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Journal articles on the topic 'Minorities – France'

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Published: 10 March 2023

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1

Pach, R. "The linguistic minorities of France." Literator 7, no. 2 (May 7, 1986): 85–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/lit.v7i2.883.

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Although France is one of the most centralized countries in Europe, its apparent unity must not conceal that it is made up of many linguistic groups, and that French has only in recent years succeeded in becoming the common language of all the French. The situation of each one of the seven non-official languages of France is at first examined. The problem is then situated in its historical context, with the emphasis falling on why and how the French state tried to destroy them. Although the monarchy did not go much further than to impose French as the language of the administration, the revolutionary period was the beginning of a deliberate attempt to substitute French for the regional languages even in informal and oral usage. This was really made possible when education became compulsory: the school system was then the means of spreading French throughout the country. Nowadays the unity of France is no longer at stake, but its very identity is being threatened by the demographic weight, on French soil, of the immigrants from the Third-World.

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2

Humeau, Jean-Baptiste. "Approche du référentiel géographique des minorités nomades françaises (Wandering minorities in France)." Bulletin de l'Association de géographes français 66, no. 3 (1989): 221–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/bagf.1989.1485.

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3

Gornig, Gilbert. "Minderheiten und Minderheitenschutz in Frankreich." europa ethnica 77, no. 3-4 (2020): 126–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.24989/0014-2492-2020-34-126.

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The official French state doctrine denies the existence of national minorities in French territory. One assumes a homogeneous nation (nation homogène). French is the only official language in France. The enforcement of the French language was extremely important for the success of centralization, since minorities often define themselves through their common language. Nevertheless, linguists estimated that there are still almost 80 regional languages spoken in France! - Minorities include the Flemish, Alsatian, Lorraine, Breton, Basque, Catalonian and Corsican. The people living in Occitania are also characterized by cultural and linguistic common ground. The Départments d’Outre-Mer contain a variety of regional minorities. Most people are Creoles. - French law does not know the concept of a minority. This is a consequence of the centralist thinking that has always shaped the French legal system. Since France does not recognize a minority in its territory, there is no explicit protection against discrimination for - linguistic and cultural - minorities and there are no special regulations in the right to vote for parties or members of national minorities or ethnic groups. A specialty applies only to Corsica. An autonomy statute was created for this island.

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4

VERMES, GENEVIÈVE, and MICHÈLE KASTENBAUM. "Sociolinguistic Minorities and Scholastic Difficulties in France." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 520, no. 1 (March 1992): 163–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716292520001017.

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5

Hargreaves, Alec G., and Dalila Mahdjoub. "Satellite Television Viewing among Ethnic Minorities in France." European Journal of Communication 12, no. 4 (December 1997): 459–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0267323197012004002.

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6

Gilbert, Jeremie, and David Keane. "Equality versus fraternity? Rethinking France and its minorities." International Journal of Constitutional Law 14, no. 4 (October 2016): 883–905. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/icon/mow059.

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7

Bertrand, Jean-René. "Cellules étrangères dans la France de l'Ouest (Small foreign minorities in western France)." Bulletin de l'Association de géographes français 66, no. 3 (1989): 235–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/bagf.1989.1486.

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8

Hennekam, Sophie, Sabine Bacouel-Jentjens, and Inju Yang. "Ethnic diversity management in France: a multilevel perspective." International Journal of Manpower 40, no. 1 (April 1, 2019): 120–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijm-10-2017-0272.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to present a case study of the multilevel factors that influence the way in which an organization approaches ethnic diversity management in France. Syed and Özbilgin’s (2009) relational framework was adopted to understand and contextualize ethnic diversity management in a car manufacturing company in France. Design/methodology/approach In total, 37 semi-structured in-depth interviews with employees of different hierarchical levels in a French organization have been conducted and analyzed using the Gioia method. Findings The findings show that the lack of clear laws and the universal citizenship model on macro-level coupled with the gendered industry and superficial engagement with ethnic diversity on meso-level overlooks the difficult situation of ethnic minorities in the workplace, especially women. However, the findings also stress that it is on individual level that resilience and agency can be expressed, which means that despite the perceived barriers on societal and organizational level, ethnic minorities are motivated to improve the way they are treated in organizations. Originality/value Ethnic minorities are an understudied dimension of diversity management in organizations. The findings underscore the importance of the intersection of ethnicity and gender as this affects the career development possibilities and daily work experience of ethnic minority women.

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9

Nugier, Armelle, Marlène Oppin, Medhi Cohu, Rodolphe Kamiejski, Elodie Roebroeck, and Serge Guimond. "« Nouvelle Laïcité » en France et Pression Normative Envers les Minorités Musulmanes [Secularism in France and Normative Pressure Against Muslim Minorities]." International Review of Social Psychology 29, no. 1 (February 18, 2016): 15. http://dx.doi.org/10.5334/irsp.11.

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10

Jeanjean, Henri. "Imposing a Mythical National Purity: France and its minorities." International Journal of the Humanities: Annual Review 2, no. 1 (2006): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18848/1447-9508/cgp/v02i01/43198.

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11

Lagarde, Christian. "Minorities in the trap of iconography." Ekistics and The New Habitat 70, no. 418/419 (April 1, 2003): 52–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.53910/26531313-e200370418/419312.

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The author is "Professeur des Universités" of Spanish language and literature , Perpignan University, France, specialized in sociolinguistics, especially in relationships between state and minority languages, linguistic policies, and bilingualism in contemporary literature. His main publications are: Le parler "melandjao" des immigrés espagnols en Roussillon (Perpignan, Presses Universitaires de Perpignan, 1996); Conflits de langues, conflits de groupes (Paris, L'Harmattan, 1996); Des écritures 'bilingues'; Sociolinguistique et littérature (Paris, L'Harmattan, 2001); editor with Henri Boyer, L'Espagne et ses langues. Un modèle écolinguistique? (Paris, L'Harmattan, 2002); editor, Ecrire en situation bilingue (Perpignan, Presses Universitaires de Perpignan, 2004).

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12

Gilliat-Ray, Sophie. "Muslim Minorities in the West." American Journal of Islam and Society 20, no. 3-4 (October 1, 2003): 196–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v20i3-4.1839.

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The Muslim diaspora, which has become established as a significant areaof publishing in the past 2 to 3 decades, is being charted by a number ofbooks and journals. This edited collection is a valuable addition to the literature,although specialists in the field will notice some degree of overlapwith existing sources.The book is divided into three sections exploring the Muslim experiencein America (seven chapters), Europe (three chapters covering France,Germany, and Norway), and areas of European settlement (five chapterscovering Australia, New Zealand, South Africa, and the Caribbean). Thebest way to view this book is to consider it a series of case studies examininghow Muslims in different contexts have moved from being temporary and peripheral individual sojourners to being, within their adoptedsocieties, generally well-established communities that have largely overcometheir internal differences and external structural barriers in order tobe publicly recognized as a part of multicultural and multi faith communitiesand societies. Many of the contributors believe that Muslim minoritiesare growing, dynamic, confident, and demographically "young" in most oftheir new societies, and that wherever they have established themselves,they have sustained their presence and thrived, sometimes in the face ofextreme hostility.This case study character has advantages and disadvantages. On theone hand, this reviewer found it extremely valuable to learn more aboutthe experience of some very specific minority groups, such as Sahelians inFrance, who are usually ignored and overshadowed in the literature by theoverwhelming Algerian-Moroccan presence in France. Likewise, with relativelylittle academic material available on Muslims in New Zealand, forexample, this book fills many of the academic gaps in the literature. Thefirst-hand accounts from previously unpublished sources were similarlyvaluable, and the chapter on establishing the Islamic Party in NorthAmerica constitutes an important documentary record. On the other hand,some chapters went over well-established ground, such as Turks inGermany. Specialists on Muslim minorities will find that some chaptersrepeat already well-known data and profiles oflslam in these contexts ...

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13

Mouthaan, Solange. "Linguistic Minorities and Educational Rights in France – The Corsican Example." European Public Law 13, Issue 3 (September 1, 2007): 433–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/euro2007026.

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Europe, with the European Charter for the Protection of Regional and Minority Languages and the Framework Convention for the Protection of Minorities has acknowledged that the protection of its cultural identity, of which languages form part, is vital. Despite these efforts, States have adopted varying measures. France, for constitutional reasons, is unable to recognize officially any of its linguistic minorities. As a consequence, in practical terms, French legislation on the subject of minority language instruction at school cannot really promote, for example, the teaching of Corsican, because it must be seen to be of a voluntary nature. In other words, a minority language will be taught as long as it is not compulsory. This principle has the unfortunate corollary of threatening the existence and survival of France’s minority languages.

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Amiraux, Valérie, and Patrick Simon. "There are no Minorities Here." International Journal of Comparative Sociology 47, no. 3-4 (August 2006): 191–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020715206066164.

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Migration studies have long been characterized as an illegitimate field of research in the French social sciences. This results from the strong influence of the so-called ‘republican’ ideology on social sciences, the constant politicization of the subject in the public arena, the maintenance of a number of taboos revolving around the colonial experience, and a history of the concepts (race, ethnicity, minority) that makes their potential use in scientific analysis controversial. This difficulty of reflecting upon the ethnic fact or racial relations contributed to the implementation of a normative framework, which until recently gave priority to the analysis of integration, leaving the content of ‘racial and ethnic studies' little explored in France. This article offers a historical perspective on the way knowledge has been produced in this field. It highlights the ‘doxa’ of the French integration model in social sciences, elaborating on the controversy over the production and use of ethnic categories in statistics, the various taboos revolving around the role of ethnicity in politics, the discussions launched by the emergence of a post-colonial question and the transition from an analysis of racism to the understanding of a system of discriminations.

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15

Joly, Marie-Pier, and Jeffrey G. Reitz. "Emotional Stress and the Integration of Muslim Minorities in France and Canada." International Migration Review 52, no. 4 (April 5, 2018): 1111–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0197918318768551.

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This study examines theories of Muslim minority integration as these apply to republican France and multicultural Canada, using data on psychological distress as a key measure. Based on the 2001–2002 Canadian Community Health Survey and the 2008 French Enquête sur la Santé et la Protection Sociale, we find Muslim minorities experience higher levels of psychological distress than non-Muslims, not only in France but also in Canada. The Muslim difference is unrelated to religious attachment and rather is partly explained by high rates of unemployment or labor market inactivity.

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16

Yusuf, Hakeem. "S.A.S v France." International Human Rights Law Review 3, no. 2 (November 19, 2014): 277–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22131035-00302006.

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The Grand Chamber of the European Court of Human Rights has upheld the French law which prohibits the concealment of one’s face in public places. The law is directed principally at prohibiting Muslim women covering their faces in public spaces in France. The decision of the Strasbourg Court is premised on the French notion of ‘le vivre ensemble’; ‘living together.’ This critical analysis of the judgment contends that the decision is flawed and retrogressive for women’s rights in particular and undermines the socio-cultural rights and freedoms of individuals who belong to minority groups in general. On wider implications of the decision, it is worrisome that the decision appears to pander to dangerous political leanings currently growing in many parts of Europe and beyond. The Court risks promoting forced assimilation policies against minorities in various parts of the world. To illustrate its implications, the article highlights the experience of the Uyghurs, a Turkic ethnic group in Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region of China.

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17

Zouaghi, Sondes. "Ethnic segmentation in marketing: a tool for social domination in France." Society and Business Review 10, no. 3 (October 12, 2015): 243–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/sbr-07-2015-0025.

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Purpose – This paper aims to deal with the issue of researchers’ responsibility for the dissemination of ideologies which have led to the cultural marginalisation and categorisation of minority social groups into a dominant/dominated relationship in France. One telling example is the way ethnic segmentation – as now used in marketing – finds its roots in the colonial paradigm. Design/methodology/approach – A critical and analytical review of the literature on ethnic marketing. Findings – The current paradigm which splits the world into centre and periphery or dominant and dominated, in the French context, is not the only existing one. In the framework of postcolonial studies, researchers in marketing now approach the ethnic market by being as close to consumers as possible and by adapting their methodology to the Consumer Culture Theory. Originality/value – Some researchers have become aware that the feeling of ethnic self-identification would not exist without the involvement of the dominant group who imposes their view on minorities. As to multicultural individuals, minorities have to adjust to a great variety of social situations by drawing from a set of available cultural identities. It is therefore more a question of multiple selves than ethnic identity. Multicultural individuals create their own identity and co-create new social categories from the grey area between dominant and dominated groups. The postcolonial approach raises the question as to whether ethnicity is a mere ideological construct with no underlying reality but the actual domination of minorities.

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18

Kühl, Jørgen. "The Making of Borders and Minorities." European Yearbook of Minority Issues Online 19, no. 1 (June 29, 2022): 49–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116117_004.

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Abstract The Peace Treaties of Versailles and Saint German of 1919 provided for a number of plebiscites to be held to determine Germany’s borders with Denmark, Poland and France and Austria’s borders with the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (eventually Yugoslavia). Plebiscites under international supervision were held in Schleswig (1920), Upper Silesia (1920), Allenstein and Marienwerder (1920), Carinthia/Kärnten (1920), and the Saar region (1935). A public consultation was made in the case of the districts of Eupen and Malmedy as well in 1920 regarding the border between Belgium and Germany. Although most of Western Hungary was awarded to Austria in 1919, Hungarian insurrection eventually led to a plebiscite in the Sopron/Ödenburg region as well in 1921. Three of these borders based on self-determination through referenda (Schleswig, Burgenland and Carinthia) still exist. This contribution presents the plebiscites and shows the creation of minorities and the impact of the minority situations. It offers a comparative analysis of history’s impact on contemporary minority-majority relations in the new border regions.

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19

Senik, Claudia, and Thierry Verdier. "Entrepreneurs, social networks and work values of ethnic minorities in France." International Journal of Manpower 29, no. 7 (November 14, 2008): 610–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/01437720810908929.

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20

Ugur, Etga. "Alien citizens: the state and religious minorities in Turkey and France." Turkish Studies 21, no. 5 (April 26, 2020): 810–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14683849.2020.1753514.

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21

Palmer, Susan J. "France's Anti-Sect Wars." Nova Religio 6, no. 1 (October 1, 2002): 174–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nr.2002.6.1.174.

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This research note presents the results of a study of the current ongoing persecution of religious minorities in France and examines the impact of the anti-sect social control measures on fourteen out of the 172 groups listed as "sectes" in the 1996 Guyard Report.

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22

Boroń, Aleksandra. "Polityka językowa i tożsamość kulturowa mniejszości." Studia Edukacyjne, no. 60 (March 15, 2021): 7–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/se.2021.60.1.

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The text aims to draw attention to the language policy involved in the processes of constructing the cultural identity of minorities. Discussion focuses on the two basic dichotomies of assimilationism-isolationism and empowerment-objectification and indicates selected aspects of language policy and educational practices in France, China and Israel.

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23

Majumdar, Margaret A. "Extra-European national minorities in France and the concept of European identity." History of European Ideas 19, no. 4-6 (December 1994): 647–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0191-6599(94)90046-9.

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24

Schain, Martin A. "Policy‐making and defining ethnic minorities: The case of immigration in France." Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 20, no. 1 (October 1993): 59–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1369183x.1993.9976406.

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25

Boyle, Claire. "Post-Queer (Un)Made in France?" Paragraph 35, no. 2 (July 2012): 265–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/para.2012.0057.

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This article notes the historical tendency in Anglo-American queer theory to draw extensively on French thought to formulate its theoretical positions and explores the extent to which this tendency is manifest in more recent writings which take Anglo-American queer thought in a new direction. To this end, it examines writings on the emerging concept of the ‘post-queer’, tracing their debts to French thought — particularly that of Deleuze and Guattari. The article also evaluates how adequately such analyses translate to the context in which sexual minorities and queer theory exist in France and thus how likely it is that the concept of ‘post-queer’, as formulated in North America, will be adopted in French queer thought. It is suggested that French queer theory should not be seen as a consumer of Anglo-American queer theorization, but rather as its critical interlocutor.

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Reitz, Jeffrey G., Emily Laxer, and Patrick Simon. "National Cultural Frames and Muslims’ Economic Incorporation: A Comparison of France and Canada." International Migration Review 56, no. 2 (January 10, 2022): 499–532. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/01979183211035725.

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This article shows that differences in the economic incorporation of Muslims and other immigrant minorities in France and in Canada are mainly related to immigrant selectivity, labor market structures, and welfare transfers. Differences in ethno-specific penalties due to national cultural frames — related to multiculturalism in Canada and secular republicanism in France — are small, affect only the second generation, and are related both to minority household patterns and to treatment in mainstream institutions. Using data on household incomes from two large-scale surveys (Trajectories and Origins in France 2008–2009 and the Canadian National Household Survey 2011) and taking account of cross-setting differences in Muslim and other minority origins, we model cross-generational economic trajectories reflecting the impact of immigrant selectivity, labor market structures, and welfare transfers. Within this framework, we examine four ways that cultural frames may affect minority economic disadvantage: the significance of religion relative to race, citizenship access, labor market discrimination, and minority household patterns, including employment of women in couples and intergenerational cohabitation. Across all minorities, we find a striking cross-national difference in intergenerational economic trajectories: flat in France and upward in Canada, plausibly reflecting institutional differences. Net of sociodemographic controls, both religion and race matter in each setting, and net Muslim disadvantage is similar in each. Citizenship differences have little impact. Labor market earnings discrimination appears similar. A small potential effect of cultural frames appears in second-generation Muslim households: in France, lower female employment rates reduce household incomes, while in English-speaking Canada, more frequent cohabitation with more affluent parents increases household incomes. Yet even these findings do not necessarily diminish the overriding significance of immigrant selectivity, labor market structure, and welfare transfers.

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27

Dogan, Mattei. "How Civil War Was Avoided in France." Comparative Sociology 4, no. 1-2 (2005): 207–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569133054621914.

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AbstractAt At the end of May 1968 France has found herself on the brink of a civil war. The role of key characters is observed as in a Greek tragedy. The crisis started in a flamable social contexteture – a significant part of the population have been persistently manifesting deep mistrust of the rulers, the same faces again and again without responding to the aspirations of many social categories. A survey conducted immediately after the crisis by the author gives the voice to the silent majority and shows what could have been the behavoir of the masses in the eventuality of a popular uprising or of a military intervention. The recourse to elections has mobilized passive masses and appears retrospectively as the miraculous solution to avoid a civil war by hushing the active minorities.

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Ruane, Joseph. "Majority–Minority Conflicts and their Resolution: Protestant Minorities in France and in Ireland." Nationalism and Ethnic Politics 12, no. 3-4 (December 2006): 509–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537110600882791.

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29

EL KAROUNI, ILYESS. "Ethnic Minorities and Integration Process in France and the Netherlands: An Institutionalist Perspective." American Journal of Economics and Sociology 71, no. 1 (January 2012): 151–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1536-7150.2011.00814.x.

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30

Brinbaum, Yaël. "Incorporation of Immigrants and Second Generations into the French Labour Market: Changes between Generations and the Role of Human Capital and Origins." Social Inclusion 6, no. 3 (July 30, 2018): 104–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v6i3.1453.

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This article analyses the labour market incorporation of migrants and second-generation minorities in France. Using the 2013–2017 French Labour Surveys and the 2014 adhoc module, we focus on labour market outcomes—activity, employment, occupation and subjective overqualification—and measure the gaps between ethnic minorities and the majority group by origins, generation and by gender. In order to elucidate the mechanisms behind these gaps and explain ethnic disadvantages for immigrants, we take into account different factors, such as education, and factors linked to migration—duration of stay in France, language skills, foreign qualifications, nationality—with additional controls for family, socioeconomic and contextual characteristics. We also investigate the returns to higher education among second-generation minority members compared to the majority population. We show large differences by country of origins, generation and gender. Across generations, most minority members have made clear progress in terms of access to employment and skilled jobs, but ethnic penalties remain for the descendants of North-Africa, Sub-Saharan Africa and Turkey. In contrast, Asian second-generation men and women encounter slight advantages in attaining highly-skilled positions. Controlling for tertiary degrees even increases the gap with majority members mostly in access to highly-skills jobs.

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31

Möschel, Mathias. "Race judicata: The Ban on the Use of Ethnic and Racial Statistics in France." European Constitutional Law Review 5, no. 2 (June 2009): 197–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1574019609001977.

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Constitutionality of ethnic and racial statistics for research purposes – Principles of indivisibility and equality in Article 1 of the French Constitution – Visible minorities, discrimination and positive action measures – French republican conception of citizenship – Use of the word ‘race’ – Fear of misuse of ethnic and racial statistics – French alternative of territorial measures – Educational and fiscal advantages – Violation of the right to equal access to education – Ghettoisation – Problems in consideration of Directive 2000/43 (the Race Directive)

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32

Quenot, Sébastien. "Public policy for the Corsican language: From revitalisation to normalisation?" International Journal of the Sociology of Language 2020, no. 261 (February 25, 2020): 145–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ijsl-2019-2064.

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AbstractThe policy of normalisation of the Corsican language carried out by Corsica’s institutions encounters the statute of languages in France, which supports the linguistic supremacy and monopoly of French in the public area. The vitality of Corsican underlined in the first general sociolinguistic survey makes it endangered even if a large majority of people support bilingualism and the project of co-officiality is approved by the Corsican Assembly. What are the main ways and results of public policy to save, revitalize and normalize the Corsican language in the context of the success of the assimilation of French minorities, a crisis of national identity in France, and cultural globalisation for a small population of 320,000 people who live on an island in the Mediterranean Sea?

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Fetzer, Joel S. "Religious Minorities and Support for Immigrant Rights in the United States, France, and Germany." Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 37, no. 1 (March 1998): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1388028.

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34

Hueso, Silvia. "Le regard décolonial d’Alfred Alexandre: Les villes assassines ()." French Cultural Studies 33, no. 2 (November 11, 2021): 118–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/09571558211058848.

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This article focuses on the novel Les villes assassines ( 2011 ) by the Martinican writer Alfred Alexandre that shows his decolonial and critical vision of the politics indirectly established from France on overseas territories. The author paints a topography of misery where mafia, drugs and prostitution reign, showing the mechanisms of control and subjection of popular minorities, belonging to the «urban mangrove», whose only way out is, according to the author, a violent position to subvert an order inherited from the slavery regime.

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Hackett, Sarah. "‘Breaking Point’?: Brexit, the Burkini Ban, and Debates on Immigration and Minorities in Britain and France." European Yearbook of Minority Issues Online 15, no. 01 (February 10, 2018): 169–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116117_01501008.

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This article uses the Brexit vote and the burkini ban to assess and explore debates on immigration and minority communities in Britain and France. Drawing upon both the historical context, and recent and contemporary developments, it discusses perceptions regarding there being ‘too many’ immigrants, and Islam and Muslims specifically, as well as the character and tone of the political and public deliberations on these topics in both countries. In doing so, it offers an insight into two of the most contentious episodes of Europe’s 2016 debate on immigration and minorities.

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36

Blanc, Maurice. "From substandard housing to devalorized social housing: ethnic minorities in France, Germany and the UK." European Journal of Intercultural studies 3, no. 1 (January 1992): 7–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0952391930030102.

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37

Hornsby, Michael. "Gender-Fair Language in a Minority Setting: The Case of Breton." Studia Celtica Posnaniensia 4, no. 1 (December 1, 2019): 59–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/scp-2019-0004.

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AbstractThis paper explores the use of the Breton language (Brittany, North-West France) in contexts where speakers wish to signal their commitment to social equality through their linguistic practices. This is done with reference to examples of job advertisements which have pioneered the use of gender-fair language in Breton. Linguistic minorities are often portrayed as clinging to the past. This paper, however, sheds a different light on current minority language practices and demonstrates a progressive and egalitarian response to modernity among some current speakers of Breton, in their attempts to assume gender-fair stances.

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HEYWOOD, COLIN. "LEARNING DEMOCRACY IN FRANCE: POPULAR POLITICS IN TROYES, c. 1830–1900." Historical Journal 47, no. 4 (November 29, 2004): 921–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x04004042.

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The French have had an ambiguous relationship with liberal democracy, doing much to pioneer it since 1789, but also harbouring substantial minorities hostile to it. This article seeks the historical roots for this relationship in a critical period for the democratization process in France between the 1830 Revolution and the consolidation of the Third Republic late in the nineteenth century. It takes the textile town of Troyes as a case study. In particular, it takes a ‘grass-roots’ approach to the problem, as opposed to the usual focus on ideologies and attitudes to democratization among the elites. The general contention is that the population of the town faced a number of obstacles as it attempted to develop a ‘democratic culture’. The analysis highlights the varying approaches to popular participation in politics taken by successive regimes between 1815 and the 1870s, the slow emergence of a civil society in the town, and the problems faced by militants as they operated under the constraints of universal manhood suffrage.

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Bird, Karen. "The Political Representation of Visible Minorities in Electoral Democracies: A Comparison of France, Denmark, and Canada." Nationalism and Ethnic Politics 11, no. 4 (December 2005): 425–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537110500379211.

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Adji, Alberta Natasia. "Revolting Against Imperialism and Capitalism in Sherlock Holmes: a Game of Shadows (2011)." Humaniora 8, no. 2 (April 30, 2017): 131. http://dx.doi.org/10.21512/humaniora.v8i2.3891.

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The purpose of the study was to reveal the struggle among imperialism, capitalism, and social class dominance found within Guy Ritchie’s A Game of Shadows (2011), which was set in Britain, France, and Germany in 1891. British imperialism, capitalism, and social class were very well-related since they formed the basic classic social tradition in European countries that confined minorities such as working-class people and immigrants. The study was particularly focused on (1) the imperialist and capitalist representations were portrayed by Professor Moriarty as the much honoured academic figure who was able to disguise his criminal activities, and (2) the revolt of the marginalized people which were represented by the working-class; Gypsy immigrant minorities who are isolated from the imperialist West European social class strata. The study was conducted using the perspectives of AJ Greimas’ narrative structure through identifying all of the sequences and actantial models of the film, as well as relating them to capitalism and social class issues. The result of the study shows that the film has managed to show the success in fighting against imperialism and capitalism that initially determine the characters’ positions.

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Bukowczyk, Piotr. "Muzułmanie w Polskich Siłach Zbrojnych na Zachodzie." Wrocławskie Studia Politologiczne 27 (February 20, 2020): 182–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/1643-0328.27.12.

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Muslims in the Polish Armed Forces in the WestThe Polish Armed Forces in the West had already begun to be formed in France in September 1939. From the beginning not only Roman Catholics but also representatives of different religious minorities living in the Second Republic of Poland joined it. In the Second Polish Corps in Italy, commanded by General Władysław Anders, 36 Muslims were serving in September 1945. At least 3 persons belonging to other military units of the Polish Armed Forces in the West were Muslims. In the text, I try to give as far as possible, the full economic and social characteristics of Muslims serving there.

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Gusmano, Michael K., Victor G. Rodwin, Daniel Weisz, and Dhiman Das. "A new approach to the comparative analysis of health systems: invasive treatment for heart disease in the US, France, and their two world cities." Health Economics, Policy and Law 2, no. 1 (January 2007): 73–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s174413310600627x.

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Cross-national comparisons that assess dimensions of health system performance indicate that the US provides higher rates of revascularization procedures than France and other developed nations, but we believe these findings are misleading. In this paper, we compare the use of these procedures in the US, France and their two world cities, Manhattan and Paris. In doing so, we address a number of limitations associated with existing cross-national comparisons of heart disease treatment. After adjusting for the prevalence of disease in these nations and cities, we found that residents of France aged 45–64 years receive more revascularization procedures than residents of the US and that Parisians receive more revascularizations than residents of Manhattan. Older residents 65 years and over (65+) in the US receive more of these procedures than their French counterparts, but the differences are not nearly as great as previous studies suggest. Moreover, our data on Manhattan and Paris where the population and level of health resources are more comparable, indicate that older Parisians obtain more revascularization procedures than older Manhattanites. Finally, we found that the use of revascularization procedures is significantly lower in Manhattan among persons without private health insurance and among racial and ethnic minorities.

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Ferri, Marcella. "How to Strengthen Protection of (Religious) Minorities and Cultural Diversity under EU Law: Some Lessons from Human Rights Protection System." Religions 12, no. 10 (October 13, 2021): 864. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12100864.

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The paper is split into two parts. The first part starts with the analysis of Views adopted by the UN Human Rights Committee on Yaker and Hebbadi v. France cases concerning the French Act prohibiting the concealment of the face in public. These Views are then compared with the judgment S.A.S. v. France delivered by the European Court of Human Rights on a similar case. This comparison shows that the principle of non-discrimination and, in this vein, intersectional discrimination play a critical role in assuring the effective protection of Muslim women wearing religious clothing. Analysis of S.A.S. is completed by highlighting the most relevant weaknesses of religious minority protection in the case-law of the European Court of Human Rights. Some references are also made to freedom of religious clothing in the workplace, underling the critical role that can be played in this regard by the duty of reasonable accommodation. The second part identifies the most significant shortcomings characterizing the protection of religious minorities under European Union law. In conclusion, this paper tries to highlight which lessons can be learnt from the human rights system—examined in the first part—in order to strengthen minority protection in the EU.

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Ferri, Marcella. "How to Strengthen Protection of (Religious) Minorities and Cultural Diversity under EU Law: Some Lessons from Human Rights Protection System." Religions 12, no. 10 (October 13, 2021): 864. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12100864.

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The paper is split into two parts. The first part starts with the analysis of Views adopted by the UN Human Rights Committee on Yaker and Hebbadi v. France cases concerning the French Act prohibiting the concealment of the face in public. These Views are then compared with the judgment S.A.S. v. France delivered by the European Court of Human Rights on a similar case. This comparison shows that the principle of non-discrimination and, in this vein, intersectional discrimination play a critical role in assuring the effective protection of Muslim women wearing religious clothing. Analysis of S.A.S. is completed by highlighting the most relevant weaknesses of religious minority protection in the case-law of the European Court of Human Rights. Some references are also made to freedom of religious clothing in the workplace, underling the critical role that can be played in this regard by the duty of reasonable accommodation. The second part identifies the most significant shortcomings characterizing the protection of religious minorities under European Union law. In conclusion, this paper tries to highlight which lessons can be learnt from the human rights system—examined in the first part—in order to strengthen minority protection in the EU.

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Talewicz-Kwiatkowska, Joanna. "Roma Immigrants in Western Europe – the Example of France and Italy." Politeja 12, no. 8 (31/2) (December 31, 2015): 111–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.12.2015.31_2.08.

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The expansion of the European Union and the accession of ten new EU member states in 2004, as well as the accession of Bulgaria and Romania in 2007, meant that the new borders of the EU came to encompass most of the Roma minorities living on the Old Continent. The Roma, as well as being the largest ethnic group in modern Europe, are also its most marginalised group. They have been and continue to be ostracised, excluded from society, and discriminated against on all possible social levels. I will focus on the mass exodus of the Roma to Western Europe, which was triggered by the accession of Bulgaria and Romania to the European Union. Thousands of new Roma emigrants moved to the West in search of a better life, without possessing jobs, health care or social insurance, living en masse in camps on the edge of towns and cities. The beginning of the global economic crisis in 2008 and this massive influx of Roma immigrants living in extreme poverty was an explosive mix which led to a deepening and intensification of Anti‑Roma feeling in Western Europe creating a radicalisation of policy concerning Roma.

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Arkin, Kimberly A. "Historicity, Peoplehood, and Politics: Holocaust Talk in Twenty-First-Century France." Comparative Studies in Society and History 60, no. 4 (October 2018): 968–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s001041751800035x.

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AbstractDrawing on ethnographic data from the mid-2000s as well as accounts from French Jewish newspapers and magazines from the 1980s onward, this paper traces the emergence of new French Jewish institutional narratives linking North African Jews to the “European” Holocaust. I argue that these new narratives emerged as a response to the social and political impasses produced by intra-Jewish disagreements over whether and how North African Jews could talk about the Holocaust, which divided French Jews and threatened the relationship between Jewishness and French national identity. These new pedagogical narratives relied on a very different historicity, or way of reckoning time and causality, than those used in more divisive everyday French Jewish Holocaust narratives. By reworking the ways that French Jews reckoned time and causality, they offered an expansive and homogenously “European” Jewishness. This argument works against a growing postcolonial sociological and anthropological literature on religious minorities in France and Europe by emphasizing the contingency, difficulty, and even ambivalence around constructing “Jewishness” as transparently either “European” or “French.” It also highlights the role played by historicity—not just history—in producing what counts as group “identity.”

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Sikuade, Adedapo. "Fifty years after Frantz Fanon: beyond diversity." Advances in Psychiatric Treatment 18, no. 1 (January 2012): 25–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/apt.bp.110.008847.

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SummaryFrantz Fanon (1925–1961), a West Indian of mixed race, was a French colonial psychiatrist trained in Lyon, France, who worked mainly in colonial North Africa between 1953 and 1957. He was one of the earliest psychiatrists to suggest that the lived experience of ethnic minorities within a discriminatory colonial environment could trigger mental illness. This article focuses on Fanon's work and contributions to psychiatry, as well as his philosophy, advocacy for social inclusion and pioneering work in culturally relevant rehabilitation. It also examines what lessons could be learnt from his life's work as a psychiatrist and traces his influence on a generation of psychiatric researchers, suggesting how his contribution may have influenced critical thought and current views.

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Carpentier, Chantal. "La résolution 688 (1991) du Conseil de Sécurité : quel devoir d'ingérence?" Études internationales 23, no. 2 (April 12, 2005): 279–317. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/703005ar.

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It has been said that Resolution 688 (1991) established a "right to interfere" for humanitarian reasons. This right - reference was even made to a "duty of humanitarian interference" - would allow third-party states to take the initiative of committing acts of humanitarian intervention on behalf of minorities subjected to ill treatment by the authorities of their country. Resolution 688 (1991), however, does not establish this right. Although the Security Council recognized itself as being competent to intervene, it did so because it had succeeded in identifying a threat to peace. Furthermore, although the United States, France, and Great Britain intervened, they were able to do so because they had breathed new life into humanitarian-motivated intervention by giving it the form of a sanction-intervention.

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Trautner-Kromann, Hanne. "Jewish polemics against Christianity and the Christians in Northern and Southern France from 1100 to 1300." Nordisk Judaistik/Scandinavian Jewish Studies 7, no. 2 (September 1, 1986): 71–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.30752/nj.69407.

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Jewish polemics against Christianity in the Middle Ages show a striking change in contents and in the linguistic form of the texts after the First Crusade. While the texts up to about 1100 are reports on religious discussions between Jews and Christians, often held in a friendly tone, the texts after 1100 contain aggressive or bitter attacks on the Christians. An example of how this was put into words appears in a Jewish text from the 1250s. In seven points the author gives voice to this protest against the introduction by the French king of a number of harsh edicts against the Jews. There is a marked dividing line between the predominantly aggressive texts from Northern France and the more sober ones from Southern France. On the one hand every single Jewish polemical passage should be analyzed as to form and content, including the context and text type in which the passage occurs, on the other hand the passages should be related to each other including their historical background. By this procedure of comparison every single passage can contribute towards creating a more differentiated and comprehensive picture of the conditions of the Jewish minorities in Christian Europe.

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Dawson, Mark, and Elise Muir. "Individual, institutional and collective vigilance in protecting fundamental rights in the EU: Lessons from the Roma." Common Market Law Review 48, Issue 3 (June 1, 2011): 751–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/cola2011031.

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In the summer of 2010, French authorities organized the systematic dismantling of illegal Roma settlements. This resulted in the departure of a large number of Roma-EU citizens from France, as well as a significant dispute between France and the European Commission. While the dispute raises a number of issues of substantive EU law, it also illustrates some important strengths and weaknesses in the system of fundamental rights protection in EU law. This article takes these events as a test case to illustrate that tackling complex problems of human rights protection in the EU requires a hybrid approach in which individual and institutional enforcement mechanisms are complemented by a third level of collective vigilance. While ever since Van Gend & Loos the EU has built a comprehensive system of individual and institutional remedies for the enforcement of EU law, social and political factors may limit their usefulness for vulnerable minorities. The vigilance of collective actors such as networks, NGOs, trade unions and agencies may offer a useful additional layer of protection where they are well-integrated within the classic system of remedies for fundamental rights protection in the EU.

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