Journal articles on the topic 'Minorities – Government policy – Croatia'
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1
Korzeniewska-Wiszniewska, Mirella. "Administrative and Territorial Organization of the State as a Tool of Ethnic Politics:The Example of the Republic of Croatia." Politeja 17, no. 5 (68) (April 19, 2021): 239–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.17.2020.68.12.
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The article focuses on the issue of Croatia’s ethnic policy towards minorities at the level of administrative and territorial organization. It attempts to answer the question whether and to what extent the ethnic and territorial conflict in the 1990s influenced the processes of transformation of the administrative and territorial organization of the state. The Croatian state, given as an example, at the time of declaring its independence in 1991 had to face the threat of territorial disintegration from the Serb minority living in its territory. The Italian minority was also suspected of such tendencies, but it soon turned out that these suspicions were groundless. The Serbian community could, however, threaten the unification of the state, which initially happened as a result of an armed conflict. After its end, fears did not diminish, especially in the face of the changes in territorial borders that took place until the end of the first decade of the 21st century. The threat could be reduced using one of the tools, which was the local government administration and the shape of its territorial units. The Author analyses this issue basing on the projects of Croatian experts dealing with the issues of administrative and territorial organization of the last three decades and at various stages of Croatian statehood, data on demographic changes and laws regulating the functioning of local and regional local governments as well as regulations concerning the position of national minorities in the state.
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Korzeniewska‑Wiszniewska, Mirella. "Serbskie aspiracje do struktur europejskich. Sytuacja mniejszości narodowych i etnicznych w Autonomicznej Prowincji Wojwodiny ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem systemu kształcenia." Slavia Meridionalis 12 (August 31, 2015): 187–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sm.2012.011.
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Serbian aspirations towards European structures. The situation of national minorities and ethnic minorities in the Autonomous Province of Vojvodina with particular emphasis on the educational system Autonomous Province of Vojvodina (APV) is an area in the northern part of the Republic of Serbia. This region is inhabited by over 26 national and ethnic minorities, making it the most diverse ethnically area throughout Serbia. On the basis of the Constitution and special statutes in APV the following languages have official status: Serbian, Hungarian, Slovak, Croatian, Romanian and Ruthenian. In addition, this area is the most economically developed throughout the country. Vojvodina is an example of a well-functioning multi‑ethnic communities living in one territory, which in some regions of the Balkans remains an open problem. Therefore government in Belgrade tries to keep the European image of this autonomy to such an extent, that cyclically there appears information about the possibility of obtaining of the total independence of this territory and the separation from the Republic of Serbia. Paradoxically, such speculations can lead to the destabilization in other regions of Serbia. They did not obtain such a level of autonomy and mentioned speculations inspire some minorities into actions in order to get the certain independence (for example Boshniaks from Sandjak in western Serbia). The central authorities are aware of this fact and try to keep the control over all regions of the country that often can lead to ethnic conflicts. That raises the following question: to what extend wide autonomy of the Vojvodina is true and in corresponding to the constitutional policy, what fields of the life does this autonomy include.
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Gwiazda, Adam. "Poland's Policy Towards Its National Minorities." Nationalities Papers 22, no. 2 (1994): 435–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999408408338.
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During the last three years, extensive academic as well as public discussions of national minorities’ rights have taken place in Poland. Scholars can be roughly divided into a pro-national minorities rights group and an anti-national minorities rights group. Some strive to reconcile these two disparate positions. Similar groups can be found in the Sejm (Polish Parliament) which has been discussing the draft of a law on national minorities since Autumn 1993. This brief article investigates the situation of national minorities in Poland ever since a “specific” policy towards ethnic minorities was carried out in Poland by communist governments (though it focuses primarily on the German minority). It also reviews changes in the official policy of the Polish government, the Sejm, and assesses the prospects for the adoption of a Minorities Law, by discussing the major arguments of those groups proposing national minorities rights and those of its opponents.
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Clark, Janine. "National Minorities and the Milošević Regime." Nationalities Papers 35, no. 2 (May 2007): 317–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990701254375.
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In April 1994, the Croatian government of the late Franjo Tudjman demanded that all “non white” UN troops be removed from Croatia, claiming that only “first-world troops” were sufficiently sensitized to Croatia's problems. In Western circles, however, it was Tudjman's Serbian counterpart, Slobodan Milosevic, who was often portrayed as a racist. Ramet, for example, argues that “Milosevic built his power on a foundation of hatred and xenophobia …”; Zimmermann refers to “the ethnic hatred sown by Milosevic and his ilk …”; and Duncan and Holman compare Milosevic to Russia's Vladimir Zhirinovsky, claiming that the latter's “blatant appeals to racism bear a striking resemblance to those of Milosevic's Serbia.” For her part, Madeleine Albright, speaking on national television as US Secretary of State in February 2000, described Milosevic as a man “who decides that if you are not of his ethnic group, you don't have a right to exist.”
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Šimović, Hrvoje. "Impact of public debt sustainability on fiscal policy in Croatia." Acta Oeconomica 68, no. 2 (June 2018): 231–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/032.2018.68.2.3.
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This paper analyses the impact of public debt level and its (un)sustainability on fiscal policy in Croatia in the 2001–2015 period. A switching regression approach is used to distinguish different regimes when government spending, i.e. fiscal policy has more or less impact on economic growth during different cycles. In the second part, the structural VAR model is used to analyse the dynamic effects of government spending on domestic demand in Croatia. To observe the public debt effects on a fiscal policy, a “closed” model is compared with an “extended” model which includes a debtto- GDP indicator. Results show a negative impact of recession on public debt sustainability and confirm the main thesis that public debt level significantly affects and reduces the effectiveness of fiscal policy in Croatia.
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Brautović, Mato. "Net neutrality policy debate in Croatia." Medijska istraživanja 26, no. 1 (June 23, 2020): 9–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.22572/mi.26.1.1.
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This study examines the debate on net neutrality in the Croatian public sphere, its origin and connection to similar debates in the United States and the EU. The study also tries to answer who the policy actors that influence the NN debate are, how the policy-making process concerning this topic was carried out in Croatia, and what the role of the mainstream media is. Empirical data was collected from documents and posts regarding net neutrality found on government, media, NGO and industry websites. The findings show that there are two parallel debates on net neutrality and the character of the Croatian policy-making process: the debate that is going on in the mainstream and online media, where international topics and actors (the US, the EU) dominate, and the debate that is happening in the Croatian public sphere, which is carried out as part of panels and conferences (mainly organised by the Croatian Regulatory Authority for Network Industries). Although the mainstream media reported positively about net neutrality, they have failed to bring the process of policy-making and the corresponding debate closer to the general public, as was the case in the US or Western Europe.
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Abels, Michael. "The Local Government Manager as a Transformational Leader." Journal of Leadership Studies 3, no. 3 (July 1996): 96–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/107179199700300310.
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Local government managers fnd their organizations in an era of unparalleled political chaos. Accentuating this environment, an extremely angry public is the catalyst for the take over of policy making by radical minorities, and is precipitating the election of representatives who believe they must embrace a political philosophy oriented to satisfying the platform of single issue negative minorities. This vacuum of political leadership requires a new generation of managers. To counteract political negativity mangers must become transformational leaders. Transformational leadership will require that managers mobilize proactive citizen groups to perform legislative intervention with the policy making body.
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Musa, Anamarija, and Zdravko Petak. "Coordination for Policy in Transition Countries: Case of Croatia." Central European Public Administration Review 13, no. 3-4 (December 1, 2015): 117–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.17573/ipar.2015.3-4.06.
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The formulation and implementation of public policy depends on the coordination capacities. In recent decades the need for coordination has increased due to the fragmentation caused by NPM reforms, decentralisation processes, the proliferation of the cross-cutting issues, as well as increased globalisation, Europeanisation, and professionalization. The coordination problem in Croatian administration, similarly to other transition countries, is critically important but understudied. This paper is based on a preliminary research on coordination in Croatian public administration with regard to policy formulation and implementation of three policies – regional development policy, anticorruption policy and e-government policy, based on the interviews conducted with higher civil servants and public officials. A special emphasis is given to the role which various actors play in coordination, as well as the structures Government employs in order to coordinate. The research shows that the development of coordination instruments in Croatia suffers from inefficiencies and is greatly influenced by politically driven considerations.
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Piplica, Damir. "Political Aspect of the Saving – Investment Gap in Croatia." Research in Applied Economics 7, no. 4 (December 8, 2015): 16. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/rae.v7i4.8420.
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<p>All the Governments of Croatia should acknowledge the importance of the economic policy<br />that will encourage higher saving rates thus enabling correlation with the investment rate with<br />the scope of reaching important macroeconomic goals, such as the GDP and employment<br />rates increase, etc., without in any way endangering the macroeconomic stability of the<br />national economy. Regardless of the great impact savings had on the investments, the<br />implementation of the economic or investment policy on behalf of the Right-wing<br />Government of Croatia had a great impact in creating the discrepancy in the<br />saving-investment ratio, than it was the case with the Left-wing Government of Croatia. If the<br />Right–wing Government of Croatia starts implementing the economic policy with the sole<br />scope of reaching higher saving rates than the former ones, complying with their ideology,<br />and focusing less on how to opportunistically reach middle voters, they will influence<br />effectively the saving and investment correlation, thus lessening the saving-investment gap<br />and reaching the macroeconomic stability. However, if the Right-wing Government<br />opportunistically turn to the “middle voters” instead of following their ideology`s programme,<br />this could lead to the decrease in efficiency of some economic policy measures with the goal<br />of reaching a certain saving-investment correlation. On the other hand, with the growth in<br />saving rates, Left-wing Government of Croatia can influence effectively its correlation with<br />the investment rates, but still in a lesser proportion compared to the Right–wing Government<br />of Croatia. With the Left–wing Government of Croatia opportunistically orienting on the<br />“middle voters” that would facilitate their position in achieving the macroeconomic stability<br />and thus enforcing their influence on the saving-investment correlation, as would not be the<br />case if only complying with their left oriented party`s programme.</p>
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Smetanková, Daša. "Komparácia politík voči národnostným menšinám vlád Roberta Fica a Vladimíra Mečiara na Slovensku v rokoch 1994 až 1998 a 2006 až 2010." Středoevropské politické studie Central European Political Studies Review 15, no. 1 (April 1, 2013): 54–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cepsr.2012.1.54.
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The paper deals with minority policy in Slovakia during two governmental periods, 1994-1998 (Robert Fico’s government) and 2006-2010 (Vladimír Mečiar’s government). Political parties which formed government in these periods tend to be referred to also as national populist parties, because they pursue populist policy embedded in nationalist agenda. The goal of the article is to examine whether minority policy of Robert Fico’s government was comparable in this regard to that of Vladimir Mečiar. This is done by investigating their policies towards two largest national minorities, the Roma people and the Hungarian minority. The comparison focuses on two main issue areas: education and culture. These are assumed by the author to be most important ones from the perspective of national minorities. I analyse several sources, such as government programmes, minority strategic documents, and language, educational and culture policies, applying criteria such as content or financial considerations. As a conclusion, the paper claims that despite superficially similar characteristics, there were significant differences in both governments' policies towards national minorities.
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Vuletic, Dean. "Out of the homeland: The Croatian Right and Gay Rights." Southeastern Europe 37, no. 1 (2013): 36–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763332-03701003.
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This article discusses how the Croatian right’s attitudes towards gay rights have been defined by nationalism and Europeanism. It focusses on the Croatian Democratic Union (Hrvatska demokratska zajednica, HDZ), which has dominated Croatian politics since it was first elected to government in 1990. It led Croatia to independence from Yugoslavia in 1991 and through the homeland War from 1991 to 1995, and it also started and finished Croatia’s negotiations for accession to the European Union from 2005 to 2011. The HDZ government did not actively address gay rights in Croatia in the 1990s, especially since it espoused a heteronationalism influenced by Roman Catholic teachings. Homosexuality was usually mentioned by HDZ officials only in negative terms, such as when allegations of it were used to discredit critics or opponents. Although the HDZ government had sought to integrate Croatia with Western Europe, it was isolated by the West in the late 1990s because of its authoritarian and nationalist tendencies. However, after its electoral defeat in 2000, the HDZ transformed itself into a more moderate right-wing party, and it returned to government in 2003. Subsequently, it had to actively address gay rights, as these had become a prominent political issue under the previous government and with the rise of a local gay movement. As the HDZ government placed EU accession at the centre of its programme, it also came under pressure from the EU to adopt anti-discrimination laws to protect sexual minorities. However, the HDZ continues to oppose the expansion of gay rights in debates on same-sex marriage or adoption rights for same-sex couples, which are not required for admission into the EU, and it continues to do this with references to traditional Croatian and Catholic values.
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Pham, Thanh Hang, and Ekaterina Nikolaeva. "The sustainable development of the ethnic minorities in Vietnam: The Indian experience and policy implications." E3S Web of Conferences 258 (2021): 05004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/202125805004.
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India is a country with diverse ethnic groups. To ensure special rights and benefits for ethnic minority groups aim at the sustainable development of the ethnic groups, the Indian Government has regulations on preferential treatment in terms of policies, capital provision, education and employment opportunities included in its Constitution. In addition to providing legal protection to minorities in the Constitution, the Government also implements national projects to promote socio-economic development in ethnic minority areas, establishing various agencies to manage issues of the groups. These are useful recommendations for Vietnam in ensuring the rights of ethnic minorities. In this article, the author will focus on clarifying the basic contents of Indian Government for ensuring the rights of ethnic minority groups and drawing some policy suggestions for Vietnam.
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Mašić, Barbara. "Influence of EU policy on protection of national minorities in Croatia – Pre-negotiation and negotiation period." Europäisches Journal für Minderheitenfragen 14, no. 1-2 (2021): 30. http://dx.doi.org/10.35998/ejm-2021-0002.
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Беретка, Катинка. "ПРАКСА УСТАВНОГ СУДА РЕПУБЛИКЕ ХРВАТСКЕ У ОБЛАСТИ ПРАВА НАЦИОНАЛНИХ МАЊИНА, СА ПОСЕБНИМ ОСВРТОМ НА ЈЕЗИЧКА ПРАВА СРПСКЕ ЗАЈЕДНИЦЕ У ХРВАТСКОЈ." ГОДИШЊАК ЗА СОЦИОЛОГИЈУ 26, no. 1 (April 23, 2021): 71–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.46630/gsoc.26.2021.05.
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In the period from 2000 to the present day, the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Croatia has often faced the challenge of deciding on politically sensitive topics, especially when it comes to the need to protect the rights of both traditional and so-called “new” minority communities (which emerged from the constituent nations of the former Yugoslavia by the formation of new independent nation-states). The cases that occur in court practice are diverse, but mainly refer to cultural autonomy, representation of persons belonging to national minorities in local or regional representative bodies and equal representation in the public sector, as well as (official) use of language and script. The submitters of constitutional complaints, and the initiators of the procedures for assessing the constitutionality and legality of general legal acts, were guided by various motives; and the question is whether these motives influenced the work of the constitutional court, or in other words, whether the court remained faithful to its original role of protecting the basic, timeless values of the constitutional order of Croatia or was guided by current party policy programs. In addition to the general presentation of the legal regulation of minority rights, and the jurisdiction of the Constitutional Court in Croatia, the paper analyzes cases related to the language rights of “new” minority communities, focusing on the arguments of both “parties” in the procedure and the constitutional court, as well. The goal of this paper is to present the practice of the Constitutional Court of Croatia in the field of language rights of national minorities through specific constitutional court cases, with special reference to the consistency of the court’s argumentation.
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Hindle, Don. "A comparison of health insurance in Slovenia and Croatia." Australian Health Review 26, no. 1 (2003): 106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/ah030106.
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Before Croatia and Slovenia became independent in 1991, they had similar health systems.They have generally taken the same reform path since then,but have also travelled in opposite directions on occasions. Of particular relevance here, both countries established quasi-government agencies to administer a new national scheme of compulsory health insurance in 1993. However, Slovenia's compulsory scheme involved much larger copayments, and a parallel voluntary insurance scheme was created mainly to cover them. In 2002, Croatia increased copayments and introduced a voluntary insurance scheme almost identical to that of Slovenia's. To complete the circle, Slovenia has announced it intends to abandon the use of voluntary insurance for copayments, and reduce the level of copayments for its compulsory scheme.This paper describes and compares the two insurance systems,and I argue that there has been considerable success in difficult circumstances.However,the experiences reinforce aspects of design that seem to be generally relevant: the need to make use of consumers' informed opinions, to recognise and then redress a lack of experience of optional approaches among many of those making decisions about health insurance, to define and apply a rigorous evaluation framework that includes estimating people's total costs for health care, to emphasise the long term, to identify and ensure there is transparency of vested interests, and to use the financial power of the dominant government insurer to encourage and reward improvements in clinical practice.
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Perković Paloš, Andrijana. "Croatian leadership and Jews in the 1990s." St open 1 (2020): 1–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.48188/so.1.13.
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Aim: What was the attitude of the first Croatian president Franjo Tuđman and the Croatian leadership towards the Holocaust and the Jewish community in Croatia in the 1990s? Some considered Tuđman a Holocaust denier because of the purportedly controversial parts of his 1989 book Bespuća povijesne zbiljnosti (Wastelands of Historical Reality). The Croatian leadership was accused of minimizing World War II crimes of the Ustasha regime and rehabilitating the World War II Independent State of Croatia. Methods: We analyzed archival documents, Tuđman’s published correspondence, controversial parts of his Wastelands of Historical Reality, his public statements, biographical writings of contemporary Croatian leaders, and newspaper articles. We scrutinized the Serbian propaganda against Croatia in the 1990s, the position and role of the Jewish community and prominent Jews in Croatian public life as well as the relations between Croatia and Israel. Findings: The Croatian leadership and the Jewish community maintained good relations in the 1990s. Some prominent Croatian Jews actively advocated for Croatia’s international recognition and refuted certain authors’ and some Jewish international circles’ accusations of antisemitism among Croatian leadership. Jews participated at the highest levels of Croatian government. Democratic changes at the beginning of the 1990s enabled national, religious, political and other freedoms for minorities in Croatia, including the Jewish community. Still, some authors considered Tuđman an anti-Semite and a Holocaust denier. These opinions were partly shaped by quotes from the Wastelands of Historical Reality taken out of context and published by Serbian propagandists. This propaganda successfully shaped the false perception of official antisemitism in Croatia and has contributed to the delay in the establishment of the diplomatic relations between Croatia and Israel for more than five years after Israel had recognized Croatia. Conclusion: There is no evidence for claims of political antisemitism in Croatia in the 1990s. This article sheds light on this widely manipulated topic and provides a basis for further research.
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Perković Paloš, Andrijana. "Croatian leadership and Jews in the 1990s." St open 1 (2020): 1–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.48188/so.1.13.
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Aim: What was the attitude of the first Croatian president Franjo Tuđman and the Croatian leadership towards the Holocaust and the Jewish community in Croatia in the 1990s? Some considered Tuđman a Holocaust denier because of the purportedly controversial parts of his 1989 book Bespuća povijesne zbiljnosti (Wastelands of Historical Reality). The Croatian leadership was accused of minimizing World War II crimes of the Ustasha regime and rehabilitating the World War II Independent State of Croatia. Methods: We analyzed archival documents, Tuđman’s published correspondence, controversial parts of his Wastelands of Historical Reality, his public statements, biographical writings of contemporary Croatian leaders, and newspaper articles. We scrutinized the Serbian propaganda against Croatia in the 1990s, the position and role of the Jewish community and prominent Jews in Croatian public life as well as the relations between Croatia and Israel. Findings: The Croatian leadership and the Jewish community maintained good relations in the 1990s. Some prominent Croatian Jews actively advocated for Croatia’s international recognition and refuted certain authors’ and some Jewish international circles’ accusations of antisemitism among Croatian leadership. Jews participated at the highest levels of Croatian government. Democratic changes at the beginning of the 1990s enabled national, religious, political and other freedoms for minorities in Croatia, including the Jewish community. Still, some authors considered Tuđman an anti-Semite and a Holocaust denier. These opinions were partly shaped by quotes from the Wastelands of Historical Reality taken out of context and published by Serbian propagandists. This propaganda successfully shaped the false perception of official antisemitism in Croatia and has contributed to the delay in the establishment of the diplomatic relations between Croatia and Israel for more than five years after Israel had recognized Croatia. Conclusion: There is no evidence for claims of political antisemitism in Croatia in the 1990s. This article sheds light on this widely manipulated topic and provides a basis for further research.
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Klasinc, Jan. "Barriers to the Developement of Collaborative Governance in Croatia." Socialiniai tyrimai 40, no. 1 (December 14, 2017): 27–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.21277/st.v40i1.183.
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This paper aims to establish whether collaborative governance may be a useful concept in Croatian local government and what barriers might prevent Croatian ULGs from developing such models. Recent research has shown that some ULGs in Croatia are more successful than others in terms of financial management and resource allocation, which may be due to better quality of civil servants working in local government and increased participation of citizens in public policy making but also to some form of collaborative governance. The second case also offers a possibility of achieving higher level of citizen satisfaction with local government on the basis of results, although this satisfaction is not necessarily linked to achieving proclaimed policy objectives or transparency and openness. In the case of e-governance we also assess the technological development of ULGs as a precondition for dynamic communication needed for collaboration. We find that in some cases the achievement of public good and community goals are due to better leadership and creating trust and in some others due to better participation in policies and involvement of citizens in common problems, such as unemployment. Barriers are detected by studying the most and least successful ULGs.
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Ivezic, Sladjana Strkalj, Martina Rojnic Kuzman, and Maja Silobrcic Radic. "Mental health services in Croatia." International Psychiatry 6, no. 4 (October 2009): 91–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/s1749367600000771.
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The Republic of Croatia is in central Europe, on the Mediterranean. A large majority of its 4 440 000 inhabitants are Croats (89.6%). The main religion is Roman Catholicism (88%). Sixteen per cent of the population is aged over 65 years. Croatia was a part of Yugoslavia after the Second World War until 1991, when Croatia declared independence. Following the declaration, Croatia was attacked by the Yugoslav army and by Serbia and suffered a devastating war (1991–95). The transition had consequences for mental health, for example a dramatic rise in the prevalence of post-traumatic stress disorder, especially among soldiers. The majority of soldiers received appropriate psychiatric treatment; there has, however, been an increase in claims motivated by secondary gain, as a result of government policy.
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Pizzi, Elise. "Ethnicity and Government Provision of Drinking Water Infrastructure in Rural China." Asian Survey 60, no. 4 (July 2020): 607–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2020.60.4.607.
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What areas of the country does the Chinese government prioritize for drinking water provision infrastructure? Chinese policy prioritizes ethnic minorities and minority autonomous areas due to concerns about inequality and interethnic harmony. However, the implementation is not always equitable or favorable for ethnic minorities. Drawing on a new data set of more than 10,000 drinking water projects, I explore how ethnicity and autonomy influence public goods provision in rural Guizhou Province. I find implementation concerns trump official policy priorities when it comes to drinking water infrastructure. Such facilities are more likely to be built in Han-majority areas, because implementation and project completion are easier for officials. The findings have implications for ethnic politics and public goods provision in nondemocratic contexts. They also demonstrate why regions with larger minority populations are often slower to develop and slower to receive better access to basic public services.
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BIEBER, FLORIAN. "LESS DIVERSITY - MORE INTEGRATION: INTERETHNIC RELATIONS IN THE CONTEMPORARY BALKANS 1." Southeastern Europe 32, no. 1 (2007): 23–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633307x00039.
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Abstract Summary: This article surveys the state of diversity in Southeastern Europe by examining the nature of interethnic relations and diversity, minority rights protection and political participation of minorities. During the past decade, state repression and hostility towards minorities have largely made way to including minorities in government and introducing comprehensive minority rights protection laws. These improvements at the level of policy are often not matched in terms of general interethnic relations. Majority-minority relations remain burdened by the 1990s and Southeastern Europe is considerably more homogenous than it was in 1989. As a consequence, legal and policy changes are often the consequence of international and in particular EU pressure rather than domestic processes.
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Lozina, Duško, and Mirko Klarić. "Local Public Servants and Employees in the Republic of Croatia: Legal Position and Obligations." Lex localis - Journal of Local Self-Government 6, no. 4 (September 4, 2009): 413–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.4335/60.
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The topic of this paper is an analysis of the legal position of local public servants and employees in the Republic of Croatia as well as of their rights and obligations in the light of the enactment of the Public Servants and Employees in local and regional self-government Act. In this sense, the concept and characteristics of the status of the administrative public servant from the aspect of administrative theory and practice are analysed, a short comparative overview of different official systems in Europe is given, and the position of local public servants and employees in Croatia in the light of positive legal regulations is analysed. In the conclusion, an assessment of the existing officials system which is related to local public servants and employees in Croatia is given in the context of the stated modern systems of public administration. Also assessed is whether the enacted legal regulations will have a positive effect on the implementation of personnel policy, greater motivation and the work of local public servants and employees thereby finally resulting in a better and more quality functioning of local self-government.
Key words: • Republic of Croatia • public administration • local self-government • local public servants and employees
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Deskar-Škrbić, Milan, Hrvoje Šimović, and Tomislav Ćorić. "The effects of fiscal policy in a small open transition economy: The case of Croatia." Acta Oeconomica 64, Supplement-1 (December 1, 2014): 133–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/aoecon.64.2014.s1.5.
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In this paper, we use the structural VAR model to analyse the dynamic effects of (discretionary) fiscal shocks on the economic activity of the private sector in Croatia between 2000 and 2012. Due to the fact that Croatia is a small open transition economy, we assume that shocks of foreign origin can have notable effects on its performance. Therefore, the original Blanchard-Perotti identification method is extended by introducing variables that represent external (foreign) demand shocks. The results show that government spending has a positive and statistically significant effect on private aggregate demand and private consumption, and that net indirect taxes have a negative and statistically significant effect on private consumption and private investment.
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Bađun, Marijana. "Costs of occupational injuries and illnesses in Croatia." Archives of Industrial Hygiene and Toxicology 68, no. 1 (March 1, 2017): 66–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/aiht-2017-68-2899.
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Abstract Apart from influencing the quality of life, occupational injuries and illnesses can pose a large economic burden to a society. There are many studies that estimate the costs of occupational injuries and illnesses in highly developed economies, but the evidence for other countries is scarce. This study aimed to estimate the financial costs of occupational injuries and illnesses to Croatian government and employers in 2015. Workers were excluded due to the lack of data. Costs were estimated by analysing available data sources on occupational health and safety. Financial costs were grouped in several categories: medical costs, productivity losses, disability pensions, compensation for physical impairment, administrative costs, and legal costs. Unlike in other studies, the costs of compliance with occupational safety and health regulations were also investigated. In 2015, financial costs to employers were twice higher than costs to the government (HRK 604.6 m vs HRK 297 m). Employers additionally covered around HRK 300 m of compliance costs. Taking into account that financial costs of occupational injuries and illnesses are significant, even without including the costs to workers, policy makers should put additional efforts into their prevention. A prerequisite is transparency in Croatian Health Insurance Fund’s expenditures, as well as more detailed data on lost days from work by industries, causes of injury etc. Organisations in charge of occupational health and safety and policy makers should observe relevant statistics in monetary terms too.
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Appleby, Louis. "Services for ethnic minorities: a question of trust." Psychiatric Bulletin 32, no. 11 (November 2008): 401–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/pb.bp.107.018895.
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SummaryMental healthcare for ethnic minorities is a government policy priority. However, debate about how services should develop has been overshadowed by public criticism over high rates of admission and sectioning in some ethnic groups, the implication being that racism is rife in mental healthcare. These criticisms are headline-seeking, scientifically crude and unfair to mental health professionals. However, it is true that some minority communities are mistrustful of the services available. We need to overcome this mistrust with a positive message – and a promise of fair treatment.
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Kovalevych, L. "Policy of the states of the European Union against sessesionism." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. Geography, no. 64 (2016): 74–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2721.2016.64.13.
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The role of domestic policy in solving of inter-regional conflicts and counteracting secessionist processes are disclosed in the article. A mixed populatіon in any area can live either in peaceful coexistence and political stability or in violent conflicts. This is mostly dependent on the internal ethnic policy. Variety of the government’s reactions to the strengthening of centrifugal tendencies in some regions are explored; among which the approval of separatist demands, the advancement of conditions of underprivileged minorities, adoption of “asymmetric federalism”, allowance for minorities to participate in politіcal debate through parliamentary voting, referendums, etc., establishment of a confederation with only limited links between countries are distinguished. Another way to solve regional conflicts is to create a “multinational federation.” The main features of the state policy of the European Union’s countries which have regions with high potential secessionist conflict are analyzed. The necessities of a balanced domestic policy of the government to prevent the escalation of internal contradictions are emphasized. The influence of the form of government on minimizing of inter-regional conflicts is investigating. After correlating data about current regional conflicts and the forms of government of the hosting countries, it was found that the form of government (from unitary to federalism) is not the only decisive factor for solving of regional conflicts. However, taking into account the historical, cultural, linguistic, economic factors, it is important to understand that political mechanisms can give an initial impulse, the first impetus to resolve the conflicts. Therefore, political factors are some of the key one in regularizing of secessionism. Moreover, examples of the successful resolution of regional conflіcts by particular European states are considered. Experience of an effective resolving of regional conflicts in western European countries showed that in all the cases (Switzerland, Germany, Spain and Great Britain) the mechanisms of the institution of parliamentarism and solving of the language issue were used. The geographic decentralization policy of the supreme power (Germany) and legitimization of government decisions through referendums (Switzerland) are equally effective.
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Phung, Viet-Hai. "Ethnicity and Child Poverty under New Labour: A Research Review." Social Policy and Society 7, no. 4 (October 2008): 551–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746408004491.
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This review article explores the evidence on child poverty rates amongst different ethnic groups in the UK. The Labour Government aims to end child poverty by 2020. Its strategy rests on improving employability, making work pay and expanding childcare provision. But child poverty rates among ethnic minorities are higher than among white people, which suggests that policies to reduce these have been ineffectual. The factors underlying this differential include labour market disadvantage, insensitive mainstream services and the language barriers that may cause low take-up of services, benefits and tax credits. The article concludes by suggesting a number of policy strategies that government could take to reduce the levels of child poverty amongst ethnic minorities.
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Milani, Mohsen M. "Iran's Policy Towards Afghanistan." Middle East Journal 60, no. 2 (April 1, 2006): 235–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/60.2.12.
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Since 1979, Iran's objectives in Afghanistan have changed as Afghanistan's domestic landscape changed. Still, Iran has consistently sought to see a stable and independent Afghanistan, with Herat as a buffer zone and with a Tehran-friendly government in Kabul, a government that reflects the rich ethnic diversity of the country. Toward those and other goals, Iran has created “spheres of influence” inside Afghanistan. During the Soviet occupation (1979-88), Iran created an “ideological sphere of influence” by empowering the Shi'ites. Iran then created a “political sphere of influence” by unifying the Dari/Persian-speaking minorities, who ascended to power. Iranian policies added fuel to the ferocious civil war in the 1990s. Astonishingly slow to recognize the threat posed by the Taliban, Iran helped create a “sphere of resistance” to counter the “Kabul-Islamabad-Riyadh” axis by supporting the Northern Alliance. Since the liberation of Afghanistan, Iran has also established an “economic sphere of influence” by engaging in the reconstruction of Afghanistan. Today, Iran's goals are to pressure the Afghan government to distance itself from Washington, and for Iran to become the hub for the transit of goods and services between the Persian Gulf and Afghanistan, Central Asia, India, and China. While Iran has been guilty of extremism and adventurism in some critical aspects of its foreign policy, its overall Afghan policy has contributed more to moderation and stability than to extremism and instability.
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HASMATH, REZA, and ANDREW W. MACDONALD. "Beyond Special Privileges: The Discretionary Treatment of Ethnic Minorities in China's Welfare System." Journal of Social Policy 47, no. 2 (July 3, 2017): 295–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279417000381.
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AbstractThe social welfare of ethnic minorities is a contested subject with a deep politicalised history in contemporary China. This article uses a new large dataset solely looking at ethnic minorities in China, to analyse the impact and outcomes that new urban social and welfare schemes – with notable attention to the basic medical insurance, and the minimum livelihood guarantee allowance (dibao) – have on the livelihoods of minorities. The data suggests that, contrary to the pro-minority rhetoric of the state, minority participation in social welfare programmes is predicated on the incentive set of local government officials. These findings have strong implications for constructing future social welfare policies, and for understanding their potential differential impact on ethnic minority cohorts.
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Poljak, Željko. "Advocacy Coalitions in Transport Policy: A Case of Rail Sector in Croatia." Central European Journal of Public Policy 12, no. 1 (June 1, 2018): 41–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/cejpp-2018-0002.
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Abstract The author analyses the transport policy of the rail sector in Croatia and tries to give answers regarding the policy stability and change based on the actors in the rail transport. The aim of the paper is to give an overview of the development of the rail sector in modern Croatia and to explore, in a larger period, the relations and beliefs of all types of actors in this area at the national level. As a theoretical background, the author uses an advocacy coalition framework, which states that policy actors are grouped into coalitions within a policy subsystem in which they advocate their beliefs in order to transfer them into government programs, thus provoking change and stability in the system. The author methodologically uses qualitative content analysis in the form of coding of the collected material based on transcripts of interviews with actors, official documents, and transcript of one parliamentary debate. Following is a review of the historical development of the rail sector in Croatia, with an emphasis on the post-independence Croatia period, which provides a basis for concrete research findings. The results are presented in two units: (1) identified actors and their relations, and (2) beliefs of actors. The follow-up discussion points to the existence of similar patterns of beliefs among the actors at the national level. However, the empirical material collected does not establish clear relationships that could be classified as an advocacy coalition. In conclusion, the author argues that the coded material does not give away any importance of the coalitions of actors at the national level for policy stability and change of rail sector leading to recommendations for further research in this area, where other transport sectors should be included as well as international actors.
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Safira Mustaqilla, Safira Mustaqilla. "Book Review: “Muslim Minority-State Relations (Violence, Integration and Policy) The Executive Summary: Robert Mason, First Published 2016 by. Palgrave Macmillan, 2016." SAMARAH: Jurnal Hukum Keluarga dan Hukum Islam 1, no. 2 (December 30, 2017): 528. http://dx.doi.org/10.22373/sjhk.v1i2.2382.
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The book under the auspices of the modern Muslim world in a tittle “Muslim Minority-State Relations: Violence, Integration and Policyâ€, described on the minority Muslim community before the government 11 september, and thereafter. Before the reign of 11 September, the government does not target minority Muslim community with a comprehensive policy that aims to foster multiculturalism, integration and social cohesion. But in the last decade all of has changed.Now Muslims are confronted by the global issue of radicalization, the legitimacy of actors Muslims and Islam to be a challenge to traditional national identity. The issue is more visible in 2015 when the conflict in Syria, and instability in other parts of the Middle East and Africa has sparked a new case of terrorism in Europe carried out by Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant. More than 350,000 migrants were on the border of the EU between January and August 2015, more than the total figure for 2014. Germany alone, expects to receive 800,000 refugees and asylum-seekers in 2015, four times in 2014.That glimpse of the picture presented by Robert Mason about the situation of Muslim minorities in some parts of the western countries and the Middle East.
This book consists of eight chapters. Each chapter is summarized well by the writer. each contents highlight about the position of minorities and their involvement in the public sphere. The authors describe a wide range of minority issues from different countries, with several cases of violence and the restrictions experienced by minorities. This book is very helpful, because it contains a variety of information that is current and up to date, about the state of minorities in various countries around the globe. And this book is the first edition in 2016.
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Giljević, Teo, and Goranka Lalić Novak. "Coordination Instruments in Croatian Integration Policy." Hrvatska i komparativna javna uprava 18, no. 3 (September 4, 2018): 373–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.31297/hkju.18.3.1.
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The key question addressed in this paper is that of connecting the institutional setting and planned outcomes of the integration policy with the instruments and types of coordination in the government system. Integration policy may be defined as a “wicked problem”, as it is a cross-sectoral issue that concerns the responsibilities of various actors. Integration is not a policy that can develop serendipitously; it needs to be designed and proper instruments of coordination should be developed. It requires coordination across different sectors and tiers of government, with both formal and informal coordination structures and instruments that can be used to facilitate coordinated implementation of policy goals and measures. Croatia has only rather recently started to develop its integration policy. Due to a relatively small number of migrants, the integration policy is primarily targeted at the refugee population. In practice, integration is an inter-departmental task dealt with by different organisations (ministries, agencies) at different governmental levels (national, local) and includes their cooperation with different non-state actors. This is very challenging in the highly fragmented and pluralistic Croatian public administration system, which lacks integrative government capacity, strategic planning, and prioritisation of developed consultative mechanisms. The paper analyses the recently promoted Croatian integration policy in the light of coordination models and instruments. It provides an overview of the types and instruments of coordination in the government system and presents the development of the Croatian migration and integration policy, its institutional setting, and the implementation of integration in practice. Finally, it provides a classification and evaluation of the coordination instruments in the integration policy.
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KE, FAN. "Ethnic Configuration and State-Making: A Fujian Case." Modern Asian Studies 46, no. 4 (August 30, 2011): 919–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x11000436.
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AbstractThis paper examines the relationship between ethnic configuration and state social policy in a Chinese context. Why did the Chinese communist government have to implement a preferential policy towards ethnic minorities, and to what extent has this policy come to reshape peoples’ consciousness of their group membership? As well as analysing the reasons and intents of the Chinese Communist Party when dealing with the minority issue before and after it attained power, this paper argues that categorizing of the population served to establish the state apparatus. Why the project of ethnic identification was first initiated in Fujian (a province best known for its overwhelming Han culture) is also discussed. By unfolding the process of searching for ethnic representation in Fujian in the early 1950s, this paper further argues that the major concern of the party-state regarding ethnic minorities is to hold onto its power. Finally, this paper documents how government agents, when investigating ethnicity, interacted with the local population. The Fujian case implies as well as exemplifies how ethnicity can be invented, constructed or reconstructed as a particular representation in relation to state formation.
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Ruano, Carlos R. "The Participation of National Minorities in Pre-Modern Educational Systems." education policy analysis archives 9 (June 12, 2001): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.14507/epaa.v9n23.2001.
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This article presents the results of research carried out on the linguistic and educational needs of Guatemala's national minorities and the responses given to those needs by Guatemala's central government. Specifically, the case of the Garífuna population on the Atlantic Coast is studied with a view to understanding the educational policy dynamics underlying Pre-Modern States towards the multicultural groups' lack of participation and incorporation into the national polity. Lastly, the specific educational claims of the Garífunas are studied, particularly in relation to Guatemala's other linguistic blocks, namely, Mayan and Spanish language speakers.
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HERO, RODNEY E., and CAROLINE J. TOLBERT. "Minority Voices and Citizen Attitudes about Government Responsiveness in the American States: Do Social and Institutional Context Matter?" British Journal of Political Science 34, no. 1 (December 10, 2003): 109–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123403000371.
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Previous research has shown that institutional factors, particularly ‘direct democracy’, along with racial context, shape policy outcomes in the fifty American states. But less is understood about the impact of such factors on attitudes towards government of racial and ethnic minorities. The passage of ballot initiatives targeting minority interests might be expected to have a negative effect on these groups. This study considers the impact of institutional and social context on attitudes about government responsiveness (external efficacy), drawing on pooled NES survey data from 1988–98 merged with state level data. Consistent with previous research, which was based on a single year, there is strong evidence that citizens in states with frequent exposure to direct democracy are more likely to perceive that government is responsive to their needs. At the same time, direct democracy did not have the hypothesized detrimental impact on racial and ethnic group attitudes towards government in general. State racial context also did not have a measurable impact on individual-level attitudes. Regardless of state environmental contexts, however, racial and ethnic minorities (with the exception of Latinos) reported less confidence in government than whites. The findings have broader implications, particularly given the growing racial and ethnic diversity and the ongoing politics of democratic inclusion in America.
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Lazarovych, M. V. "STATE ETHNOPOLITICS OF THE ZUNR PERIOD." PRECARPATHIAN BULLETIN OF THE SHEVCHENKO SCIENTIFIC SOCIETY Idea, no. 6(50) (December 28, 2018): 77–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.31471/2304-7410-2018-6(50)-77-84.
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The purpose of the article is to analyze and generalize the features and trends of the ethnonational policy of the ZUNR government in the conditions of the liberation struggle of 1918-1919. The main activities of the Ukrainian authorities to ensure the rights and freedoms of the foreign ethnic population are investigated. The legal basis of state ethnopolitics is analyzed. The attitude of national minorities to the construction of the Ukrainian state is determined. The prerequisites and the process of attracting representatives of the foreign ethnic population to practical activities for the development of Ukrainian statehood are investigated, the mechanism of national representation in government bodies is clarified, the structure and principles of their functioning are analyzed. It is summed up that the ethnopolitics of the ZUNR leadership was democratic, but the characteristic feature of the outlined chronotope was the difficult conditions caused by the aggression on the part of Poland. Therefore, many events of the Ukrainian government often remained declarative due to the impossibility of their implementation. Involvement of the foreign population to participate in the representative and executive structures of the Ukrainian government was not only an integral part of its ethno-national policy, but also an important factor in the development of the state. But national minorities, primarily Jews and Germans, showed a certain inconsistency and respecting neutrality in the Polish-Ukrainian war, significantly limited their participation in state processes.
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Yi, Lin. "Ethnicization through Schooling: The Mainstream Discursive Repertoires of Ethnic Minorities." China Quarterly 192 (December 2007): 933–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s030574100700210x.
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AbstractThis article looks into the process through which minority cultures and subjects are interpreted and defined by the cultural mainstream as inferior and less valuable for the modernization of China, and in consequent need of transformation, particularly through education. In dichotomizing advanced cultures vis-à-vis backward ones, this process has ethnicized minorities' differences. However, within the process itself are internal contradictions that render any attempt at actual education self-contradictory and ultimately unproductive. Using three sources of data – government policy, academic discourse and ethnographic fieldwork – the article provides corroborative evidence relating to the creation of particular images of minority cultures and subjects by the mainstream Han.
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Mentzel, Peter. "The German Minority in Inter-War Yugoslavia." Nationalities Papers 21, no. 2 (1993): 129–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999308408280.
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The Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes inherited a considerable number of Germans along with its ex-Habsburg territories when it was established in December 1918. The two most important German communities in inter-war Yugoslavia were the Germans of Slovenia and the Germans of the Vojvodina and Croatia-Slavonia, the so-called Donau Schwaben (Swabians). There were also scattered pockets of ethnic Germans in Bosnia-Hercegovina. The Yugoslavian ethnic Germans (Volksdeutsche), like the other Yugoslavian non-Slav minorities, were objects of discrimination by the Yugoslavian government. The Slovenian German community responded to this hostility by developing a virulent German nationalism which, after 1933, rapidly turned into Nazism. The Swabian community, on the other hand, generally tried to cooperate with the central government in Belgrade. The Swabians remained rather ambivalent toward the rising Nazi movement until the tremendous successes of the Third Reich in 1938 made Nazism irresistibly attractive. In the face of the government's anti-German policies, why did each of these German communities manifest such different attitudes towards the Yugoslav state during the inter-war period? This article will show how several factors of history, demography, and geography combined to produce the different reactions of the two groups.
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Strupinskienė, Lina, and Simona Vaškevičiūtė. "What Happened to Transitional Justice in Croatia After the EU Accession?" Politologija 101, no. 1 (June 1, 2021): 8–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/polit.2021.101.1.
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This paper proposes to see Croatia’s becoming a member state of the European Union in 2013 as a particular critical juncture that created uncertainty over the type of decisions the government would take in the field of transitional justice once international pressure had stopped. It compares the period before and after the accession by looking into the three elements of transitional justice policy that were given priority by the EU conditionality framework – fighting impunity for war crimes, fostering reconciliation and respect for and protection of minority rights. It finds that all three have deteriorated in the post-accession period. On the one hand, the findings illustrate the power of international pressure, but on the other hand, they question the overall effectiveness of the conditionality policy, as it seems to not have affected deeper societal issues at stake and has not resulted in true transformation.
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Malloy, Tove H., and Sonja Wolf. "Linguistic Minority Rights in the Danish-German Border Region: Reciprocity and Public Administration Policies." International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 23, no. 4 (November 18, 2016): 485–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718115-02304002.
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Language equality is not public policy in Denmark or Germany, and neither country has adopted an official state language constitutionally. Both countries protect minority languages through regional and local statutes on culture and education and have signed relevant international standards on linguistic rights for minorities and protection of regional or minority languages. Neither system is very transparent, nor comprehensive. This has created consternation and dissatisfaction among the national minorities residing in the Danish-German border region resulting in recent tensions in the municipalities in Southern Denmark, whereas the government of Schleswig-Holstein decided in 2015 to address the issue with policy reforms for public administration. This article focuses on linguistic minority rights in the Danish-German border region with specific attention to minority languages in public administration and specifically to the on-going reforms in Schleswig-Holstein.
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Nguyen, Tiep Van. "Some Remarks on the National Policy of the Second Republic Government related to the Issue of Ethnic Minorities of the Central Highlands (1964 – 1975)." Science and Technology Development Journal 16, no. 3 (September 30, 2013): 80–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.32508/stdj.v16i3.1649.
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Learning the failure lesson of the national policy of Ngo Dinh Diem government, with the ambition to control the Central Highlands and block the moving path of revolutionary forces into the coastal regions of the Center and the South, the Second Republic government was seriously concerned about building up and perfecting the national policy, finding out the more practical way to apply it. From the policy “People, Harmony and Mutual Progress in National Unity” to the policy “People’s Benefit, Harmonious Society, People’s Mutual Advance”, the Second Republic government achieved certain successes, particularly in enticing Fulro’s cooperation. However, due to the low process of making policies which was even awkward and sometimes improvising, the implementation of the policies encountered several difficulties in reality when the war broke out in fierce fighting in the Central Highlands under the limitation of human resources. Thus, those policies did not meet the desire and need of the ethnic minorities of the Central Highlands. Consequently, after the Liberation in 1975, the revolutionary government had to deal with this problem.
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Nadoveza, Ozana, Tomislav Sekur, and Marija Beg. "General Equilibrium Effects of Lower Labor Tax Burden in Croatia." Zagreb International Review of Economics and Business 19, s1 (December 1, 2016): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zireb-2016-0009.
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AbstractThis paper examines the effects of lower labor tax burden in Croatia by using Computable general equilibrium (CGE) model. It is a 5-sector (households, firms, government, investors and foreigners) model and economy is disaggregated on three highly aggregated sectors. One of the major advantages of CGE modeling is the evaluation of the overall effects of policy changes, shocks and reforms in the economy. We do this by lowering taxes on labor and simulating changes of all endogenous variables in the model simultaneously. Lastly, we provide sensitivity analysis results. Our results suggest that it is possible to encourage domestic production by reducing taxes on labor, but the potential effects on unemployment should be revised as to get more accurate estimates.
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Forbes, Dean, and Cecile Cutler. "Laos in 2005: 30 Years of the People's Democratic Republic." Asian Survey 46, no. 1 (January 2006): 175–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2006.46.1.175.
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The Lao People's Democratic Republic celebrated its 30th birthday in 2005. The government is stable, although dissent is still repressed, and minorities express persistent concerns about their treatment. The economy shows consistent growth amid a policy of relaxation, and investors are looking at Laos with greater interest. Trade links with the U.S. have also improved. Poverty remains a serious issue but is slowly declining.
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Milenković, Miloš, Marko Pišev, and Jelena Ćuković. "On the Link between the Protection of Minorities' Intangible Cultural Heritage and the Evaluation of Social Sciences and Humanities in the Republic of Serbia: Preliminary Examination of Cross-Study Results." ISSUES IN ETHNOLOGY AND ANTHROPOLOGY 16, no. 2 (July 19, 2021): 375–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.21301/eap.v16i2.3.
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The results of theoretical and field research into a) the state of protection of minorities' intangible cultural heritage, and b) the evaluation criteria for social sciences and humanities in the Republic of Serbia, indicate a clear and concerning correlation. Seemingly paradoxically, social sciences and humanities in the Serbian language are in an equally unfavorable, undervalued position as is the cultural heritage of minorities relative to that of the majority population's. Analysis suggests that, although they mostly do not perceive themselves in this way, Serbian social sciences and humanities scholars are a vulnerable social group in the sector of science and higher education, in the same sense in which ethnic minorities and communities are in terms of government cultural policy. The paper, based on the conclusions of an analysis of selected cross-study findings of field and theoretical research over a number of years, also proposes how the existing vulnerability factors can be eliminated and future ones prevented, particularly through cooperation between these two, often mutually opposed groups.
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Nethercote, Megan. "Neoliberal Welfare, Minorities and Tenancy Support." Social Policy and Society 16, no. 1 (October 21, 2015): 15–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746415000548.
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Under post-welfarist realignments in neoliberal democracies, the provision of welfare is increasingly conditional on claimants fulfilling certain (behavioural) obligations. Under these shifts, an increased focus on the cultural dimensions of conduct and belonging redefines the basis for citizenship and extends the risk of subversion to include incivility or cultural difference. Critically, this recasting of the state-citizen social contract occurs with potentially exclusionary effects by legitimising ethnic and culturalist explanations that attribute blame to individuals/groups based on their perceived failure to follow normative models of social and spatial integration. The significance of these neoliberal welfare shifts for many of those most at risk of exclusion—black and minority ethnics (BME) and indigenous populations—has received little attention. Responding to this gap from within housing studies, this article reports on qualitative research on the fulfillment of government responsibilities for tenancy support provision under reforms to Indigenous housing welfare in Australia. Based on interviews with Indigenous housing stakeholders, it identifies programmatic, organisational and operational issues hampering tenant support provision that challenge how the ideal of ‘fair reciprocity’ was satisfied at the outset of the reforms. Given contemporary policy discourse on community cohesion and integration, the ways in which current programmatic oversights signal this neoliberal programme and its attempts to reinforce perceptions and constructions of cultural difference to politicise and pathologise the behaviours of particular individuals and communities is significant. Key questions arise about how the needs of minority groups might inform the types of ‘opportunities’ required to achieve the conditions for fair reciprocity within the contractual welfare state.
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Fox, Jonathan. "How Secular Are Western Governments’ Religion Policies?" Secular Studies 1, no. 1 (May 8, 2019): 3–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25892525-00101002.
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Abstract This study examines government religion policy in 26 Western democracies between 1990 and 2014 using the Religion and State round 3 (RAS3) dataset to determine whether these policies can be considered secular. While many assume that the West and its governments are secular and becoming more secular, the results contradict this assumption. All Western governments support religion in some manner, including financial support. All but Canada restrict the religious practices and/or religious institutions of religious minorities. All but Andorra and Italy restrict or regulate the majority religion. In addition religious both governmental and societal discrimination against religious minorities increased significantly between 1990 and 2014. All of this indicates religion remains a prominent factor in politics and society in the West.
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Škarica, Mihovil. "Process of local government fragmentation in Croatia: From a big-bang to a status quo." Miscellanea Geographica 25, no. 1 (January 1, 2021): 46–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/mgrsd-2020-0043.
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Abstract The paper explores and explains the fragmentation process in Croatian local government during the transition period from 1990 onwards. Special focus is given to the emergence of new municipalities (municipal splits/secessions) that occurred after the new two-tier local government system was established in 1993. Excessive fragmentation of territorial structure at the beginning of the 1990s was a systematic and centrally driven reform that was meant to break with the inherited local government model and break up its territorial structure as radically as possible. While the initial overhaul in 1993 was mostly the result of conscious policy implemented in a top-down manner, subsequent municipal splits were mostly the outcome of local initiatives and lobbying, and were predominantly shaped by local, primarily economic factors, whereas political and cultural factors were of secondary importance. The national institutional context, including criteria and procedural rules for splits, were quite liberal during this whole period, with a moderate tightening-up trajectory. The number of municipalities finally stabilised in 2006, since when there have been no more splits.
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Fazil, Mansoor Mohamed, Mohamed Anifa Mohamed Fowsar, Vimalasiri Kamalasiri, Thaharadeen Fathima Sajeetha, and Mohamed Bazeer Safna Sakki. "Accommodating Minorities into Sri Lanka’s Post-Civil War State System: Government Initiatives and Their Failure." Academic Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 9, no. 6 (November 19, 2020): 290. http://dx.doi.org/10.36941/ajis-2020-0132.
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Many observers view the defeat of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) in May 2009 as a significant turning point in the protracted ethnic conflict that was troubling Sri Lanka. The armed struggle and the consequences of war have encouraged the state and society to address the group rights of ethnic minorities and move forward towards state reconstitution. The Tamil minority and international community expect that the Government of Sri Lanka (GOSL) must introduce inclusive policies as a solution to the ethnic conflict. They believe the state should take measures to avoid another major contestation through the lessons learned from the civil war. The study is a qualitative analysis based on text analysis. In this backdrop, this paper examines the attempts made for the inclusion of minorities into the state system in post-civil war Sri Lanka, which would contribute to finding a resolution to the ethnic conflict. The study reveals that numerous attempts were made at various periods to introduce inclusive policies to achieve state reconstitution, but those initiatives failed to deliver sustainable peace. The study also explores problems pertaining to contemporary policy attempts.
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Madajczyk, Piotr. "Polskie doświadczenia w kształtowaniu po 1989 roku demokratycznej polityki narodowościowej." Studia Polityczne 48, no. 4 (January 25, 2021): 77–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/stp.2020.48.4.06.
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The aim of this article is not to analyse the shaping of Polish national policy after 1989, that is, after the collapse of the communist system. The author focuses on its fundamental determinants, that is, factors accelerating or blocking the changes made. The subject of the considerations is government institutions, international and national legal regulations, the role of important politicians and the dynamics of changes still taking place among national and ethnic minorities.
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Kolaković, Marko, Mladen Turuk, and Ivan Turčić. "Access to Finance – Experiences of SMEs in Croatia." Zagreb International Review of Economics and Business 22, s1 (March 1, 2019): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/zireb-2019-0001.
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Abstract Access to finance for small and medium enterprises still represents one of the biggest problems that entrepreneurs face when launching their business or when they want to enhance their production capacities in other stages of the enterprise life cycle. Entrepreneurs generally use informal sources of financing when starting their business (3F: family, friends and fools) if they do not have other available sources of financing. There is a common classification in the literature that divides the sources of financing to: informal investors, debt financing, equity financing, government support programs and the entrepreneurs’ own sources. The purpose of the survey conducted for this paper is to determine the sources of used finance of Croatian SMEs and the main problems that SMEs encountered while accessing finance. The second main goal of this article is to identify future needs for financing with potential financing problems that may occur. We gathered data from Croatian SMEs about the sources of funding used over the past three years and about the funding sources that they intend to use in the next three years. In last part of the paper we analyze the results from the survey and from that draw the implications for policy makers and market participants.