Relevant bibliographies by topics / Minorities – Government policy – Croatia

Academic literature on the topic 'Minorities – Government policy – Croatia'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 6 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Minorities – Government policy – Croatia"

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Korzeniewska-Wiszniewska, Mirella. "Administrative and Territorial Organization of the State as a Tool of Ethnic Politics:The Example of the Republic of Croatia." Politeja 17, no. 5 (68) (April 19, 2021): 239–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.17.2020.68.12.

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The article focuses on the issue of Croatia’s ethnic policy towards minorities at the level of administrative and territorial organization. It attempts to answer the question whether and to what extent the ethnic and territorial conflict in the 1990s influenced the processes of transformation of the administrative and territorial organization of the state. The Croatian state, given as an example, at the time of declaring its independence in 1991 had to face the threat of territorial disintegration from the Serb minority living in its territory. The Italian minority was also suspected of such tendencies, but it soon turned out that these suspicions were groundless. The Serbian community could, however, threaten the unification of the state, which initially happened as a result of an armed conflict. After its end, fears did not diminish, especially in the face of the changes in territorial borders that took place until the end of the first decade of the 21st century. The threat could be reduced using one of the tools, which was the local government administration and the shape of its territorial units. The Author analyses this issue basing on the projects of Croatian experts dealing with the issues of administrative and territorial organization of the last three decades and at various stages of Croatian statehood, data on demographic changes and laws regulating the functioning of local and regional local governments as well as regulations concerning the position of national minorities in the state.
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Korzeniewska‑Wiszniewska, Mirella. "Serbskie aspiracje do struktur europejskich. Sytuacja mniejszości narodowych i etnicznych w Autonomicznej Prowincji Wojwodiny ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem systemu kształcenia." Slavia Meridionalis 12 (August 31, 2015): 187–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sm.2012.011.

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Serbian aspirations towards European structures. The situation of national minorities and ethnic minorities in the Autonomous Province of Vojvodina with particular emphasis on the educational system Autonomous Province of Vojvodina (APV) is an area in the northern part of the Repub­lic of Serbia. This region is inhabited by over 26 national and ethnic minorities, making it the most diverse ethnically area throughout Serbia. On the basis of the Constitution and special statutes in APV the following languages have official status: Serbian, Hungarian, Slovak, Croatian, Romanian and Ruthenian. In addition, this area is the most economically developed throughout the country. Vojvodina is an example of a well-functioning multi‑ethnic commu­nities living in one territory, which in some regions of the Balkans remains an open problem. Therefore government in Belgrade tries to keep the European image of this autonomy to such an extent, that cyclically there appears information about the possibility of obtaining of the total independence of this territory and the separation from the Republic of Serbia. Para­doxically, such speculations can lead to the destabilization in other regions of Serbia. They did not obtain such a level of autonomy and mentioned speculations inspire some minorities into actions in order to get the certain independence (for example Boshniaks from Sandjak in western Serbia). The central authorities are aware of this fact and try to keep the control over all regions of the country that often can lead to ethnic conflicts. That raises the following question: to what extend wide autonomy of the Vojvodina is true and in corresponding to the constitutional policy, what fields of the life does this autonomy include.
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Gwiazda, Adam. "Poland's Policy Towards Its National Minorities." Nationalities Papers 22, no. 2 (1994): 435–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999408408338.

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During the last three years, extensive academic as well as public discussions of national minorities’ rights have taken place in Poland. Scholars can be roughly divided into a pro-national minorities rights group and an anti-national minorities rights group. Some strive to reconcile these two disparate positions. Similar groups can be found in the Sejm (Polish Parliament) which has been discussing the draft of a law on national minorities since Autumn 1993. This brief article investigates the situation of national minorities in Poland ever since a “specific” policy towards ethnic minorities was carried out in Poland by communist governments (though it focuses primarily on the German minority). It also reviews changes in the official policy of the Polish government, the Sejm, and assesses the prospects for the adoption of a Minorities Law, by discussing the major arguments of those groups proposing national minorities rights and those of its opponents.
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Clark, Janine. "National Minorities and the Milošević Regime." Nationalities Papers 35, no. 2 (May 2007): 317–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990701254375.

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In April 1994, the Croatian government of the late Franjo Tudjman demanded that all “non white” UN troops be removed from Croatia, claiming that only “first-world troops” were sufficiently sensitized to Croatia's problems. In Western circles, however, it was Tudjman's Serbian counterpart, Slobodan Milosevic, who was often portrayed as a racist. Ramet, for example, argues that “Milosevic built his power on a foundation of hatred and xenophobia …”; Zimmermann refers to “the ethnic hatred sown by Milosevic and his ilk …”; and Duncan and Holman compare Milosevic to Russia's Vladimir Zhirinovsky, claiming that the latter's “blatant appeals to racism bear a striking resemblance to those of Milosevic's Serbia.” For her part, Madeleine Albright, speaking on national television as US Secretary of State in February 2000, described Milosevic as a man “who decides that if you are not of his ethnic group, you don't have a right to exist.”
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Šimović, Hrvoje. "Impact of public debt sustainability on fiscal policy in Croatia." Acta Oeconomica 68, no. 2 (June 2018): 231–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/032.2018.68.2.3.

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This paper analyses the impact of public debt level and its (un)sustainability on fiscal policy in Croatia in the 2001–2015 period. A switching regression approach is used to distinguish different regimes when government spending, i.e. fiscal policy has more or less impact on economic growth during different cycles. In the second part, the structural VAR model is used to analyse the dynamic effects of government spending on domestic demand in Croatia. To observe the public debt effects on a fiscal policy, a “closed” model is compared with an “extended” model which includes a debtto- GDP indicator. Results show a negative impact of recession on public debt sustainability and confirm the main thesis that public debt level significantly affects and reduces the effectiveness of fiscal policy in Croatia.
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Brautović, Mato. "Net neutrality policy debate in Croatia." Medijska istraživanja 26, no. 1 (June 23, 2020): 9–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.22572/mi.26.1.1.

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This study examines the debate on net neutrality in the Croatian public sphere, its origin and connection to similar debates in the United States and the EU. The study also tries to answer who the policy actors that influence the NN debate are, how the policy-making process concerning this topic was carried out in Croatia, and what the role of the mainstream media is. Empirical data was collected from documents and posts regarding net neutrality found on government, media, NGO and industry websites. The findings show that there are two parallel debates on net neutrality and the character of the Croatian policy-making process: the debate that is going on in the mainstream and online media, where international topics and actors (the US, the EU) dominate, and the debate that is happening in the Croatian public sphere, which is carried out as part of panels and conferences (mainly organised by the Croatian Regulatory Authority for Network Industries). Although the mainstream media reported positively about net neutrality, they have failed to bring the process of policy-making and the corresponding debate closer to the general public, as was the case in the US or Western Europe.
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Abels, Michael. "The Local Government Manager as a Transformational Leader." Journal of Leadership Studies 3, no. 3 (July 1996): 96–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/107179199700300310.

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Local government managers fnd their organizations in an era of unparalleled political chaos. Accentuating this environment, an extremely angry public is the catalyst for the take over of policy making by radical minorities, and is precipitating the election of representatives who believe they must embrace a political philosophy oriented to satisfying the platform of single issue negative minorities. This vacuum of political leadership requires a new generation of managers. To counteract political negativity mangers must become transformational leaders. Transformational leadership will require that managers mobilize proactive citizen groups to perform legislative intervention with the policy making body.
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Musa, Anamarija, and Zdravko Petak. "Coordination for Policy in Transition Countries: Case of Croatia." Central European Public Administration Review 13, no. 3-4 (December 1, 2015): 117–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.17573/ipar.2015.3-4.06.

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The formulation and implementation of public policy depends on the coordination capacities. In recent decades the need for coordination has increased due to the fragmentation caused by NPM reforms, decentralisation processes, the proliferation of the cross-cutting issues, as well as increased globalisation, Europeanisation, and professionalization. The coordination problem in Croatian administration, similarly to other transition countries, is critically important but understudied. This paper is based on a preliminary research on coordination in Croatian public administration with regard to policy formulation and implementation of three policies – regional development policy, anticorruption policy and e-government policy, based on the interviews conducted with higher civil servants and public officials. A special emphasis is given to the role which various actors play in coordination, as well as the structures Government employs in order to coordinate. The research shows that the development of coordination instruments in Croatia suffers from inefficiencies and is greatly influenced by politically driven considerations.
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Piplica, Damir. "Political Aspect of the Saving – Investment Gap in Croatia." Research in Applied Economics 7, no. 4 (December 8, 2015): 16. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/rae.v7i4.8420.

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<p>All the Governments of Croatia should acknowledge the importance of the economic policy<br />that will encourage higher saving rates thus enabling correlation with the investment rate with<br />the scope of reaching important macroeconomic goals, such as the GDP and employment<br />rates increase, etc., without in any way endangering the macroeconomic stability of the<br />national economy. Regardless of the great impact savings had on the investments, the<br />implementation of the economic or investment policy on behalf of the Right-wing<br />Government of Croatia had a great impact in creating the discrepancy in the<br />saving-investment ratio, than it was the case with the Left-wing Government of Croatia. If the<br />Right–wing Government of Croatia starts implementing the economic policy with the sole<br />scope of reaching higher saving rates than the former ones, complying with their ideology,<br />and focusing less on how to opportunistically reach middle voters, they will influence<br />effectively the saving and investment correlation, thus lessening the saving-investment gap<br />and reaching the macroeconomic stability. However, if the Right-wing Government<br />opportunistically turn to the “middle voters” instead of following their ideology`s programme,<br />this could lead to the decrease in efficiency of some economic policy measures with the goal<br />of reaching a certain saving-investment correlation. On the other hand, with the growth in<br />saving rates, Left-wing Government of Croatia can influence effectively its correlation with<br />the investment rates, but still in a lesser proportion compared to the Right–wing Government<br />of Croatia. With the Left–wing Government of Croatia opportunistically orienting on the<br />“middle voters” that would facilitate their position in achieving the macroeconomic stability<br />and thus enforcing their influence on the saving-investment correlation, as would not be the<br />case if only complying with their left oriented party`s programme.</p>
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Smetanková, Daša. "Komparácia politík voči národnostným menšinám vlád Roberta Fica a Vladimíra Mečiara na Slovensku v rokoch 1994 až 1998 a 2006 až 2010." Středoevropské politické studie Central European Political Studies Review 15, no. 1 (April 1, 2013): 54–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cepsr.2012.1.54.

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The paper deals with minority policy in Slovakia during two governmental periods, 1994-1998 (Robert Fico’s government) and 2006-2010 (Vladimír Mečiar’s government). Political parties which formed government in these periods tend to be referred to also as national populist parties, because they pursue populist policy embedded in nationalist agenda. The goal of the article is to examine whether minority policy of Robert Fico’s government was comparable in this regard to that of Vladimir Mečiar. This is done by investigating their policies towards two largest national minorities, the Roma people and the Hungarian minority. The comparison focuses on two main issue areas: education and culture. These are assumed by the author to be most important ones from the perspective of national minorities. I analyse several sources, such as government programmes, minority strategic documents, and language, educational and culture policies, applying criteria such as content or financial considerations. As a conclusion, the paper claims that despite superficially similar characteristics, there were significant differences in both governments' policies towards national minorities.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Minorities – Government policy – Croatia"

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Bartulin, Nevenko School of History UNSW. "The ideology of nation and race: the Croatian Ustasha regime and its policies toward minorities in the independent state of Croatia, 1941-1945." Awarded by:University of New South Wales. School of History, 2006. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/28336.

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This thesis examines the central place of racial theories in the nationalist ideology of the Croatian Ustasha movement and regime, and how these theories functioned as the chief motive in shaping Ustasha policies toward the minorities of the Nazi-backed Independent State of Croatia (known by its Croatian initials as the NDH), namely, Serbs, Jews, Roma and Bosnian Muslims, during the years 1941 to 1945. This thesis is divided into three parts. The first part deals with historical background, concentrating on the history of Croatian national movements from the 1830s to the 1930s. The second part covers the period between the founding of the Ustasha movement in 1930 and the creation of the NDH in 1941. The third part examines the period of Ustasha power from 1941 to 1945. Through the above chronological division, this thesis traces the evolution of Ustasha ideas on nation and race, placing them within the historical context of processes of Croatian national integration. Although the Ustashe were brought to power by Nazi Germany, their ideology emerged less as an imitation of German National Socialism and more as an extremist reaction to the supranational and expansionist nationalist ideologies of Yugoslavism and Greater Serbianism. In contrast to the prevailing historiographical view that has either ignored or downplayed the significance of racial theori! es on Ustasha policies toward the minorities of the NDH, this thesis highlights the marked influence of the question of 'race' on Ustasha attitudes toward the 'problem' of minorities, and on the wider question of Croatian national identity. This thesis examines the Ustashe by focusing on the historical interplay between nationalism and racism, which dominated so much of the modern political life of Central, Eastern and South-Eastern Europe. The fusion of nationalism and racism was not unique to Ustasha ideology, but the evolution and nature of Ustasha racism was. Ustasha racial ideas were therefore the product of both specific Croatian and wider European historical trends. This examination of the historical intersection between nationalism and racism in the case of the Ustashe will, i hope, broaden our understanding of twentieth-century nation-state formation, and state treatment of minorities, in the Balkans and Eastern Europe.
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Maršić, Tomislav. "Controlling the party or controlling the media? : how intra-party dynamics moderated, and reinforced, particularism in Croatia, 2000-2014." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:834082e1-abef-420f-9842-e8185626e9f5.

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This thesis explores the shape, the dynamics, and the main reasons for media capture and collusion in Croatia since the second transition in 2000. Using principal-agent theory to refer to the basic relation-ship between politicians, media and citizens, I intend to explain why politicians make use of particularism - behaviour aiming at the limitation of horizontal accountability - to force the media into cooperation with politicians (media capture) or to engage in an illicit, mutually agreed deal (collusion). Located in the literatures on democratization, party research and media studies, I aim to connect these fields in arguing that intra-party dynamics such as party leaders' rootedness, contestation and the institutionalization of rules play an important role in incentivizing executive politicians to capture or collude with media outlets. The empirical outcome of the study showing drastic failures of horizontal accountability contradicts dominant narratives of Croatia's high level of democratic consolidation between 2000 and 2014 and therefore challenges the suitability of indicators primarily designed to capture the institutionalization of institutions rather than the institutionalization of particularism. Croatia is a particularly appropriate case to study in this context since none of the traditional incentives such as Europeanization, inter-party competition, a strong civil society or economic modernization can fully explain shifts in the way politicians limit or reinforce horizontal accountability of the media. In order to address this puzzle I adopt a two-pronged research strategy based on both qualitative and quantitative elements in order to reliably and validly measure the shape and development of media capture and collusion.
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Penn-Mekile, Richelyn. "Minority underrepresentation in local government policy making positions a case study of social equity in hiring issues in the cities of Allentown, Bethelehem and Easton, Pennsylvania /." Instructions for remote access. Click here to access this electronic resource. Access available to Kutztown University faculty, staff, and students only, 1998. http://www.kutztown.edu/library/services/remote_access.asp.

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Thesis (M.P.A.)--Kutztown University of Pennsylvania, 1998.
Source: Masters Abstracts International, Volume: 45-06, page: 2956. Abstract precedes thesis as preliminary leaves 2-3. Typescript. Includes bibliographical references.
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Yang, Fan. "Governing China's border regions : the impact of ethnic minority policy on ethnic Uighurs and Koreans." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2010. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/1232.

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Östberg, Eeva. "Folkbiblioteket som minoritetspolitisk arena : Bibliotek Uppsalas arbete med att skydda och främja det nationella minoritetsspråket finska." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för ABM, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-399062.

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The aim of this thesis is to study how public libraries can work to support and promote a national minority language. In the thesis Uppsala Library’s work with the Finnish language is reviewed from 2000 to present.  The data was collected through qualitative interviews with five key figures from Uppsala Library and the Uppsala municipality, visits in four local public libraries and the digital library during the spring 2019 and by examining the official documents of the municipality and information that the local public libraries have produced between 2000 and 2019. Uppsala Library’s work with the Finnish language is discussed in the thesis through themes of power, nationalism and identity processes and analyzed in terms of language revitalization. The findings show that during the first decade Uppsala treated the Finnish language as any other foreign language. It provided access to media in Finnish, but the Finnish language was not visible in the library policy or in the library’s information material and program activities in Finnish were few. A major change in Uppsala Library’s work with the Finnish language started in 2010 when the municipality joined the administrative area for the Finnish language. Since 2010 Uppsala Library has with special efforts supported and promoted the Finnish language. Finnish is used in the library’s information material and is visible in the municipality’s and the library’s documents. Uppsala Library offers many kinds of media in Finnish. The library has organized events where the Finnish language is used for children and adults. The events have also brought to light the Swedish Finns’ experiences and the historical connection the Finnish language has to Sweden. Information in Finnish in the physical and digital libraries, however, could be improved. The objective of the Swedish policy on minorities is to provide support for the historical minority languages so that they are kept alive. Uppsala Library’s work during the 2010s shows public libraries’ potential as a forum for minority politics and their importance in the work with minority language revitalization. This is a two years master’s thesis in Library and Information Science.
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Constantin, Pompiliu-Nicolae. "Identité, altérité et sport dans la Roumanie communiste: la star minoritaire comme héros national." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209403.

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Le régime communiste a redéfini le sport, imposant la pratique de cette activité pour la masse. Après la Seconde Guerre mondiale, la politique du régime communiste roumain s’inspire du modèle soviétique. La these evidence la relation entre l’Etat roumain et les stars sportives issues des minorités nationales. On analyse un processus dynamique de transformation identitaire, qui dans un contexte socio-politique communiste favorise l’instrumentalisation du sport. Dans ce sens, le national-communisme cherche à intégrer les sportifs dans un système bien hiérarchisé. En dépit de la massification du sport et de l’implication importante des Roumains, les sportifs issus des minorités obtiennent de bons résultats et ils sont sélectionnés dans les équipes nationales. De cette perspective, le sport ne représente pas seulement un loisir, mais il devient un domaine plus influent du point de vue idéologique. La thèse regarde comment les stars sportives issues des minorités ont une influence dans la société roumaine, mais que l’Etat contrôle la médiatisation et la participation des sportifs dans les compétitions internationales, leurs contrats, et jusqu’à leurs noms. Nous parvenons par cet intermédiaire à expliquer la manière avec laquelle la société réagit aux performances de ces sportifs et avec laquelle le Parti Communiste impose l’image des héros nationaux pour de telles vedettes. Approfondir un tel sujet aide à la reconstruction d’un aspect important de la vie des minorités.

This PhD thesis makes a radiography of a new problem for a society where the presence of minorities is a reality. Before the communism, Romania had an important number of minorities, and their athletes contributed to the development of sport, having a strong identity and local pride. In communism, the stars coming from the minorities (national or ethnical) had another statute. I propose an interdisciplinary study and I utilize concepts from history, sociology, human geography or anthropology. One of the important aspects in my PhD research is to propose a concept built by me, identity doping (fr. Dopage identitaire, rom. Dopaj identitar), represented by a series of actions designed to transform one or more athletes from an ethnic or national minority into a national hero, which means a complex process of identity change. The origin of this joint of words is very simple and means joining the notion of doping, particularly used first by totalitarian systems among athletes, to the term of identity. My methods cover analyses from mass-media, archives, polls and oral history, toidentify problems and images of national heroes who come from national minorities. For example, we assist to a politic of changing names, more than other countries from communist area. The ”name-nationalization” is an essential step for a new identity, more measurable and

prominent than interior feelings. The footballer Laszlo Boloni, with a Hungarian origin, is known like Ladislau Boloni, Katalin Szabo is named in communism Ecaterina Szabo or Hans Moser, a handballer with a German origin, is known like Ioan Moser. The internal realities of many countries with a nationalism-communist regime influenced the life of sport stars. In a state like Romania, where the groups of minorities had an important role in sport development, sport stars from this communisties are promoted like national heroes utilizing the mechanism of “identity doping”.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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Hickson, Dayna Dione. "The implications of government policy and identification of minorities in China." Thesis, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/5860.

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The government of the People's Republic of China officially recognizes China as being composed of 56 nationalities . China's 55 minorities only make up 8.8 percent of its total population, while the majority, the Han, compose approximately 91.2 percent (Gladney 1991: 223). This investigation of minorities in China attempts to reveal that the government has adopted special policies for its 55 recognized minorities. The reasons for, and the consequences of minority policy will be addressed, as will the complex relationship that exists between the minorities and the Han majority. Finally, the policies themselves and their utility will be examined in order to ascertain whether the policies have been beneficial and to whom. The methodology used in this investigation consists of participant observation and personal interviews. I travelled to North-East China's Jilin Province, where I conducted ethnographic research. This fieldwork focussed on the Chinese-Korean minority living in the Yanbian Korean Autonomous Prefecture, and is used to put the scholarly literature into perspective. The Korean-Chinese hold a special position, unlike no other nationality in China. Not only are the Korean-Chinese fairly recent immigrants, but their educational levels are believed to be the highest in the nation, considerably higher than national averages (Lee 1986: 3-4, 117). The birthrate of the Korean- Chinese is also highly commended as it is the lowest of any one nationality, including the Han (Gu and Zhao 1994: 19). Thus, although the Korean-Chinese can be used to show the linkages between the literature and fieldwork, one must not forget the special circumstances that they enjoy, which I elaborate upon further in this thesis. Essentially, through examination of the literature and the ethnographic fieldwork I have conducted, several conclusions are put forth in this thesis. First, special policies exist that favour China's 55 minority groups over the Han majority. Second, these policies could have been enacted for several reasons. These include: 1) to allow China to continue along the socialist path; 2) as an attempt to correct past injustices; 3) to increase the overall standard of living of China's citizens; 4) to provide defence against border attack; 5) to reduce minority discontent; 6) to promote a better image of China; 7) to relieve population density problems in urban areas; 8) to allow China to better exploit its natural resources; and 9) to promote national unity, and loyalty and reduce local nationalism and Han chauvinism. Third, these policies benefit both parties, with no one party being totally dependent on the other. Finally, although some authors disagree (Gladney 1991; Mackerras 1994), it will become apparent in this thesis that minority policy in China has been successful for the most part.
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Chiang, Hung-i., and Hongyi Jiang. "The Va : traditional culture and modernization of a minority nationality in China." Thesis, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/1957/37159.

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The Va nationality, despite its small population compared to other nationalities in China, has preserved most of its traditions largely due to limits placed by historical circumstances and geographical isolation. To non-Chinese anthropologists, the Va people still remain unknown, as there is little or no information about them in English or other Western languages. One of the purposes of this study is to narrow this gap by presenting an ethnographic description of the Va, giving them a place in the world anthropological studies. Since the Va have retained their own cultural characteristics, their societal development has been rather slow. Part of the reason for this slow development is inherent in the basic nature of Va culture, and part of it lies in misguided administrative policies and programs. This study proposes ways to help the Va make progress toward development without destroying their culture and examines several possible ways of modifying or revamping government policy and programs directed toward the Va people.
Graduation date: 1992
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"瑤山的学校教育: 中国广西土瑤的民族志研究." 2002. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b6073851.

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袁同凯.
论文(哲学博士)--香港中文大学, 2002.
参考文献 (p. 235-255).
中英文摘要.
Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.
Electronic reproduction. Ann Arbor, MI : ProQuest Information and Learning Company, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.
Mode of access: World Wide Web.
Yuan Tongkai.
Zhong Ying wen zhai yao.
Lun wen (zhe xue bo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2002.
Can kao wen xian (p. 235-255).
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Cakata, Zethu. "In search of the absent voice : the status of indigenous languages in post-apartheid South Africa." Thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/20147.

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Even though language formed part of the post-apartheid agenda which was set out to redress the ills of the pre-democratic South Africa, there are still concerns that the status of indigenous languages has not been elevated. Using decolonial work of Steve Biko, Ngugi wa Thiong’o and Frantz Fanon as theoretical lens, I aimed at exploring perceptions of key informants on post-apartheid language policies, young South Africans and parents /guardians toward indigenous languages. In-depth and narrative interviews were used to collect data from language policy key informants and young South Africans who started schooling after 1994 and focus group discussions with parents/guardians were held. Thematic, narrative and discourse analyses were used to analyse the data. Indigenous languages were perceived by participants as having an inferior status compared to languages of oppression and that was attributed to inferiority complex, lack of will from government to promote these languages and absent voice of indigenous language speakers in the fight for the status of indigenous languages. South Africa’s language diversity was also perceived as a challenge believed to contribute toward the difficulty of properly implementing post-apartheid language policies. The study results suggest a need for a stronger civil society which would assist in the dismantling of categorising languages as superior and inferior. Furthermore, the results point to a need for a more humanising approach which treats indigenous languages with respect.
Psychology
D. Phil. (Psychology)
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Books on the topic "Minorities – Government policy – Croatia"

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Center, Lithuania Information. The Lithuanian policy on national minorities. Vilnius: Governmental Information Center, 1996.

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Croatia: Between Europe and the Balkans. London: Routledge, 2003.

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Min zu li lun yu min zu zheng ce jiao cheng: Minzu lilun yu minzu zhengce jiaocheng. Beijing Shi: Zhong yang min zu da xue chu ban she, 2011.

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Bricke, Dieter W. Minderheiten im östlichen Mitteleuropa: Deutsche und europäische Optionen. Baden-Baden: Nomos, 1995.

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Olejnik, Leszek. Polityka narodowościowa Polski w latach 1944-1960. Łódź: Wydawn. Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego, 2003.

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Zhongguo de min zu zheng ce yu ge min zu gong tong fan rong fa zhan. Beijing: Ren min chu ban she, 2009.

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Pushkin, I. A. Natsyi︠a︡nalʹnyi︠a︡ supolʹnastsi Belarusi: Hramadska-palitychnai︠a︡ i kulʹturna-asvetnitskai︠a︡ dzeĭnastsʹ (1990--2005 hh.) : manahrafii︠a︡. Mahili︠o︡ŭ: MDU imia A.A. Kuliashova, 2007.

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Natsyi︠a︡nalʹnyi︠a︡ supolʹnastsi Belarusi: Hramadska-palitychnai︠a︡ i kulʹturna-asvetnitskai︠a︡ dzeĭnastsʹ (1990--2005 hh.) : manahrafii︠a︡. Mahili︠o︡ŭ: MDU imia A.A. Kuliashova, 2007.

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Russia (Federation). Federalʹnoe Sobranie. Gosudarstvennai︠a︡ Duma. O plane pervoocherednykh meroprii︠a︡tiĭ po realizat︠s︡ii Kont︠s︡ept︠s︡ii gosudarstvennoĭ nat︠s︡ionalʹnoĭ politiki Rossiĭskoĭ Federat︠s︡ii: Materialy parlamentskikh slushaniĭ 19 ii︠u︡ni︠a︡ 1997 goda. Moskva: Izd. Gos. Dumy, 1998.

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Lê, Đại Nghĩa. Dân tộc và chính sách dân tộc ở Việt Nam. Hà Nội: Nhà xuá̂t bản Quân đội nhân dân, 2010.

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Book chapters on the topic "Minorities – Government policy – Croatia"

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Bajo, Anto, and Marko Primorac. "Croatia: Instruments of Fiscal Equalisation." In Fiscal Decentralisation, Local Government and Policy Reversals in Southeastern Europe, 53–80. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-96092-0_3.

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Winland, Daphne. "Diaspora Policies, Consular Services and Social Protection for Croatian Citizens Abroad." In IMISCOE Research Series, 91–106. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-51245-3_5.

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Abstract This chapter examines the Croatian Government’s policies for Croats abroad with a focus on social protection. The history of Croatian diaspora-homeland engagement over a century culminating in the establishment of the independent state of Croatia in 1991, informs the prioritization of Croats abroad in the social policy landscape. In addition to outlining the diaspora and consular infrastructures, culture and education policies, the protection of Croats abroad in the areas of health, employment, pensions and family-related benefits is reviewed. The findings of this analysis reveal that while the Croatian government continues to profess its commitment to providing a comprehensive program of social protection for Croats abroad, policies guaranteeing substantive social protection are mainly found in those (primarily post-Yugoslav) states where Croatia has negotiated bilateral agreements for Croats identified as a minority. The provision of protection for Croats abroad in general therefore falls somewhat short in so far as a robust, concrete set of measures are concerned.
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Klekowski von Koppenfels, Amanda. "Diaspora Policies, Consular Services and Social Protection for German Citizens Abroad." In IMISCOE Research Series, 207–26. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-51245-3_12.

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Abstract This chapter presents an overview of German policies vis-à-vis German nationals living abroad. For the most part, the German Government does not reach out to or encourage engagement from or with German nationals living abroad. This is in contrast to a concerted cultural outreach to ethno-national German minorities in Central and Eastern Europe. Rights in Germany are largely residence-based, and access to rights is thus associated with (legal) residence in Germany, rather than with holding German citizenship. There are two clear exceptions: one is a robust system that enables voting from abroad for German citizens, and the other is facilitated access from abroad to pensions for years worked in Germany. With respect to other measures of social protections, no clear policy can be said to exist. Access to other forms of social protection is on the basis of exception, with consular officials exercising discretion in such cases.
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"GOVERNMENT POLICY AND THE HEALTH STATUS OF ABORIGINAL AUSTRALIANS IN THE NORTHERN TERRITORY, 1945–72." In Migrants, Minorities & Health, 137–58. Routledge, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203208175-8.

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Čakar, Dario Nikic. "Croatia: Strong Prime Ministers and Weak Coalitions." In Coalition Governance in Western Europe, 640–79. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198868484.003.0019.

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Since regaining its independence in 1991, Croatia experienced major transformation of constitutional and political system in 2000, when illiberal semi-presidential rule was replaced with functional parliamentary democracy. These changes also established a new pattern of executive politics, with coalition governments as a norm. Furthermore, in the post-2000 period the prime ministerial government was established as the dominant governance model, with prime ministers taking over the leading role in coalition politics. Building on this notion, this chapter identifies several major features of coalition governance in Croatia: very general and rather brief coalition agreements without written rules on cabinet decision-making and on how to resolve internal conflicts; an informal and personalized way of handling conflicts between coalition parties; the dominant position of the prime minister and limited ministerial autonomy; and the policy and personnel conflicts between coalition parties as the main reason for cabinet termination. Thus, similarly to some other countries in Central Eastern Europe region, all three stages of coalition governance in Croatia are heavily dominated by top party leaders and particularly prime ministers, thus creating the patterns of informal and personalized coalition decision-making. The prime ministerial dominance is reflected in weak coalition arrangements, with very limited coordination established between coalition parties and the lack of broader conflict resolution mechanisms, which makes coalition cabinets especially fragile and unstable, particularly when challenged by the inclusion of new parties in government.
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"Chapter 4. Social Welfare Policy in the Colonies and Early Nineteenth Century and the Discriminatory Treatment of Racial Minorities." In Social Policy and Policymaking by the Branches of Government and the Public-at-Large, 51–68. Columbia University Press, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.7312/stei11682-006.

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David, Roman, and Ian Holliday. "Group Relations and Tolerance." In Liberalism and Democracy in Myanmar, 108–44. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198809609.003.0004.

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Respect for ethnic and religious minorities is widely considered essential for creation of a stable democracy. In the context of Myanmar’s transition, this chapter assesses group relations, investigates majority and minority perceptions of other groups, evaluates constitutional provisions on equality and government policy on citizenship and interfaith marriage, assesses tolerance of four political, religious, ethnic, and national groups, and looks at the roots of intolerance towards the Rohingya. It triangulates the authors’ interviews with members of ethnic minorities and politicians, surveys, and survey experiments, with secondary survey data and historical resources. It reveals generally positive group relations, which are however clouded by xenophobic and Islamophobic tendencies and outright rejection of the Rohingya.
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Castellino, Joshua, and Elvira Domínguez Redondo. "Minority Rights in China." In Minority Rights in Asia. Oxford University Press, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199296057.003.0004.

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This chapter is divided into four sections. The first section seeks to provide a brief overview of the history of legal reforms in China, and underscore the changing attitude of the government to human rights. The second section identifies the groups considered minorities or ‘minority nationalities’ in China. The third section seeks to extrapolate principles of minority rights in Chinese law, drawing on the Chinese Constitution, the Law of the People's Republic of China on Regional National Autonomy, and from authoritative commentaries on the same. This is followed by various sub-sections focusing on policy and legislation over specific issues pertaining to minorities in China, such as education, religion, political participation, and economic development. The final section analyzes the remedies available and the challenges in making these effective.
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McBride, Spencer W. "Conclusion." In Joseph Smith for President, 207–14. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190909413.003.0017.

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The Conclusion of the book considers the extent to which Joseph Smith was correct that the states’ rights doctrine condoned mob violence against religious minorities and that the United States would never experience universal religious freedom without a federal government empowered to protect religious minorities. The Missouri militia’s invocation of the violent expulsion of Mormons from the state as their plan to expel abolitionists in the 1850s is examined as a telling example. Joseph Smith’s presidential campaign and its tragic end encapsulate the failure of nineteenth-century Americans to establish universal religious freedom. Many Americans championed states’ rights as a way to maintain race-based slavery in the Southern states, but few acknowledged that this philosophy also disadvantaged religious minority groups. The Conclusion also considers the role of systemic religious discrimination in federal policy for the management of Utah Territory and the multiple denied applications for Utah statehood.
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Webber, Henry S., and Molly W. Metzger. "Concluding Thoughts on an Agenda for Solving Segregation." In Facing Segregation, 233–42. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190862305.003.0012.

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Economic and racial segregation are major challenges to the United States. Without concerted government action to reduce segregation, however, little progress is likely. The chapters in this volume recommend three major strategies for government action. First is promoting integration in high-opportunity neighborhoods by supporting the movement of poor minorities into affluent, usually majority-white areas. Second is redeveloping areas of concentrated poverty as mixed-race, mixed-income neighborhoods. Third is encouraging the maintenance and expansion of existing, economically diverse middle neighborhoods. All of these steps are challenging and require significant changes in federal or local public policy. This concluding chapter conveys the importance of tackling these challenges and the need to build a political movement for reducing segregation.
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Conference papers on the topic "Minorities – Government policy – Croatia"

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Lulic, Mira, and Nives Mazur Kumric. "Religious Minorities in the Media Space of the Republic of Croatia." In 2nd Annual International Conference on Law, Regulations and Public Policy (LRPP 2013). Global Science and Technology Forum Pte Ltd, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.5176/2251-3809_lrpp13.13.

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Morris, Deborah, and Gabriella Gutierrez. "The Architect's Role in Reshaping Public Housing Policy." In 1995 ACSA International Conference. ACSA Press, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.35483/acsa.intl.1995.84.

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The problems that have historically plagued public housing programs and hampered their implementation have been the focus of countless inquiries by scholars, professionals, government agencies, housing advocates, and concerned citizens. These studies have contributed variously to the understanding that the failure of the state and the federal government to meet even the most fundamental need for shelter of the nations poor is linked to deeply rooted inequalities of class, race, and gender. Minorities, female-headed households, and the homeless face significantly more severe housing problems than any other segment of our population. Differentiating among these groups and the type of problems that each face is essential to developing effective strategies to meet their housing needs (Marcuse, 1989:68).
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Reports on the topic "Minorities – Government policy – Croatia"

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Idris, Iffat. Increasing Birth Registration for Children of Marginalised Groups in Pakistan. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), July 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.102.

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This review looks at approaches to promote birth registration among marginalised groups, in order to inform programming in Pakistan. It draws on a mixture of academic and grey literature, in particular reports by international development organizations. While there is extensive literature on rates of birth registration and the barriers to this, and consensus on approaches to promote registration, the review found less evidence of measures specifically aimed at marginalised groups. Gender issues are addressed to some extent, particularly in understanding barriers to registration, but the literature was largely disability-blind. The literature notes that birth registration is considered as a fundamental human right, allowing access to services such as healthcare and education; it is the basis for obtaining other identity documents, e.g. driving licenses and passports; it protects children, e.g. from child marriage; and it enables production of vital statistics to support government planning and resource allocation. Registration rates are generally lower than average for vulnerable children, e.g. from minority groups, migrants, refugees, children with disabilities. Discriminatory policies against minorities, restrictions on movement, lack of resources, and lack of trust in government are among the ‘additional’ barriers affecting the most marginalised. Women, especially unmarried women, also face greater challenges in getting births registered. General approaches to promoting birth registration include legal and policy reform, awareness-raising activities, capacity building of registration offices, integration of birth registration with health services/education/social safety nets, and the use of digital technology to increase efficiency and accessibility.
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