radicalization, the legitimacy of actors Muslims and Islam to be a challenge to traditional national identity. The issue is more visible in 2015 when the conflict in Syria, and instability in other parts of the Middle East and Africa has sparked a new case of terrorism in Europe carried out by Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant. More than 350,000 migrants were on the border of the EU between January and August 2015, more than the total figure for 2014. Germany alone, expects to receive 800,000 refugees and asylum-seekers in 2015, four times in 2014.That glimpse of the picture presented by Robert Mason about the situation of Muslim minorities in some parts of the western countries and the Middle East.
This book consists of eight chapters. Each chapter is summarized well by the writer. each contents highlight about the position of minorities and their involvement in the public sphere. The authors describe a wide range of minority issues from different countries, with several cases of violence and the restrictions experienced by minorities. This book is very helpful, because it contains a variety of information that is current and up to date, about the state of minorities in various countries around the globe. And this book is the first edition in 2016.
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Helfer, Laurence R., and Erik Voeten. "International Courts as Agents of Legal Change: Evidence from LGBT Rights in Europe." International Organization 68, no. 1 (December 13, 2013): 77–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818313000398.
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AbstractDo international court judgments influence the behavior of actors other than the parties to a dispute? Are international courts agents of policy change or do their judgments merely reflect evolving social and political trends? We develop a theory that specifies the conditions under which international courts can use their interpretive discretion to have system-wide effects. We examine the theory in the context of European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) rulings on lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) issues by creating a new data set that matches these rulings with laws in all Council of Europe (CoE) member states. We also collect data on LGBT policies unaffected by ECtHR judgments to control for the confounding effect of evolving trends in national policies. We find that ECtHR judgments against one country substantially increase the probability of national-level policy change across Europe. The marginal effects of the judgments are especially high where public acceptance of sexual minorities is low, but where national courts can rely on ECtHR precedents to invalidate domestic laws or where the government in power is not ideologically opposed to LGBT equality. We conclude by exploring the implications of our findings for other international courts.
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Kozachuk, Oleh. "Liberal Pluralism and Multiculturalism in Central and Eastern Europe (W. Kymlicka Views’ Analysis)." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 33-34 (August 25, 2017): 230–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2016.33-34.230-237.
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Will Kymlicka is widely known in the world for the research in the field of the theoretical principles of liberal pluralism and justification of the policy of multiculturalism. In his scientific work, he pays attention not onlyto his native Canada but also draws attention to other regions of the world, including Central and Eastern Europe. The scientist asks whether the export of Western model of liberal pluralism and multiculturalism policies available in the region? Are Western models of multiculturalism and minority rights relevant for the post-Communist countries of Central and Eastern Europe? In the following article, we analyze Will Kymlicka’s views on this issue. Kymlicka explains why conventional ways of distinguishing between ethnic relations in the East and West do not help in understanding or responding to ethnic conflicts in the post-Communist world. He argues why the states of Central and Eastern Europe are not inherent in the territorial autonomy in their state building. He also argues why federalism as a form of government is not the solution of interethnic interaction’s problems. In addition, Will Kymlicka tries to highlight the unique characteristics of the region, which do not suggest the possibility of the introduction of liberal pluralism and multiculturalism in Central and Eastern Europe in the near future.
Keywords: Liberal pluralism, multiculturalism, territorial autonomy, federalism, minorities
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Talalaeva, Ekaterina Yu. "Confessional “Parallel” Societies in the Context of the Immigration Policy of the Scandinavian Countries." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, no. 466 (2021): 143–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/15617793/466/17.
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The article analyzes potential and real threats to the national security of the Scandinavian countries from Muslim segregated communities of immigrants who form “parallel” societies on the territory of Denmark, Sweden and Norway. Based on the commonality of the historical development, the economic system and the sociopolitical structure of the states in this geopolitical region, the research identifies general trends in the formation of a confessional parallel society and the modern political immigration strategy in Northern Europe. The study of social and political discourse and officially published documents on the problem of “parallel” societies makes it possible to assess the effectiveness of actions taken by state structures to ensure the full integration of isolated Muslim communities in the majority society. The reports of ministries and internal law enforcement agencies in the states of Northern Europe deserve special attention against the background of the widespread exploitation of the problems of Muslim parallel communities in the media and sociopolitical debates that escalate social tension in the Scandinavian countries. Despite the fact that the official reports emphasize the undeniable relevance of this problem, they exclude the possibility of escalating the current situation into a threat of national or international scale since the police keep these territories under control. However, the lack of successful integration policies of Denmark, Sweden and Norway regarding ethno-religious minorities significantly complicates the legal regulation of cultural, religious and ethnic diversity within their national borders. This situation leads to the formation of “vulnerable residential areas” with a high degree of crime against the background of a low socioeconomic standard of living. The population of such areas mainly consists of non-Western immigrants practicing Islam. Discrimination of the rights of ethno-religious minorities in democratic countries to a large extent determines the tendency to the segregation of Muslim communities from the majority society on the basis of their own cultural and religious order, which subsequently may lead to religious radicalization. Despite the positive measures taken by the governments of Denmark, Sweden and Norway to integrate Muslim minorities into the majority society, the prevailing inefficiency of the existing immigration policy in the context of the continuous expansion of cultural, religious and ethnic diversity among the population of the Scandinavian countries is stated. Moreover, the main reason for the emergence of a confessional parallel society as a modern social phenomenon lies in the practical absence of state structures and public institutions capable to ensure full integration of all citizens into a united society.
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BOLZMAN, CLAUDIO, RAFFAELLA PONCIONI-DERIGO, MARIE VIAL, and ROSITA FIBBI. "Older labour migrants' well being in Europe: the case of Switzerland." Ageing and Society 24, no. 3 (April 26, 2004): 411–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0144686x03001557.
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This paper examines several aspects of the social situation of the older immigrant population in Switzerland. It reviews their demographic history and characteristics and provides profiles of their health and well being, their material standard of life and access to social security and related benefits. It reports selected findings from an original survey of older Italian and Spanish citizens who are resident in the country, which show relatively high rates of disadvantage and poverty. The determination of a large proportion of the immigrant population to remain in Switzerland after they have ceased work demonstrates that the minorities who entered the country as labour migrants will become a permanent element of the Swiss population and its society. Neither the politicians nor the general public in Switzerland have yet accepted the reality of this new diversity. Given the continuation and indeed growth of international labour migration, the paper concludes by discussing the social policy and attitudinal options that face the governments and the population of Switzerland and many other European countries.
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FEDINEC, Csilla, and István CSERNICSKÓ. "HISTORICAL-STRUCTURAL ANALYSIS OF LINGUISTIC DEVELOPMENT OF THE SLAVIC POPULATION OF TRANSCARPATHIA DURING THE AUSTRO-HUNGARIAN MONARCHY (1867–1918)." Ukraine: Cultural Heritage, National Identity, Statehood 35 (2022): 63–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/ukr.2022-35-63-77.
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Using the historical-structural method, the article outlines the linguistic processes of the Transcarpathian region during the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. For a long time in Europe, the national language and its codified dialect were not a defining element of people’s identification, much more important was, for example, religious affiliation. However, when language became the most important symbol of national identity, the international language ideology was replaced by vernacularization and the ideology of linguistic nationalism, and then local national languages came to the fore. In Hungary, as part of this long process, Latin and German were gradually replaced by Hungarian in those spheres of public life that were under the direct influence of the state (for example, administrative management and education). A sharp conflict between the Hungarian state and the minorities did not arise until the central government wanted to extend the scope of the use of the Hungarian language to the internal linguistic sphere of the non-Hungarian population. Based on this historical framework, a set of different factors that influenced language policy in the region is analyzed, namely the concept of language policy of the state, the ethno-political features of the region, and the local elites’ own cultural and national movement. Parallel to the processes of national awakening among Carpatho-Ruthenians, the desire to use their native language grew stronger, and the national and language movements of other Slavic nations living on Hungarian territory, including Serbs and Slovaks, were an example. The evolution of national ideas was also helped by the fact that Enlightenment rationalism was replaced by Romanticism, which contributed to the spread of national romanticism and the «finding» of one’s own language and popular culture. It is accepted that Hungarian linguistic and national policy was subordinated to the task of preserving territories: the Hungarian government sought to keep the national regions, including Transcarpathia, within Hungary by expanding their national-cultural and linguistic rights.
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Sokolovskyy, Oleksandr. "The influence of interethnic relations on cross-border cooperation." Grani 23, no. 4 (July 5, 2020): 57–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/172041.
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The research is based on the features of the influence of interethnic relations on the development of cross-border cooperation. It is noted that, provided effective ethno-national policies are implemented, multi-ethnic border regions have the advantage that national communities facilitate cross-border cooperation, and they often act as intermediaries in inter-regional relations. It has been proven that interethnic relations have a significant impact on the development of cross-border cooperation, in particular the importance of local authorities and national governments, which have a significant role to play in the issues of inter-ethnic relations in the region. It is argued that in the development of cross-border cooperation, greater emphasis should be placed on programs and projects aimed at improving the coexistence and development of national minorities in the border regions where they are most often living compactly, in particular representatives of national minorities; as a factor of European integration. For the successful development of cross-border cooperation, it is important to understand the needs and interests of the ethnic communities of a particular region, and to take into account historical, cultural factors. It is noted that the integration model is effective in the development of cross-border cooperation, since it enables different ethnic groups and national minorities to maintain their national identity, as well as to participate in regional and inter-state cooperation. Each interethnic community in Europe has its own peculiarities, and therefore the general list of recommendations included in the European Charter does not list the granting of large permits to municipal regions. However, these documents formed the basis for cross-border cooperation in European regions, and the provisions contained therein strengthened activities in this field. An important fact is that most inter-ethnic cooperation activities are within the structures of the European Union. The most common term is "territorial cooperation" or "cross-border cooperation", which are understood as different types of cooperation programs. These programs support the promotion and implementation of joint projects of an international nature throughout the European Union and its neighbors. A specific form of cross-border cooperation is Euroregional. Its characteristic feature is the institutionalization of cross-border cooperation structures. These structures may be: interethnic associations, councils, secretariats, committees, working groups, etc. Euroregional cooperation is carried out within the Euroregion. The Euroregion can be seen as a formal structure of cooperation, adopted on the basis of agreements between interethnic local and regional authorities in order to deepen economic and social cooperation. It is emphasized that the European experience of using the opportunities of cooperation with national minorities in multiethnic regions is of great importance for Ukraine, in particular, the work of the Council of Europe, the EU Strategy for the Danube Region (EUSDR), the Association of European Border Regions, which receive considerable attention, is useful. national minorities in the development of cross-border cooperation. European experience demonstrates that, with proper organization of state policy and historical experience, the involvement of ethnic groups in cross-border cooperation can have a positive impact. Interethnic cooperation promotes political stability and reduces tensions in border areas, and has a positive impact on economic cooperation, development of education, science and culture. It is proved that cross-border cooperation must take into account the nature of ethno-political relations in the border regions, promote the provision of conditions for the development of ethno-cultural characteristics of national minorities and develop mechanisms of interethnic interaction, cooperation of local authorities and public organizations of national minorities.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Minorities – Government policy – Europe"
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VERSTICHEL, Annelies. "Representation and identity : the right of persons belonging to minorities to effective participation in public affairs : content, justification and limits." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/13178.
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Defence date: 13 December 2007Examining Board: Prof. Bruno De Witte (EUI); Prof. Paul Lemmens, (Katholieke Universiteit Leuven); Prof. John Packer, (University of Essex); Prof. Wojciech Sadurski, (EUI)
Awarded the Mauro Cappelletti Prize for the best comparative law doctoral thesis, 2008.
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
This doctoral thesis aims at investigating this new international right of persons belonging to minorities to effective participation in public affairs. What is its content? What is its justification and what is it aiming at? Are there any limits to its implementation and what kind of problematic issues are involved? The example of Bosnia and Herzegovina as described above illustrates that organising representation along ethnic lines raises challenging questions. These will be explored in this PhD.Our investigation of the right of minorities to effective participation in public affairs will run through five chapters: Chapter 1 will outline the theoretical framework; Chapter 2 will examine the political rights in the general human rights instruments; Chapter 3 will study the provision on effective participation in public affairs in the three key minority rights instruments of the 1990’s; Chapter 4 will look at the range of possible domestic mechanisms implementing the right of minorities to effective participation in public affairs through a comparative national law approach; and Chapter 5 will illustrate Chapter 4 by zooming in on three case studies, namely Belgium, Italy and Hungary.
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Bartulin, Nevenko School of History UNSW. "The ideology of nation and race: the Croatian Ustasha regime and its policies toward minorities in the independent state of Croatia, 1941-1945." Awarded by:University of New South Wales. School of History, 2006. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/28336.
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This thesis examines the central place of racial theories in the nationalist ideology of the Croatian Ustasha movement and regime, and how these theories functioned as the chief motive in shaping Ustasha policies toward the minorities of the Nazi-backed Independent State of Croatia (known by its Croatian initials as the NDH), namely, Serbs, Jews, Roma and Bosnian Muslims, during the years 1941 to 1945. This thesis is divided into three parts. The first part deals with historical background, concentrating on the history of Croatian national movements from the 1830s to the 1930s. The second part covers the period between the founding of the Ustasha movement in 1930 and the creation of the NDH in 1941. The third part examines the period of Ustasha power from 1941 to 1945. Through the above chronological division, this thesis traces the evolution of Ustasha ideas on nation and race, placing them within the historical context of processes of Croatian national integration. Although the Ustashe were brought to power by Nazi Germany, their ideology emerged less as an imitation of German National Socialism and more as an extremist reaction to the supranational and expansionist nationalist ideologies of Yugoslavism and Greater Serbianism. In contrast to the prevailing historiographical view that has either ignored or downplayed the significance of racial theori! es on Ustasha policies toward the minorities of the NDH, this thesis highlights the marked influence of the question of 'race' on Ustasha attitudes toward the 'problem' of minorities, and on the wider question of Croatian national identity. This thesis examines the Ustashe by focusing on the historical interplay between nationalism and racism, which dominated so much of the modern political life of Central, Eastern and South-Eastern Europe. The fusion of nationalism and racism was not unique to Ustasha ideology, but the evolution and nature of Ustasha racism was. Ustasha racial ideas were therefore the product of both specific Croatian and wider European historical trends. This examination of the historical intersection between nationalism and racism in the case of the Ustashe will, i hope, broaden our understanding of twentieth-century nation-state formation, and state treatment of minorities, in the Balkans and Eastern Europe.
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Bozic, Bojana. "Policy Approaches to Reduce Discrimination Against Minorities in Europe." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/717.
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In many European countries, despite decades of learning about the risks of discrimination and the conflicts associated with it, discrimination against minorities persists. Many have criticized European governments for not doing enough to challenge the negative stereotypes and prejudices against minority groups, especially in education and employment. In this thesis, Muslim minority groups in Bulgaria, France, and the Netherlands will be used as case studies to explore the varying dynamics underlying this discrimination and strategies that can be implemented to overcome discrimination.
This thesis will recommend a series of policy approaches in areas such as civic integration, education reform, anti-discrimination law, and monitoring and evaluation to help reduce minority discrimination European countries.
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Batagelj, Leon. "Competition policy in countries of Central and Eastern Europe : competition in Europe or competition for Europe." Thesis, McGill University, 2002. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=81242.
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Competition policy is an important tool for assurance of the efficient allocation of resources in functioning market economies. Applicability of modern competition policy to situations in former planned economies, however, raises doubts because of fundamentally different states of competition in such markets. This study analyses development of competition policy in Poland, Hungary and the Czech Republic. Particular attention is given to the influence of the EU competition policy in the framework of negotiations for final membership in the EU.This study proposes reassessment of the competition policy of the three countries in order to better tackle the economic complexities of transition to fully functioning market economies. Harmonization of competition policy of the three candidate countries for EU membership with competition policy of the EU assumes appropriateness of EU competition policy for transition situations. Contrary to this assumption, the thesis argues that competition policy in transition should be tailored closely to the needs of transition. Since harmonization of competition law is only an instrument to evaluate whether a candidate country has a functioning market economy that can be integrated in the EU Internal Market, competition policy aimed at better promoting competition should be welcomed.
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BIRNIE, Rutger Steven. "The ethics and politics of deportation in Europe." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/61307.
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Defence date: 19 February 2019Examining Board: Professor Rainer Bauböck, European University Institute (Supervisor); Professor Matthew Gibney, University of Oxford; Professor Iseult Honohan, University College Dublin; Professor Jennifer Welsh, McGill University (formerly European University Institute)
This thesis explores key empirical and normative questions prompted by deportation policies and practices in the contemporary European context. The core empirical research question the thesis seeks to address is: what explains the shape of deportation regimes in European liberal democracies? The core normative research question is: how should we evaluate these deportation regimes morally? The two parts of the thesis address each of these questions in turn. To explain contemporary European deportation regimes, the four chapters of the first part of the thesis investigate them from a historical and multilevel perspective. (“Expulsion Old and New”) starts by comparing contemporary deportation practices to earlier forms of forced removal such as criminal banishment, political exile, poor law expulsion, and collective expulsions on a religious or ethnic basis, highlighting how contemporary deportation echoes some of the purposes of these earlier forms of expulsion. (“Divergences in Deportation”) looks at some major differences between European countries in how, and how much, deportation is used as a policy instrument today, concluding that they can be roughly grouped into four regime types, namely lenient, selective, symbolically strict and coercively strict. The next two chapters investigate how non-national levels of government are involved in shaping deportation in the European context. (“Europeanising Expulsion”) traces how the institutions of the European Union have come to both restrain and facilitate or incentivise member states’ deportation practices in fundamental ways. (“Localities of Belonging”) describes how provincial and municipal governments are increasingly assertive in frustrating deportations, effectively shielding individuals or entire categories of people from the reach of national deportation efforts, while in other cases local governments pressure the national level into instigating deportation proceedings against unwanted residents. The chapters argue that such efforts on both the supranational and local levels must be explained with reference to supranational and local conceptions of membership that are part of a multilevel citizenship structure yet can, and often do, come apart from the national conception of belonging. The second part of the thesis addresses the second research question by discussing the normative issues deportation gives rise to. (“Deportability, Domicile and the Human Right to Stay”) argues that a moral and legal status of non-deportability should be extended beyond citizenship to all those who have established effective domicile, or long-term and permanent residence, in the national territory. (“Deportation without Domination?”) argues that deportation can and should be applied in a way that does not dominate those it subjects by ensuring its non-arbitrary application through a limiting of executive discretion and by establishing proportionality testing in deportation procedures. (“Resisting Unjust Deportation”) investigates what can and should be done in the face of unjust national deportation regimes, proposing that a normative framework for morally justified antideportation resistance must start by differentiating between the various individual and institutional agents of resistance before specifying how their right or duty to resist a particular deportation depends on motivational, epistemic and relational conditions.
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Formanek, Alexandra. "Managing asylum : a critical examination of emerging trends in European refugee and migration policy." Thesis, McGill University, 2004. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=82703.
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This thesis takes a critical approach to examine recent developments in European asylum and migration policy. Specifically, this research is interested in addressing the emerging paradigm of "migration management" and its impact on the nature of refugee protection and asylum in an integrated Europe. Two approaches are used in this analysis. First, from a functionalist perspective, this work considers how migration management has responded to contemporary realities of international migration. Secondly, from a critical theory perspective, the thesis analyzes how refugee protection becomes subsumed within the broader goals of migration management. This thesis will argue that the paradigm of migration management has effectively shifted the contours of the asylum debate by linking refugee and asylum policy with broader issues of labor migration, illegality and foreign relations. This has resulted in the separation of asylum from territoriality and more broadly, the submersion of the humanitarian considerations to the overarching goals of migration management.
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Plocek, Tomáš. "The Sustainability of Government Deficits: Old Vs. New Europe." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2010. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-71779.
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This work analyses fiscal sustainability and position of old and new members of EU and offers some fiscal policy implications to deal with debt reduction in the aftermath of the current fiscal crisis in the EU. Fiscal policy of Old European countries is different from fiscal policy of the new members. Due to different historical development New European members have lower debt and lower GDP per capita. Many policymakers in New Europe tried to increase GDP of their countries by generating government deficits. On the other hand Old European countries are already having large debts and current fiscal crisis is one result of this fact. The recent fiscal crisis in Europe raised the question what is sustainable fiscal policy and how to achieve it. Sustainability of the policy can be divided into three groups: short term, medium term, and long term. In short term, fiscal policy is sustainable, when government is able to issue and sell government bonds. Otherwise it defaults. In medium term, fiscal policy is sustainable when debt to GDP ratio is constant or decreasing. Situation in long term is very similar to situation in medium term. The difference is in time. Long term fiscal policy is sustainable if debt to GDP ratio converges to some finite number. All the definitions are problematic and problem arises basically from fact that variables that are part of the definitions are volatile. Fiscal policy that might seem to be sustainable in times of economic expansion may become unsustainable even in short time. Exactly this thing happened in Ireland. Ireland shows another problem of sustainability definitions. The problem is that private debt can increase public debt and even threaten its sustainability. Many countries were saving their financial sector which was very expensive and this practice is increased the debt in those countries very fast. Probably the most important indicator of fiscal sustainability is interest rate on government bonds. Reason is that price of the bonds is based on different risks that are in the assets. Countries with sustainable fiscal policy are paying lower interests than countries with unsustainable. This is reason why we tried to explain variation of interest rate on 10 years government bonds by empirical models. Two models were based on fixed effects panel data estimations and one model was based on ordinary least squares model. The panel data model showed that there was and still is huge difference between Old European and New European countries. Old Europe was viewed by markets as one segment which is relatively risk free. This lead to situation, that most important factor driving interest rates in Old Europe is the risk free rate on the German bonds. On the other hand, interest rates in New European countries are influenced by many more indicators. Most important indicator in New Europe is GDP growth and sustainability of foreign exchange reserves. Based on results of the model we came to conclusion that there is high chance that markets will start to differ among Old European countries and this could lead to increase of interest rates in some Old EU members, a conclusion which is to some degree being verified by the increased spreads between German government bonds on one hand, and Italian and Spanish bonds on the other hand in the first few weeks of August 2011. Our conclusions also suggest that the position of New Europe may stand similar in current situation. If it is true policymakers may try to adapt policy of New European countries to increase its sustainability and improve the key variables. The conclusions from this work bring several policy recommendations for improving the fiscal sustainability in Europe. First and probably the most important recommendation to fiscal policy is that policymakers should not underestimate the indicators of fiscal sustainability, which was a common practice in recent history. Countries with high GDP growth were generating large deficits and debt to GDP ratio was constant. Problem is that in recession indicators that were influencing interest rate changed and fiscal policy become unsustainable in many cases. Conclusion for fiscal policy is that policymakers should run responsible fiscal policy in good times to avoid troubles in bad times. Governments should also understand full price of deficits, because increased deficits also increase interest rate that governments have to pay on existing debt.
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Khong, Suvie. "One people, one nation, one Singapore: The construction of multiculturalism in Singapore." Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 1995. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/1193.
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This thesis investigates the way in which an official multicultural identity has been constructed in Singapore at the expense of the cultural specificity that exists within the multiculturalism framework. The construction of the multicultural identity in Singapore has been engineered socially through heritage policies, heritage preservation projects and the media. However, the official multicultural policy in itself is problematic because of the existence of the four independent parent cultures, so that a Singaporean is constantly reminded of a cultural identity which is determined by race, history, language and class. This is further complicated by a dominant Chinese population so that the cultural identity of Singapore is fundamentally Chinese, while the Malay, Indian and Eurasian cultures are dragged along in its tail. I will argue that the Singapore government has carefully constructed a multicultural identity without addressing the underpinning historical and racial factors. The purpose of the study is an investigation of the tension between the multiculturalism and cultural specificity which will help to reveal my claim that there is predominantly a Chinese cultural identity in Singapore and the created notion of a multicultural identity is an illusion. The multicultural identity in Singapore is founded on a set of neo-Confucian principles which are reproduced in the national core values defined by the government in the White Paper in 1991. These neo-Confucian values are established on principles of frugality and the emphasis on the family. Although these values are not entirely foreign to the Malay and Indian cultures, their perceptions on how the family operates may be different based on the Islam, Hindu or even Christian teachings. Although the government maintains that Confucian teaching is regarded as philosophical in character rather than reflecting Chinese teachings, it is nevertheless a topic which begs investigation within the multicultural and multi religious context of Singapore. It appears that multiculturalism in Singapore does not equally promote four cultures but is inclined towards the Chinese culture and the minor cultures have come to identify with the cultural framework that the Singapore government has constructed. I will investigate this construction by analysing the speeches of well-known Singapore politicians like Lee Kuan Yew, Goh Chok Tong and George Yeo and the role of the media in reporting multiculturalism in Singapore. The relationship between multiculturalism and the Singapore media will be examined through the methodology devised by Birch (1993). His theoretical framework deals specifically with the analysis of the Singapore media and is shown to be crucial to the understanding of cultural and political practices in Singapore. By applying Birch’s theory, I will show how multiculturalism is constructed by the Singapore government through the media. The study of Sentosa, a heritage tourism site in Singapore, will be explored to establish the relationships between multiculturalism, tourism and conservation in Singapore. This will be done following the framework devised Boniface and Fowler (1993) on the phenomena of 'heritage' and 'tourism', adapting it to multiculturalism in Singapore. Their theoretical framework for the study of culture deals specifically with heritage in the United Kingdom and Europe, but I will argue the methodology devised is appropriate for the study of culture in Singapore because the issues confronting each nation are similar. The key elements to be investigated are the relationship between culture and tourism, architectural heritage in the tourism context, and the construction of multiculturalism through the media. By looking at the various (multi)cultural, social and economic underpinnings of multiculturalism, I will show in my thesis that the construction of multiculturalism in Singapore is to negotiate a mechanism of control by the government.
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Kim, Young Jim. "The impact of the 'turn to Europe' : external policy and policy-making in three government departments, 1957-1963." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.266393.
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FERNANDES, Daniel. "Governments, public opinion, and social policy : change in Western Europe." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/75046.
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Defence date: 21 November 2022Examining Board: Prof. Ellen Immergut (EUI, Supervisor); Prof. Anton Hemerijck (EUI); Prof. Christoffer Green-Pedersen (Aarhus University); Prof. Evelyne Hübscher (Central European University)
This dissertation investigates how public opinion and government partisanship affect social policy. It brings an innovative perspective that links the idea of democratic representation to debates about the welfare state. The general claim made here is that social policy is a function of public and government preferences. This claim hinges on two critical premises. The first relates to the general mechanisms that underlie government representation. Politicians have electoral incentives to align their actions with what citizens want. They may respond to public opinion indirectly by updating their party agendas, which can serve as the basis for social policy decisions in case they get elected. They may also respond directly by introducing welfare reforms that react to shifts in public opinion during their mandates. The second premise concerns how citizens and politicians structure their preferences over welfare. These preferences fall alongside two dimensions. First, general attitudes about how much should the state intervene in the economy to reduce inequality and promote economic well-being (how much policy). Second, the specific preferences about which social programmes should get better funding (what kind of policy). The empirical analysis is split into three empirical chapters. Each explores different aspects of government representation in Western European welfare states. The first empirical chapter (Chapter 4) asks how governments shape social policy when facing severe pressures to decrease spending. It argues that governments strategically reduce spending on programmes that offer less visible and indirect benefits, as they are less likely to trigger an electoral backlash. The experience of the Great Recession is consistent with this claim. Countries that faced the most challenging financial constraints cut down social investment and services. Except for Greece, they all preserved consumption schemes. The second empirical chapter (Chapter 5) explores how public opinion affects government spending priorities in different welfare programmes. It expects government responsiveness to depend on public mood for more or less government activity and the most salient social issues at the time. Empirical evidence from old-age, healthcare and education issue-policy areas supports these claims. Higher policy mood and issue saliency is positively associated with increasing spending efforts. Public opinion does not appear to affect unemployment policies. vii The third empirical chapter (Chapter 6) examines how party preferences affect spending priorities in unemployment programmes. It claims that preferences on economic intervention in the economy and welfare recalibration affect different components of unemployment policy. Evidence from the past 20 years bodes well with these expectations. The generosity of compensatory schemes depends on economic preferences. The left invests more than the right. The funding of active labour-market policies depends on both preference dimensions. Among conventional parties, their funding follows the same patterns as compensatory schemes. Among recalibration parties, parties across the economic spectrum present comparable spending patterns.
Books on the topic "Minorities – Government policy – Europe"
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Breisky, Michael. Dealing with minorities: A challenge for Europe. [Belfast]: European Liaison, Institute of European Studies, Queen's University of Belfast, 1998.
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Husband, Charles. Minorities, mobility and communication in Europe. Bradford: Race Relations Research Unit, 1992.
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European Bureau for Lesser-Used Languages and European Centre for Minority Issues, eds. Support for minority languages in Europe. [S.l.]: European Bureau for Lesser Used Languages, 2002.
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G, Grēgoriou Panagiōtēs, and Hellēniko Kentro Eurōpaikōn Meletōn, eds. Questions de minorités en Europe. Bruxelles: Presses interuniversitaires européennes, 1994.
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Ferenc, Glatz. Minorities in East-Central Europe: Historical analysis and a policy proposal. Budapest: Europa Institut Budapest, 1993.
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Katlijn, Malfliet, Laenen Ria, and Katholieke Universiteit te Leuven (1970- ). Instituut voor Europees Beleid., eds. Minority policy in Central and Eastern Europe: The link between domestic policy, foreign policy and European integration. Leuven (Belgium): Garant, 1998.
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1965-, Geddes Andrew, and Favell Adrian, eds. The politics of belonging: Migrants and minorities in contemporary Europe. Aldershot, Hants, England: Ashgate, 1999.
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Eiler, Ferenc. Czech and Hungarian minority policy in Central Europe, 1918-1938. Prague: Masarykův ústav a [Archiv] Akademie věd ČR, 2009.
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Czech and Hungarian minority policy in Central Europe, 1918-1938. Prague: Masarykův ústav a [Archiv] Akademie věd ČR, 2009.
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M, Weller, ed. The protection of minorities in the wider Europe. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Minorities – Government policy – Europe"
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Lloyd, Catherine, and Uwe Richter. "Minorities." In Handbook of Public Policy in Europe, 342–51. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230522756_31.
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Klekowski von Koppenfels, Amanda. "Diaspora Policies, Consular Services and Social Protection for German Citizens Abroad." In IMISCOE Research Series, 207–26. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-51245-3_12.
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Abstract This chapter presents an overview of German policies vis-à-vis German nationals living abroad. For the most part, the German Government does not reach out to or encourage engagement from or with German nationals living abroad. This is in contrast to a concerted cultural outreach to ethno-national German minorities in Central and Eastern Europe. Rights in Germany are largely residence-based, and access to rights is thus associated with (legal) residence in Germany, rather than with holding German citizenship. There are two clear exceptions: one is a robust system that enables voting from abroad for German citizens, and the other is facilitated access from abroad to pensions for years worked in Germany. With respect to other measures of social protections, no clear policy can be said to exist. Access to other forms of social protection is on the basis of exception, with consular officials exercising discretion in such cases.
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Marushiakova, Elena. "Self-government Among Bulgarian Gypsies." In National Identities and Ethnic Minorities in Eastern Europe, 199–207. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-26553-4_14.
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Collinson, Sarah. "Public Policies towards Immigrant Minorities in Western Europe." In Ethnic Diversity and Public Policy, 153–91. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-26798-9_6.
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Lankina, Tomila V., Anneke Hudalla, and Hellmut Wollmann. "Local Government Performance in Social Policy." In Local Governance in Central and Eastern Europe, 31–58. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230591745_2.
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Åkermark, Sia Spiliopoulou. "Steps Towards a Minority Policy in Sweden." In Minority Rights in Europe European Minorities and Languages, 103–11. The Hague: T.M.C. Asser Press, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-90-6704-655-8_7.
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Stevens, Anne. "France and Europe: Policy Making and Politics." In The Government and Politics of France, 311–27. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-24745-5_11.
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Đulić, Katarina, Sanja Kmezić, and William Bartlett. "Conclusions: Policy Changes and Policy Reversals." In Fiscal Decentralisation, Local Government and Policy Reversals in Southeastern Europe, 297–322. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-96092-0_10.
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Budge, Ian, and M. J. Laver. "The Relationship Between Party and Coalition Policy in Europe: An Empirical Synthesis." In Party Policy and Government Coalitions, 409–30. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-22368-8_14.
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Sezgin, Zeynep. "Muslims’ Sense of Belonging and Identification in the Western World: An Overview and Comparison of Scientific Literature in North America and Europe." In Immigrants and Minorities, Politics and Policy, 11–28. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-99487-7_2.
Full textConference papers on the topic "Minorities – Government policy – Europe"
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Morris, Deborah, and Gabriella Gutierrez. "The Architect's Role in Reshaping Public Housing Policy." In 1995 ACSA International Conference. ACSA Press, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.35483/acsa.intl.1995.84.
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The problems that have historically plagued public housing programs and hampered their implementation have been the focus of countless inquiries by scholars, professionals, government agencies, housing advocates, and concerned citizens. These studies have contributed variously to the understanding that the failure of the state and the federal government to meet even the most fundamental need for shelter of the nations poor is linked to deeply rooted inequalities of class, race, and gender. Minorities, female-headed households, and the homeless face significantly more severe housing problems than any other segment of our population. Differentiating among these groups and the type of problems that each face is essential to developing effective strategies to meet their housing needs (Marcuse, 1989:68).
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Wibowo, Rudi, and Ratnawati Ratnawati. "Conflict Dynamics Of Protectionism Policy Trading Of Biofuel Commodities Between Indonesia And The European Union." In LPPM UPN "VETERAN" Yogyakarta International Conference Series 2020. RSF Press & RESEARCH SYNERGY FOUNDATION, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31098/pss.v1i1.200.
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The dynamics of the conflict in bio-fuel commodity trade policies was triggered by the conflict of economic interests between Indonesia and the European Union. A series of steps for negotiation and diplomacy were taken by the government and Indonesian business actors to negotiate and resolve these problems by holding talks with important (state) actors in Europe.
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Mikulić, Davor, Damira Keček, and Željko Lovrinčević. "EXAMINING THE IMPACT OF COVID-19 PANDEMIC ON TOURISM SECTOR USING INPUT-OUTPUT ANALYSIS: THE CASE OF CROATIA." In Tourism in Southern and Eastern Europe 2021: ToSEE – Smart, Experience, Excellence & ToFEEL – Feelings, Excitement, Education, Leisure. University of Rijeka, Faculty of Tourism and Hospitality Management, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.20867/tosee.06.29.
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Purpose – The purpose of the study is to determine the impact of COVID-19 pandemic on tourism and other economic sectors included in the tourism value chain in Croatia. The evaluation of total effects is important in order to evaluate effectiveness of policy measures introduced by Croatian government. Methodology – The estimation of COVID -19 effects on Croatian economy is based on standard input-output model. The open I-O model quantifies indirect effects generated in the tourism value added chain. Closed I-O model estimates induced effects related to the decrease in the net disposable income of the employees which participated in the tourism sector production chain. Findings – Strong reduction in international tourism caused by COVID -19 resulted in significant decrease in activity of many other industries. Besides hotels and restaurant, the most affected sectors were transport, trade, food industry, sports and entertainment services. Total value of indirect and induced tourism effects is bigger than value of direct effects in terms of employment and value added because of multiplier effect. Government subsidies in the form of income support for companies which retained employees have only short-term and limited effects. Negative COVID -19 effects were partially mitigated by output rise in other domestic sectors. GDP decline was more pronounced than GVA since indirect taxes, notably VAT and excise duties were particularly sensitive to negative trends in tourism activity. Contribution – The methodology applied provides the reliable analytical background for analyses of impact of negative exogenous shock affecting tourism and total Croatian economy and assessment of government policy response effectiveness
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lliffe, Molly. "The Commercial Case for Hydrogen as a Route to Market for Offshore Wind in the North Sea." In SPE Offshore Europe Conference & Exhibition. SPE, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2118/205437-ms.
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Abstract The UK was the first major industrialised nation to commit to a Net Zero target by 2050, and Scotland has an even more ambitious target to reach Net Zero by 2045. To realise these targets, hydrogen will play a leading role in the decarbonisation of multiple sectors including industry, transport, heat and power. Offshore wind can be a core component of our future energy infrastructure, and the scale of its potential role in hydrogen production has recently drawn wider attention from policy makers, developers and potential users across a range of sectors. Hydrogen as a route to market for offshore wind therefore presents a transformative opportunity for the North Sea oil and gas sector and the associated UK supply chain. Existing skills and infrastructure in this region can be leveraged to achieve a leading position in this emerging clean fuel source. This opportunity is particularly relevant for sites in the North Sea which are further from shore with good wind resource, where power transmission costs and/or losses would be prohibitive. Additionally, hydrogen offers an interesting route to market for projects unable to obtain firm grid connection, for sites in regions with high grid charges, or where sufficient government revenue support for conventional power generation is not available for all good quality sites.
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Vargas-Salgado, Carlos, Jesús Aguila-León, Cristian Chiñas-Palacios, and Lina Montuori. "Potential of landfill biogas production for power generation in the Valencian Region (Spain)." In CARPE Conference 2019: Horizon Europe and beyond. Valencia: Universitat Politècnica València, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/carpe2019.2019.10201.
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Landfills are one of the most common ways to dispose the solid urban waste in many countries due to their relatively simple technical requirements, operational costs and low investment. Moreover, biogas produced in landfills can be used as a renewable energy source for power generation. The Valencian Region is one of the largest solid urban waste producers in Spain, and therefore, it has an unexplored potential of landfill biogas production. This paper aims to estimate the potential of biogas landfill production for power generation in the Valencian Region. Statistical data from solid urban waste in landfills in the provinces of Alicante, Castellón, and Valencia was gathered. Then the potential of landfill biogas production was estimated by means of waste classification for each province. To provide information related to the use of landfill gas as an alternative source of energy, results presented in this work show that the Valencian Region has an important potential to use landfill biogas from solid urban waste as a renewable source for power generation, and also provide information to the regional government, academic researches, policy makers and investors.
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George, Jeff, and David Massingham. "Moving Towards a Sustainable UK in an Environment of Austerity: Can We Wait Until the Midnight Hour?" In 19th Annual North American Waste-to-Energy Conference. ASMEDC, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/nawtec19-5410.
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The UK coalition government, elected in May 2010, has set out its stall to be, in the words of Prime Minister, David Cameron, “the greenest government ever”. To that end it has embarked on an ambitious programme of policy initiatives to address climate change and the wider sustainability agenda. These include: • Initiating a fundamental review of waste policy with a view to adopting a zero waste to landfill and increasing Energy from Waste (EfW) as a solution for residual wastes; • Leading calls within the European Union for an increase in pan-Europe greenhouse gas reduction and renewable energy targets for 2020, that, if adopted would have a profound and immediate impact on domestic targets; and • An electricity market reform package that will see the introduction of a floor price for carbon (in effect, a carbon tax) and new financial support mechanisms for the development of renewable energy.
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Mitrović, Đorđe, and Sabina Taškar Beloglavec. "SIMPLE TOURISM SECTOR DEVELOPMENT INDEX: CRISES VALUES." In Tourism in Southern and Eastern Europe 2021: ToSEE – Smart, Experience, Excellence & ToFEEL – Feelings, Excitement, Education, Leisure. University of Rijeka, Faculty of Tourism and Hospitality Management, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.20867/tosee.06.32.
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Purpose – The paper aims to construct a simple tourism sector development index reacting to crises occurrences. Methodology – Paper is two-folded, theoretical background with literature overview and empirical part based on the DEA method. Instead of using a vast number of different individual indicators measuring countries’ tourism performance, it is more appropriate to use one composite index to depict complex tourism development issues in a particular country. The composite index proposed in this paper TSDI, was developed using DEA encompassing tourism soundness and macroeconomic data. Findings – We are especially interested in index values in the 2019 COVID-19 pandemic crises relatively to the previous and following year. Therefore, the data time series include the annual data of selected truisms soundness factors from 2016 to 2020. The paper has three hypotheses dealing with simple tourism sector development index (TSDI) values during crises and the correlation of this calculated index to The Travel & Tourism Competitiveness Index (TTCI) and The Global Competitiveness Index (GCI). Contribution – The paper may offer some basic policy recommendations for policymakers as it may be applied as a relatively simple tool for professionals to assess future crises or economic shocks implications on the tourism sector. The TDSI proposed in this paper can point at the differences in countries’ responses to crises shock that could be influenced by government policies aimed at tourism sector development. TDSI is, due to its simplicity, a good tool for practitioners to use in monitoring and placing recommendations for improvements.
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Kayani, Farrukh, and Zhongxiu Zhao. "Chinese Rationale for Free Trade Agreements." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c03.00387.
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In East Asia economic regionalism and Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) are proliferating at tremendous pace despite being the latecomer as compared to Americas and Europe. Proliferation of FTAs in East Asia started to spread after the Asian financial crisis of 1997. The East Asian economies were dissatisfied with the way the IMF handled the crisis, particularly in Thailand and Indonesia. Presently, about over 100 FTAs are at various stages of development in East Asia. China is also actively engaged in FTAs like the other East Asian neighboring countries for achieving multiple objectives. In this paper we analyzed the detailed reasons that why China is pursuing FTAs? Furthermore, it is said that FTAs may jeopardize the multilateral trading system. As FTAs undermine the WTO policy of maintaining a liberal, non discriminatory and multilateral trading system by supporting the government interventions and prudential controls. Thus we would also explore that whether FTAs are building or stumbling blocks?
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SIMONE, Pierluigi. "THE RECASTING OF THE OTTOMAN PUBLIC DEBT AND THE ABOLITION OF THE CAPITULATIONS REGIME IN THE INTERNATIONAL LEGAL ACTION OF TURKEY LED BY MUSTAFA KEMAL ATATÜRK." In 9. Uluslararası Atatürk Kongresi. Ankara: Atatürk Araştırma Merkezi Yayınları, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.51824/978-975-17-4794-5.64.
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The recast of the international debt contracted by the former Ottoman Empire and the overcoming of the capitulations regime that had afflicted Turkey for centuries, are two of the most relevant sectors in which the political and diplomatic action promoted by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk has been expressed. Extremely relevant in this regard are the different disciplines established, respectively, by the Treaty of Sèvres in 1920 and then by the Treaty of Lausanne in 1923. After the Ottoman Government defaulted in 1875, an agreement (the Decree of Muharrem) was concluded in 1881 between the Ottoman Government and representatives of its foreign and domestic creditors for the resumption of payments on Ottoman bonds, and a European control of a part of the Imperial revenues was instituted through the Administration of the Ottoman Public Debt. At the same time, the Ottoman Empire was burdened by capitulations, conferring rights and privileges in favour of their subjects resident or trading in the Ottoman lands, following the policy towards European States of the Byzantine Empire. According to these capitulations, traders entering the Ottoman Empire were exempt from local prosecution, local taxation, local conscription, and the searching of their domicile. The capitulations were initially made during the Ottoman Empire’s military dominance, to entice and encourage commercial exchanges with Western merchants. However, after dominance shifted to Europe, significant economic and political advantages were granted to the European Powers by the Ottoman Empire. Both regimes, substantially maintained by the Treaty of Sèvres, were considered unacceptable by the Nationalist Movement led by Mustafa Kemal and therefore became the subject of negotiations during the Conference of Lausanne. The definitive overcoming of both of them, therefore represents one of the most evident examples of the reacquisition of the full sovereignty of the Republic of Turkey.
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Grosseck, Gabriela, Mar Camacho, Malinka Ivanova, Laurentiu Tiru, Carmen Holotescu, and Ramona Bran. "A CHECKLIST FOR A MOOC ACTIVIST." In eLSE 2015. Carol I National Defence University Publishing House, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.12753/2066-026x-15-173.
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In spite of the fast development of eLearning and distance learning in our countries (Romania and Bulgaria), the MOOC (Massive Open Online Courses) phenomenon is not popular enough among educational actors: teachers, researchers, students, lifelong learners or policy makers. More specifically MOOCs are not integrated in the area of higher education at curriculum level. While in Bulgaria there is no research that can confirm or reject the important role of MOOCs for introduction of new reforms, for needs of scientific explorations and for implementation of innovative solutions in university settings, in Romania the situation is a bit different: there are some initiatives related to MOOCs like those developed by University Politehnica Timisoara in the last two years. But in both countries, at this moment there are no clear answers to questions like: Will universities accept the idea of a Massive Online OPEN Course? Who are the target groups? Should existing platforms be used or should a new one be created? How do government authorities see the role of MOOCs in support of university education? Will MOOC projects be started? In this context, the paper presents the authors' learning experience as MOOC activists. We have tried to map / identify which design approaches suit us both at individual and institutional level, by proposing a step-by-step approach that we called the ,,P-OOC (Personal Overview of Online Competencies) Checklist" of a MOOC activist. Furthermore, we'll present an empirical analysis based on an online survey applied to university actors from Europe. Starting from the results, we'll propose a matrix/model of the possible digital perils for academia. Furthermore, we'll present an empirical analysis based on an online survey applied to university actors from Europe. Starting from the results, we'll propose a matrix/model of the possible digital perils for academia.
Reports on the topic "Minorities – Government policy – Europe"
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Howard, Joanna. Vulnerability and Poverty During Covid-19: Religious Minorities in India. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), November 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/creid.2021.014.
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The Covid-19 pandemic has had direct and indirect effects on religiously marginalised groups, exacerbating existing inequities and undermining the ambitions of Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) to reach (and include) those ‘furthest behind’. Religious inequalities intersect with other inequalities to compound vulnerabilities, particularly the convergence of low socioeconomic status, gender inequality, and location-specific discrimination and insecurity, to shape how people are experiencing the pandemic. This policy briefing, written by Dr Joanna Howard (IDS) and a co-author (who must remain anonymous for reasons of personal security), draws on research with religious minorities living in urban slums in Tamil Nadu and Karnataka states in India. Findings show that religiously motivated discrimination reduced their access to employment and statutory services during the pandemic. Harassment and violence experienced by Muslims worsened; and loss of livelihoods, distress, and despair were also acutely experienced by dalit Hindus. Government response and protection towards lower caste and religious minorities has been insufficient.
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Lajosi, Krisztina. ECMI Minorities Blog. Disinformation, Digital Nationalism and the Hungarian Minority in Ukraine. European Centre for Minority Issues, April 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.53779/slwe2333.
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The Hungarian minority in Ukraine living mainly in the region of Transcarpathia (Zakarpattia Oblast) has not yet been directly exposed to the horrors of the war. However, roughly since 2014, it has been targeted by online propaganda and disinformation serving the interests of the Kremlin in both Russian and Hungarian media. Several studies have demonstrated how the right-wing media supporting the Hungarian government have come increasingly under Russian influence either directly by translating pieces from Russian media outlets, or indirectly by channeling the talking points of the Kremlin. This digital propaganda has merged with the offline diffusion of ideologies supporting the illiberal democracy that Viktor Orbán declared official policy in Hungary in his infamous speech from 2014. This blog post explores the intricate web of nationalisms that influence political opinions among the Hungarian minority in Ukraine.
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Idris, Iffat. Increasing Birth Registration for Children of Marginalised Groups in Pakistan. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), July 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.102.
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This review looks at approaches to promote birth registration among marginalised groups, in order to inform programming in Pakistan. It draws on a mixture of academic and grey literature, in particular reports by international development organizations. While there is extensive literature on rates of birth registration and the barriers to this, and consensus on approaches to promote registration, the review found less evidence of measures specifically aimed at marginalised groups. Gender issues are addressed to some extent, particularly in understanding barriers to registration, but the literature was largely disability-blind. The literature notes that birth registration is considered as a fundamental human right, allowing access to services such as healthcare and education; it is the basis for obtaining other identity documents, e.g. driving licenses and passports; it protects children, e.g. from child marriage; and it enables production of vital statistics to support government planning and resource allocation. Registration rates are generally lower than average for vulnerable children, e.g. from minority groups, migrants, refugees, children with disabilities. Discriminatory policies against minorities, restrictions on movement, lack of resources, and lack of trust in government are among the ‘additional’ barriers affecting the most marginalised. Women, especially unmarried women, also face greater challenges in getting births registered. General approaches to promoting birth registration include legal and policy reform, awareness-raising activities, capacity building of registration offices, integration of birth registration with health services/education/social safety nets, and the use of digital technology to increase efficiency and accessibility.
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Do, Thao, and Eric Kasper. The Impact of Covid-19 Response Policies on Select Vulnerable Groups in Vietnam. Institute of Development Studies, May 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/ids.2022.038.
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Despite the significant impact of the pandemic’s fourth wave, Vietnam’s overall strategy was seen as well planned with one of the lowest infection rates globally in 2020–2021. In June 2019, an estimated 540,000 Vietnamese migrant workers were recorded working legally in 40 countries and territories, making Vietnam a major labour exporter and one of the top ten countries to receive international remittances. Our research shows how Vietnam’s Covid-19 policy response has influenced Vietnamese migrant workers and counter-trafficking work, particularly in border areas. The research discussed four main findings. Firstly, border closures left many overseas migrant workers vulnerable and led them to rely on people smugglers. Secondly, the suspension of commercial international flights and a lack of transparency and favouritism in allocating seats on repatriation flights left many stranded. Thirdly, the national pandemic response plan suffered from limitations. Lastly, Covid-19 policies have led to new trafficking trends and challenges. Based on this evidence, the research suggests that digitalising and modernising social services could strengthen the inclusion of vulnerable groups, simplify the administrative and management process, save costs, and reduce corruption. Participation of vulnerable groups, especially ethnic minorities and overseas migrant workers, including fishers, should be ensured in national policy design and local implementation. Additionally, improving transparency and accountability of support systems could help gain citizens’ trust in the government, which would be beneficial for future crisis responses.
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Lucas, Brian. Lessons Learned about Political Inclusion of Refugees. Institute of Development Studies, May 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.114.
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Most refugees and other migrants have limited opportunities to participate in politics to inform and influence the policies that affect them daily; they have limited voting rights and generally lack effective alternative forms of representation such as consultative bodies (Solano & Huddleston, 2020a, p. 33). Political participation is ‘absent (or almost absent) from integration strategies’ in Eastern European countries, while refugees and other migrants in Western Europe do enjoy significant local voting rights, stronger consultative bodies, more funding for immigrant organisations and greater support from mainstream organisations (Solano & Huddleston, 2020a, p. 33).This rapid review seeks to find out what lessons have been learned about political inclusion of refugees, particularly in European countries.In general, there appears to be limited evidence about the effectiveness of attempts to support the political participation of migrants/refugees. ‘The engagement of refugees and asylum-seekers in the political activities of their host countries is highly understudied’ (Jacobi, 2021, p. 3) and ‘the effects that integration policies have on immigrants’ representation remains an under-explored field’ (Petrarca, 2015, p. 9). The evidence that is available often comes from sources that cover the entire population or ethnic minorities without specifically targeting refugees or migrants, are biased towards samples of immigrants who are long-established in the host country and may not be representative of immigrant populations, or focus only on voting behaviour and neglect other forms of political participation (Bilodeau, 2016, pp. 30–31). Statistical data on refugees and integration policy areas and indicators is often weak or absent (Hopkins, 2013, pp. 9, 28–32, 60). Data may not distinguish clearly among refugees and other types of migrants by immigration status, origin country, or length of stay in the host country; may not allow correlating data collected during different time periods with policies in place during those periods and preceding periods; and may fail to collect a range of relevant migrant-specific social and demographic characteristics (Bilgili et al., 2015, pp. 22–23; Hopkins, 2013, p. 28).
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Milican, Juliet. Mapping Best Practice Guidelines in working with Civil Society Organisations. Institute of Development Studies, April 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.092.
Full textAbstract:
This report sets out to map the different guidance documents available on how to work most effectively with civil society in the delivery of international aid in ways that deepen democracy and advance the rights of marginalised or excluded groups. It includes a review of guidelines published by other key international development funders and implementors written for their own teams, an overview of guidance provided for DAC members within OECD countries and policy papers on cooperation between the state and CSOs. It looks primarily at documents produced in the last ten years, between 2011 and 2021 and includes those related to cooperation on specific issues (such as drugs policy or human rights, as well as those that deal with specific countries or regions (such as Europe or the MENA region). The majority of documents identified are written by government aid departments (eg USAID, Norad) but there are one or two produced by umbrella civil society organisations (such as Bond) or international legal think tanks (such as ICNL, the International Centre for Not for Profit Law). There was a remarkable consistency between the issues Millican addressed in the different documents although their size and length varied between outline guidance on 2 – 3 pages and a comprehensive (62 page) overview that included definitions of civil society, range of organisations, reasons for collaborating, mechanisms for financing, monitoring and ensuring accountability and challenges in and guidance on the ways in which donors might work with CSOs.
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Arora, Sanjana, and Olena Koval. Norway Country Report. University of Stavanger, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31265/usps.232.
Full textAbstract:
This report is part of a larger cross-country comparative project and constitutes an account and analysis of the measures comprising the Norwegian national response to the COVID-19 pandemic during the year of 2020. This time period is interesting in that mitigation efforts were predominantly of a non-medical nature. Mass vaccinations were in Norway conducted in early 2021. With one of the lowest mortality rates in Europe and relatively lower economic repercussions compared to its Nordic neighbours, the Norwegian case stands unique (OECD, 2021: Eurostat 2021; Statista, 2022). This report presents a summary of Norwegian response to the COVID-19 pandemic by taking into account its governance, political administration and societal context. In doing so, it highlights the key features of the Nordic governance model and the mitigation measures that attributed to its success, as well as some facets of Norway’s under-preparedness. Norway’s relative isolation in Northern Europe coupled with low population density gave it a geographical advantage in ensuring a slower spread of the virus. However, the spread of infection was also uneven, which meant that infection rates were concentrated more in some areas than in others. On the fiscal front, the affluence of Norway is linked to its petroleum industry and the related Norwegian Sovereign Wealth Fund. Both were affected by the pandemic, reflected through a reduction in the country’s annual GDP (SSB, 2022). The Nordic model of extensive welfare services, economic measures, a strong healthcare system with goals of equity and a high trust society, indeed ensured a strong shield against the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic. Yet, the consequences of the pandemic were uneven with unemployment especially high among those with low education and/or in low-income professions, as well as among immigrants (NOU, 2022:5). The social and psychological effects were also uneven, with children and elderly being left particularly vulnerable (Christensen, 2021). Further, the pandemic also at times led to unprecedented pressure on some intensive care units (OECD, 2021). Central to handling the COVID-19 pandemic in Norway were the three national executive authorities: the Ministry of Health and Care services, the National directorate of health and the Norwegian Institute of Public Health. With regard to political-administrative functions, the principle of subsidiarity (decentralisation) and responsibility meant that local governments had a high degree of autonomy in implementing infection control measures. Risk communication was thus also relatively decentralised, depending on the local outbreak situations. While decentralisation likely gave flexibility, ability to improvise in a crisis and utilise the municipalities’ knowledge of local contexts, it also brought forward challenges of coordination between the national and municipal level. Lack of training, infection control and protection equipment thereby prevailed in several municipalities. Although in effect for limited periods of time, the Corona Act, which allowed for fairly severe restrictions, received mixed responses in the public sphere. Critical perceptions towards the Corona Act were not seen as a surprise, considering that Norwegian society has traditionally relied on its ‘dugnadskultur’ – a culture of voluntary contributions in the spirit of solidarity. Government representatives at the frontline of communication were also open about the degree of uncertainty coupled with considerable potential for great societal damage. Overall, the mitigation policy in Norway was successful in keeping the overall infection rates and mortality low, albeit with a few societal and political-administrative challenges. The case of Norway is thus indeed exemplary with regard to its effective mitigation measures and strong government support to mitigate the impact of those measures. However, it also goes to show how a country with good crisis preparedness systems, governance and a comprehensive welfare system was also left somewhat underprepared by the devastating consequences of the pandemic.
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Rezaie, Shogofa, Fedra Vanhuyse, Karin André, and Maryna Henrysson. Governing the circular economy: how urban policymakers can accelerate the agenda. Stockholm Environment Institute, September 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.51414/sei2022.027.
Full textAbstract:
We believe the climate crisis will be resolved in cities. Today, while cities occupy only 2% of the Earth's surface, 57% of the world's population lives in cities, and by 2050, it will jump to 68% (UN, 2018). Currently, cities consume over 75% of natural resources, accumulate 50% of the global waste and emit up to 80% of greenhouse gases (Ellen MacArthur Foundation, 2017). Cities generate 70% of the global gross domestic product and are significant drivers of economic growth (UN-Habitat III, 2016). At the same time, cities sit on the frontline of natural disasters such as floods, storms and droughts (De Sherbinin et al., 2007; Major et al., 2011; Rockström et al., 2021). One of the sustainability pathways to reduce the environmental consequences of the current extract-make-dispose model (or the "linear economy") is a circular economy (CE) model. A CE is defined as "an economic system that is based on business models which replace the 'end-of-life' concept with reducing, alternatively reusing, recycling and recovering materials in production/distribution and consumption processes" (Kirchherr et al., 2017, p. 224). By redesigning production processes and thereby extending the lifespan of goods and materials, researchers suggest that CE approaches reduce waste and increase employment and resource security while sustaining business competitiveness (Korhonen et al., 2018; Niskanen et al., 2020; Stahel, 2012; Winans et al., 2017). Organizations such as the Ellen MacArthur Foundation and Circle Economy help steer businesses toward CE strategies. The CE is also a political priority in countries and municipalities globally. For instance, the CE Action Plan, launched by the European Commission in 2015 and reconfirmed in 2020, is a central pillar of the European Green Deal (European Commission, 2015, 2020). Additionally, more governments are implementing national CE strategies in China (Ellen MacArthur Foundation, 2018), Colombia (Government of the Republic of Colombia, 2019), Finland (Sitra, 2016), Sweden (Government Offices of Sweden, 2020) and the US (Metabolic, 2018, 2019), to name a few. Meanwhile, more cities worldwide are adopting CE models to achieve more resource-efficient urban management systems, thereby advancing their environmental ambitions (Petit-Boix & Leipold, 2018; Turcu & Gillie, 2020; Vanhuyse, Haddaway, et al., 2021). Cities with CE ambitions include, Amsterdam, Barcelona, Paris, Toronto, Peterborough (England) and Umeå (Sweden) (OECD, 2020a). In Europe, over 60 cities signed the European Circular Cities Declaration (2020) to harmonize the transition towards a CE in the region. In this policy brief, we provide insights into common challenges local governments face in implementing their CE plans and suggest recommendations for overcoming these. It aims to answer the question: How can the CE agenda be governed in cities? It is based on the results of the Urban Circularity Assessment Framework (UCAF) project, building on findings from 25 interviews, focus group discussions and workshops held with different stakeholder groups in Umeå, as well as research on Stockholm's urban circularity potential, including findings from 11 expert interviews (Rezaie, 2021). Our findings were complemented by the Circular Economy Lab project (Rezaie et al., 2022) and experiences from working with municipal governments in Sweden, Belgium, France and the UK, on CE and environmental and social sustainability.