Journal articles on the topic 'Minorities – Europe – Political activity'
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1
Karolak-Michalska, Magdalena. "The role of ethnopolitical processes in the states of the Eastern European subregion." Studia z Dziejów Rosji i Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 56, no. 3 (January 3, 2022): 195–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/sdr.2021.en6.10.
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The article deals with issues related to contemporary ethnopolitical processes (ethnicity politicisation, ethnopolitical mobilisation of national and ethnic minorities) in the states of the Eastern Europe subregion (Republic of Belarus, Republic of Moldova, Ukraine). It presents social and political activity and participation of national and ethnic minorities in authority bodies of the studied states, as well as the consequences of these processes for the security of the subregion.
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Tănăsescu, Tudor. "CONSECRATION AND IDENTITY OF NATIONAL MINORITIES RIGHTS PROTECTION IN THE CONFERENCE FOR SECURITY AND COOPERATION IN EUROPE - CSCE (ORGANIZATION FOR SECURITY AND COOPERATION IN EUROPE - OSCE IN DECEMBER 1994)." Agora International Journal of Juridical Sciences 8, no. 1 (February 4, 2014): 166–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.15837/aijjs.v8i1.935.
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Promotion and protection of European identity rights of persons belonging to nationalminorities are part of human rights protection system developed universally under the UnitedNations and, respectively, in the Regional Council of Europe, Organization for Security andCooperation in Europe and other European institutions. International instruments adopted bythe OSCE human dimension that is circumscribed, and are political in nature (so there are nottreated) contributed to a great extent, the development of catalog rights identity for peoplewho belong to national minorities, the evidence of evolution ordination mechanisms andregulations and safeguarding the rights of the category listed and, last but not least, to outlinea programmatic directions and certain standards in this field. Documents to be examined, aswell as other regulatory and industry (universal or regional) that aim at protecting minorities"does not authorize any activity that is contrary to fundamental principles of internationallaw, or other obligations under international law or provisions of the Helsinki Final Act, inparticular the principle of sovereignty and territorial integrity of states".
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Markusse, Jan D. "Are National Minorities in the EU Progressing towards the Acquisition of Universal Rights?" Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 39, no. 7 (July 2007): 1601–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a38201.
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This paper aims to acquire insights into processes and mechanisms behind the development of policies on universal citizenship rights at higher political scales. It considers politics on national minority rights at different scales in the context of thoughts on postnationalisation and denationalisation of citizenship, which are mainly based on globalisation theories, and in the context of thoughts on shifts in the scales of state activity from a regulation theoretical perspective. The development of common rules on the rights of minorities at the global and European scales is examined and confronted with policies of the individual states. From a systematic analysis of all national minorities in the European Union it appears that common rules at higher scales still allow for considerable diversity. The differences can be attributed to different characteristics of the minorities themselves as well as of the states concerned. Both reflect the vital legacy of strongly different historical paths of nation-state formation in different parts of Europe. The outcomes are better fitting in a regulation theoretical perspective than in a globalisation theoretical perspective on the development of common rules on minority rights in Europe.
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Moroz, Olga. "Practical experience of self-government of the italian minority of Slovenia." Bulletin of Mariupol State University. Series: History. Political Studies 11, no. 31-32 (2021): 168–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.34079/2226-2830-2021-11-31-32-168-179.
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The Republic of Slovenia is a multinational state that appeared on the political map of Central and Eastern Europe as a result of disintegrating processes in socialist Yugoslavia. The problems of national minorities have been further deteriorated at the end of the SFRY existence, despite the fact that the Yugoslav leaders tended minority issues. National relations in modern Slovenia are a legacy of the socialist period. Italians and Hungarians are only two of national minorities in the republic who exercise their constitutional rights and guarantees. The Slovenian Constitution defines these minorities as autochthonous (historical). The article offers an analysis of situation and political activity of the autochthonous minorities in Slovenia using the example of the Italian community. Despite the fact that Slovenian Italians enjoy broad powers of autonomy in education, language, and they are actively involved in the political life of the state, there are still a number of unresolved problems of the coexistence of the Italian minority and the Slovenian majority, which are common to both autochthonous minorities and largely concern all other national communities of the Republic of Slovenia. The resettlement of Italians on the territory of Slovenia is characterized by compactness, which positively influenced the processes of consolidation of the minority in the matter of protecting their constitutional rights and guarantees. In the article, the author reasoned conclusion that Slovenian society has always been marked by a high level of xenophobia, also developed on the basis of the consequences of disintegration processes in socialist Yugoslavia. The concept of autochtonomism has become a kind of society response to the threat of external migration, and, according to the official Ljubljana, poses a danger to the titular nation and language. The Italians and Hungarians, in the minds of the Slovenes and the Slovenian government, are the lesser evil compared to the so-called unconstitutional minorities - immigrants from the former SFRY.
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Tyda, Arkadiusz. "The consequences of the 1989 changes in the socio-political activity of Lemkos in Poland and the United States of America." Review of Nationalities 11, no. 1 (December 1, 2021): 81–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pn-2021-0007.
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Abstract During the communist period, the Lemko community did not have its own separate ethnic organization in Poland. In the USA, the Lemkos were able to conduct social and political activities without any obstacles. Even before World War II, two important organizations were established: the Russophile Lemko-Soyuz and the Ukrainophile Organization for the Defense of Lemkivshchyna in America. The social and political transformation initiated by the elections of June 1989 changed the situation of national and ethnic minorities. The period of political transformation in Poland also activated the Lemkos, who also took advantage of these changes to formalize and develop their activities. The first postwar Lemko organization was the Lemko Association. As a counterbalance for Lemkos Association, Ukrainophiles created in Gorlice their own organization – Union of Lemkos. American activists also had to find their way in the new political circumstances. When the Soviet Union collapsed, not only did the ideological base of Lemko-Soyuz fall into ruin, but also its financial base. OOL found itself in a much better position than Lemko-Soyuz during the period of political transition in Eastern Europe. The anti-Moscow stance of the Ukrainianophile organization allowed it to remain credible and continue to fight for the interests of Ukraine. However, the organizations, both Polish and American, in their multifaceted activity still contribute to consolidation and preservation of Lemkos’ cultural identity and preservation of their traditions.
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Lypchuk, O. I., and I. I. Lomaka. "LEGISLATIVE ACCOMMODATION OF INTERESTS OF ETHNIC MINORITIES IN THE COURSE OF FORMATION OF THE UKRAINIAN STATE AT THE BEGINNING OF 20 CENTURY." PRECARPATHIAN BULLETIN OF THE SHEVCHENKO SCIENTIFIC SOCIETY Idea, no. 6(50) (December 28, 2018): 85–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.31471/2304-7410-2018-6(50)-85-95.
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In article it is noted that World War I, having extremely aggravated political and social and economic problems of belligerent parties, caused considerable rise of the national liberation movement. In the years of war, Galichina became an object of active international policy, at first as a component of the empire of Gabsburgov, and then as the sovereign state of the Ukrainian people. Also World War I accelerated political changes in Central and Eastern Europe and emergence of the Ukrainian state educations in Galichina. Introduction and developments of basic standard and legal documents in such spheres state and social and political life as formation of state governing bodies, justice, Armed Forces, social, economic, national and cultural and educational sites became the main result of legislative activity of power structures of West Ukrainian People's Republic on nationalities. The mechanism of the state and national policy of West Ukrainian People's Republic on non Ukrainian the population was based on democratic traditions of parliamentarism of the former Austria-Hungary. Such fundamental principles of national policy allowed power structures to direct the state construction to the democratic course, to make it socially oriented.
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Borisova, Nadezhda V., and Petr V. Panov. "Regionalism and multi-level governance on language policy in European countries." Ars Administrandi (Искусство управления) 14, no. 1 (2022): 150–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2218-9173-2022-1-150-173.
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Introduction: European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages, adopted by the Council of Europe, has become an important regulator of language policy in the signatory and ratifying countries. As a result, language policy towards minorities, turns out to be a bright example of multi-level governance (MLG) – a new pattern of political interactions, which is characterized not by hierarchical system of subordination to one center (the state), but pluralistic, dispersed activity of many actors interacting at different and interconnected levels of power. MLG, however, differs across various regions, since subnational actors intend to be self-sustained players of political interactions to varying degrees. Objectives: to identify the mechanisms of regionalist parties’ impact of on the involvement of regional actors in multi-level governance and to determine how it influences on the strength of language policy towards minorities. Methods: large-N comparative analysis and comparatively oriented case-study. Results: a large-N comparative analysis of 134 regions from countries that have ratified the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages has confirmed that the strength of regionalist parties has a positive effect on the scope of guarantees and preferences that minority languages receive in regions. The case-study of the Serbian Vojvodina, the most typical case, allows to expose the mechanisms of the impact of regionalists. Being represented in the regional authorities, regionalist parties not only promote language issues on the public agenda, but also achieve more energetic involvement of regional actors in policy formulation and making decisions on language policy at the national level. At the initiative of regionalist parties, first in Vojvodina, and then throughout the country, ethnic councils were institutionalized as significant actors in language policy. Thus, non-state actors are actively involved in the language policy, which is fully consistent with the MLG approach. Conclusions: regionalist parties and movements have a significant influence on the strength of language policy towards minorities. Its strength demonstrates a stable and statistically significant impact both on the volume of obligations undertaken in relation to regional languages, and on the degree of their implementation. Another significant factor is the presence of a kin-state among the linguistic minority.
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Koloskov, Evgenii A. "The Theory of the Hun Origin in Contemporary Bulgaria." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 65, no. 4 (2020): 1245–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu02.2020.414.
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The article is devoted to the history of the formation and transformation of the theory of the Huns in contemporary Bulgaria through the prism of the political history of the country from the beginning of the debate about the origin of Bulgarians up to present day. The article examines how political reality impacted the processes of shaping scholarly and educational images, i.e. constructing a “convenient” usable past by the Bulgarian academic and non-academic circles. The main aspect in the study is related to the question of various interpretations of the ethnic origin of the Bulgars, the Huns and the role of the Slavic factor in the ethnogenesis of the contemporary Bulgarians. The milestones of the difficult history of Bulgaria and changes in political regimes have become the reasons for rejecting “Slavic” origin or, in some case, returning to it depending on external and internal circumstances. Today the Hun theory in all its variations and interpretations lies outside the professional scope of academic circles but is becoming the domain for various marginals. However, increasing activity of the right and the far-right in the politics of Europe capitalizing on the 2015 refugee crisis might return to the mainstream of official academic discourse the theory of the Hun The upcoming challenges of foreign policy (Euro-skepticism, ambitious projects outside the EU framework) and internal political issues (the question of national minorities) may also have a significant impact on this issue.
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Kyrchanoff, Maksym. "Iranian monarchic emigration as a critic of the political regime of the Islamic republic of Iran." Socium i vlast 1 (2022): 37–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/1996-0522-2022-1-37-46.
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Introduction. The author analyzes the features of the ideological confrontation and conflict between Iranian emigrant communities and the political elites of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The position of Iranian emigration is analyzed in the context of the activity of the Pahlavi dynasty representatives. The purpose of the article is to analyze the ideo- logical confrontation between the two projects of Iranian political identities in contexts of criticism of the clerical regime of Iran by representatives of the Iranian political emigration of Pahlavi dynasty. Methods. Methodologically, the article is based on the principles of analyzing intellectual communities with the elements of the universal method of his- toricism and a comparative approach, which make it possible to identify and systematize the main features of the process of ideological confrontation between the Iranian elites and their critics from the Iranian political monarchist emigration. Scientific novelty of the study. On the one hand, the article analyzes the ideological confrontation between the clerical political regime of Iran and its critics from the communities of monarchical emi- gration as a state of remote or delayed conflict. On the other hand, the author analyzes this ideological controversy as a conflict not between society and power, but between two versions of political power: if the Iranian regime controls the political discourse in the country in fact, then its monarchist oppo- nents in exile attribute to it symbolic legitimacy and continuity with the tradition of Iranian statehood. Results. The main directions and features of criticism of the regime of the Islamic Republic of Iran by Iranian political emigrants of a monarchist orientation are analyzed; features of political ideol- ogy are shown; the forecast of the development of the political activity of the Iranian emigration is presented. Conclusions. The author believes that 1) the mo- narchical Iranian emigration is one of the centers of attraction for emigrants from Iran in Western Europe and North America; 2) the ideologists and theorists of the monarchical emigration are consist- ent critics of the political regime established in Iran in 1979; 3) criticism of the clerical, anti-secular and undemocratic regime of Tehran, its accusations of violating human rights and freedoms in in the cen- tre of the political doctrine of the Iranian emigra- tion; 4) the political ideal of emigration is a secular and democratic Iran, where rights and freedoms are respected, and religious minorities have equal rights with the Shiite Iranian majority.
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Kyrchanoff, Maksym. "Iranian monarchic emigration as a critic of the political regime of the Islamic republic of Iran." Socium i vlast 1 (2022): 37–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/1996-0522-2022-1-37-46.
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Introduction. The author analyzes the features of the ideological confrontation and conflict between Iranian emigrant communities and the political elites of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The position of Iranian emigration is analyzed in the context of the activity of the Pahlavi dynasty representatives. The purpose of the article is to analyze the ideo- logical confrontation between the two projects of Iranian political identities in contexts of criticism of the clerical regime of Iran by representatives of the Iranian political emigration of Pahlavi dynasty. Methods. Methodologically, the article is based on the principles of analyzing intellectual communities with the elements of the universal method of his- toricism and a comparative approach, which make it possible to identify and systematize the main features of the process of ideological confrontation between the Iranian elites and their critics from the Iranian political monarchist emigration. Scientific novelty of the study. On the one hand, the article analyzes the ideological confrontation between the clerical political regime of Iran and its critics from the communities of monarchical emi- gration as a state of remote or delayed conflict. On the other hand, the author analyzes this ideological controversy as a conflict not between society and power, but between two versions of political power: if the Iranian regime controls the political discourse in the country in fact, then its monarchist oppo- nents in exile attribute to it symbolic legitimacy and continuity with the tradition of Iranian statehood. Results. The main directions and features of criticism of the regime of the Islamic Republic of Iran by Iranian political emigrants of a monarchist orientation are analyzed; features of political ideol- ogy are shown; the forecast of the development of the political activity of the Iranian emigration is presented. Conclusions. The author believes that 1) the mo- narchical Iranian emigration is one of the centers of attraction for emigrants from Iran in Western Europe and North America; 2) the ideologists and theorists of the monarchical emigration are consist- ent critics of the political regime established in Iran in 1979; 3) criticism of the clerical, anti-secular and undemocratic regime of Tehran, its accusations of violating human rights and freedoms in in the cen- tre of the political doctrine of the Iranian emigra- tion; 4) the political ideal of emigration is a secular and democratic Iran, where rights and freedoms are respected, and religious minorities have equal rights with the Shiite Iranian majority.
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Jiroutová Kynčlová, Tereza. "Postkoloniální, dekoloniální a genderové paralely v možnostech reprezentace ženství a tzv. druhých." Acta Musei Nationalis Pragae – Historia 75, no. 1-2 (2022): 18–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.37520/amnph.2021.003.
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Intersectional perspectives in postcolonial theories and gender studies have long argued that femininity represented in museums and exhibitions is subjected to multiple forms of othering. 1) Acquired social modes of looking at artifacts, women and/or Others correlate with androcentric male gaze that passivizes the object being looked at. 2) Women’s social roles in binary androcentric system further render femininity and feminine activities as associated with passivity. Thus, reproduction, care, and socialization as women’s tasks are symbolically relegated to domestic, immanent sphere as a type of work that merely maintains the continuity of a society’s life. 3) In traditional patriarchal schemes, then, transcendental masculine activity is linked with political, economic, scientific, and decision-making realms that are socially constructed as more influential and significant factors in shaping history, thereby being viewed as more worthy of remembering and recording. 4) Representations of minorities in terms of their gender, racial, class, sexual and/or indigenous identities in institutions safeguarding knowledge and historical memory take place in a pre-defined and pre-mediated context shaped by Euro-centric, Judeo-Christian, orientalist epistemologies, which inherently relate knowledge to power and objectification. Tackling such a value system and epistemological bias posits a major challenge for today’s museums, institutions of memory and educational approaches. The following article follows suit in discussing the theoretical and practical potentials of decolonial methodologies which have been formulated from bellow by (formerly) othered, gendered, racialized and objectified positions. The text seeks to demonstrate some of the opportunities this standpoint offers in analyzing a case of (more or less) good practice in the American Museum of Natural History in its attempt to contrast historical narratives pertaining to early European settlements in what is now New York City. Further, elaborating on the tradition of quilting in the U.S., human zoos and exhibits of the Berlin Wall beyond Europe, the article argues for nuanced contextualization and intersectional methods in current musem work.
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Hill, Peter. "National minorities in Europe." Journal of Intercultural Studies 14, no. 1 (January 1993): 33–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07256868.1993.9963395.
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Peach, Ceri, and Günther Glebe. "Muslim minorities in Western Europe." Ethnic and Racial Studies 18, no. 1 (January 1995): 26–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01419870.1995.9993852.
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Coakley, John. "A political profile of Protestant minorities in Europe." National Identities 11, no. 1 (March 2009): 9–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14608940802680946.
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Bulmer, Martin, and John Solomos. "Introduction: Muslim Minorities in Western Europe." Ethnic and Racial Studies 33, no. 3 (February 22, 2010): 373–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01419871003589758.
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Sandovici, Maria Elena, and Ola Listhaug. "Ethnic and Linguistic Minorities and Political Participation in Europe." International Journal of Comparative Sociology 51, no. 1-2 (December 2009): 111–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020715209347070.
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Kuhelj, Alenka. "Rise of xenophobic nationalism in Europe: A case of Slovenia." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 44, no. 4 (November 4, 2011): 271–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2011.10.003.
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The article focuses on rise of nationalism and xenophobia in Slovenia. It starts by considering the issue of unrecognized minorities in Slovenia (former Yugoslavia nations) that have no minority rights, despite being large groups, as many international organizations for the protection of minorities have pointed out. A particular issue in this relation for Slovenia is the ‘Erased’ – the individuals who did not acquire Slovenian citizenship when Slovenia seceded from federal Yugoslavia – and despite the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) decision, the Slovenian state has still not recognized their rights, which were violated in the post-independence period. The article also examines two other minorities in Slovenia, the Jews and the Roma. The article finds Slovenia to be a closed, non-globalised society which, in spite of its constitutional declaration to protect the rights of minorities and other national communities, is seeking to retain a politically and culturally homogeneous nation state.
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Pettigrew, Thomas F. "Reactions Toward the New Minorities of Western Europe." Annual Review of Sociology 24, no. 1 (August 1998): 77–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev.soc.24.1.77.
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Nedelcu, Harry, and Joan DeBardeleben. "Conceptualizing Party Representation of Ethnic Minorities in Central and Eastern Europe." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 30, no. 2 (September 4, 2015): 381–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325415599192.
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The political representation of ethnic minorities in the party systems of Central and Eastern European states remains understudied despite the consolidation of democracy in these countries following their accession to the EU. This paper asks what institutional factors influence the way ethnic minorities are represented in the party systems of Central and Eastern European states. It does so based on a comparison of ethnic minorities in two paired cases (Slovakia/Romania and Estonia/Latvia), each of which shows similarities in some regards but have different outcomes in terms of party representation. The paper specifically examines explanations for the diverse forms through which minorities are represented in these four countries with a focus on three distinct types: ethnic particularist minority parties, integrationist minority parties, and accommodative majority parties. We examine two institutional/political factors that influence specific minority party types: (1) electoral systems and (2) political strategies of the dominant ethnic elite. We argue that while electoral systems do play a role in explaining differences in the party representation of minorities, they become particularly important in the broader political institutional context that emerged in the first decade following the collapse of communism. The manner in which dominant ethnic political-elites approached minority representation in the early years of democratization is critical in explaining different types of party representation that ensued.
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Shankar Bharti, Mukesh. "The European Union and Cultural, Economic and Political Development of Minority in Central and Eastern Europe." Reality of Politics 19, no. 1 (January 31, 2022): 25–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/rop2022102.
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This article aims to present the positions of minorities in Central and Eastern Europe since 1990. The analysis concentrates on relations between the various cultural and minorities group. The main outline is the concepts of minority rights and their multi-dimensional development of linguistic minorities and social development. There is a broad description of the social development of Roma in Central and Eastern Europe. Eastern European democracy promoters have made extensive use of their bilateral diplomatic channels to allow democratization laggards in the post-communist space a glimpse of what democracy looks like close to home and to give them encouragement and know-how to move forward with reforms.
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Nowak, Manfred. "The Right of Self-Determination and Protection of Minorities in Central and Eastern Europe in light of the case-law of the Human Rights Committee." International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 1, no. 1 (1993): 7–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181193x00077.
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AbstractThe right of self-determination and protection of minorities in Central and Eastern Europe is discussed in the light of the case law of the Human Rights Committee, which shows that many traditional minorities in Central and Eastern Europe are to be qualified as minorities within the meaning of article 27 of the UN Covenant. The author concludes that the UN Covenant on Civil and Political Rights still remains the only international treaty guaranteeing protection to minorities and providing measures of international supervision. He argues for a common and internationally binding European agreement providing adequate protection against minority rights violations, be it in the framework of the CSCE, Council of Europe or an enlarged European Communities.
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Kuzub, Halyna. "National minorities political rights in the context of decentralization of power in the Eastern European countries." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 33-34 (August 25, 2017): 250–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2016.33-34.250-256.
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The question of political minorities rights is always crucial for European countries because of mutual history and border changes. Almost each of these countries are characterized by small groups of ethnic minorities who are living in boarding areas. Some representatives of these ethnic groups have separatistic points of view during the years. In some European countries situation becomes even more complicated because of assimilation policy which was provided by the former Soviet Union.
Decentralization is transferring of authorities to the local levels what is other serious accelerator of the questions of political minorities rights. The question of our research work is if the impact of decentralization process matches political minorities rights in Eastern Europe? In the present study we analyze the results of administrative and territorial reforms in Poland, the Czech Republic , Slovakia and we also took into consideration the impact of ethnic factor within new administrative and territorial division.
In conclusions author emphasizes that in Eastern Europe new division process mostly happened without taking into account historical areas where small groups of political minorities lived. Author also draws our attention to the possible separatism, which can be the reason of articulation of national minorities will, who live near the borders to other countries as to unite in some areas.
Keywords: Decentralization of authority, administrative-territorial reform, post-socialist transformation, minorities, Poland, Czech Republic, Slovakia
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Irimia, Ana Irina. "The European Union and Minorities." Scientific Bulletin 20, no. 1 (June 1, 2015): 138–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bsaft-2015-0021.
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Abstract We are currently in the process of making a Europe where the elements of national sovereignty will be narrowed through the sharing of sovereignty and for collective security. Another trend in the field was that of regionalization of the importance and implications of this issue, explicitly or implicitly considered as belonging to Central and Eastern Europe. Such an assessment neglects the significance of a number of factors pertaining to the historical and political developments has on the matter, particularly regarding economic development of Central and Eastern Europe areas, and that the conflictual degeneration of perceiving ethnical, cultural and regional otherness is not a phenomenon which affects this space alone, but also the West. In contradiction with this point of view, some foreign experts in the field say it is a social reality that discrimination and intolerance connected to religion and ethnicity can be found in all meetings of the world and in countries with different economic development phases.
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Miyajima, Takashi. "Studies in Western Europe - on Minorities, Immigrants and Change." International Journal of Japanese Sociology 6, no. 1 (November 1997): 23–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6781.1997.tb00042.x.
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Johns, Michael. "“Do as I Say, Not as I Do”: The European Union, Eastern Europe and Minority Rights." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 17, no. 4 (November 2003): 682–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325403258291.
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This article tests the assumption that the European Union has forced the potential new members from Eastern Europe to adhere to standards regarding the treatment of national minorities current member states do not meet. The article examines the treatment of the Russian minorities in Latvia and Estonia and the Roma population in Slovakia compared to the treatment of the Turks in Germany and the Roma in Italy. Using EU accession reports, Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) recommendations, and the Minorities at Risk data set, a double standard becomes apparent. The newly democratized states of Eastern Europe are being forced to choose between the economic advantages of membership in the EU and legislation designed to protect the language and culture of the majority group. The article concludes with an examination of the histories of Estonia and Latvia to illustrate why being forced into altering laws concerning culture and citizenship is so difficult.
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BIEBER, FLORIAN. "LESS DIVERSITY - MORE INTEGRATION: INTERETHNIC RELATIONS IN THE CONTEMPORARY BALKANS 1." Southeastern Europe 32, no. 1 (2007): 23–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633307x00039.
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Abstract Summary: This article surveys the state of diversity in Southeastern Europe by examining the nature of interethnic relations and diversity, minority rights protection and political participation of minorities. During the past decade, state repression and hostility towards minorities have largely made way to including minorities in government and introducing comprehensive minority rights protection laws. These improvements at the level of policy are often not matched in terms of general interethnic relations. Majority-minority relations remain burdened by the 1990s and Southeastern Europe is considerably more homogenous than it was in 1989. As a consequence, legal and policy changes are often the consequence of international and in particular EU pressure rather than domestic processes.
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Ludanyi, Andrew. "Soviet Nationality Policy and East Central Europe: An Overview." Nationalities Papers 24, no. 3 (September 1996): 437–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999608408458.
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The Sovietization of East Central Europe between 1945 and 1948 led to a complete reformulation of the “nationalities question” on the basis of Marxist-Leninist theory and the practical experience of the USSR. The changed political and ideological context provided the expanded camp of peoples' democracies with new guidelines for the treatment of their minorities. From this time onward, the ethnic/national minorities of these states were guaranteed an existence which was “national in form,” but “socialist in content.”
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Nagy, Noémi. "Language Rights of European Minorities in the Administration of Justice, Public Administration and Public Services." European Yearbook of Minority Issues Online 18, no. 1 (June 1, 2021): 113–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116117_01801006.
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This article provides an overview of European minorities’ language rights in the administration of justice, public administration, and public services in 2019. Relevant legal developments are presented in the activities of the major international organizations, i.e. the United Nations, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, the European Union, and the Council of Europe. Since the most relevant treaties on the language rights of minorities in Europe are the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages and the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities, special attention is paid to the implementation thereof. Whereas international monitoring mechanisms devoted to the effective protection of minorities are abundant, language rights of national minorities receive less attention, especially in the fields of official language use, that is, in public administration and justice. The regulation of these areas has been traditionally considered as almost exclusively belonging to the states’ competence, and international organizations are consequently reluctant to interfere. As a result, the official use of minority languages differs in the various countries of Europe, with both good practices (e.g. the Netherlands, Spain, Finland) and unbalanced situations (e.g. Estonia, Ukraine, Azerbaijan).
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Rovny, Jan. "Communism, Federalism, and Ethnic Minorities: Explaining Party Competition Patterns in Eastern Europe." World Politics 66, no. 4 (September 15, 2014): 669–708. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887114000227.
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Scholarship on East European politics expects that party competition in the region is determined by various communist legacies, juxtaposing state-centric authoritarianism to a liberal market economy. Recent empirical evidence, however, uncovers significant variance of party competition patterns across East European countries. To explain this variance, this article argues that an interaction between communist institutional framework and partisan responses to ethnic minorities determines party competition structure in the region. While experience with communist federalism determines partisan affinities with ethnic minorities, tolerance or support for ethnic minorities leads the political actors associated with those minorities to general socially liberal positions. Consequently—and contrary to received knowledge—ethnic politics influence the ideological content of party competition and structure party systems in Eastern Europe.
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Gillespie, Simon. "Minorities, States and the International System." Politics 17, no. 3 (September 1997): 141–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9256.00045.
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This article will examine the constituent elements of minority identity and the impact of minority issues on states and the international system. Focusing on central Europe, it will analyse the points of contact between minorities, and states and international organisations, considering the reasons why minority issues are excluded from the international agenda.
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Nagy, Noémi. "The Rights of European Minorities: Justice, Public Administration, Participation, Transfrontier Exchanges and Citizenship—International Developments in 2020." European Yearbook of Minority Issues Online 19, no. 1 (June 29, 2022): 161–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116117_009.
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Abstract This article provides an overview of the implementation of the rights of European national, ethnic or linguistic minorities and indigenous peoples in 2020, in the fields of administration of justice, public administration, participation, citizenship and tranfrontier exchanges. Relevant legal developments are presented in the activities of the United Nations, the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe, the European Union, and the Council of Europe. Special attention is paid to the application of the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages and the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities, which are the most important international treaties on the rights of minorities in Europe.
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H.R.H. "Divided Nations and the Politics of Borders." Nationalities Papers 24, no. 3 (September 1996): 369–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999608408452.
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The ghost of Trianon continues to haunt Central Europe. The consequences of the unmaking of the Habsburg Kingdom of Hungary still confront diplomats, even more so now in the aftermath of communism and the demise of Soviet hegemony. The plight of Hungarian minorities in Hungary's neighboring states is a constant concern to diplomats as satisfactory accommodation of ethnic minorities fails throughout post-communist Eastern Europe. Specifically, a fear of destabilization on account of a crisis related to the several Hungarian minorities scattered in half a dozen adjacent states is never far from the surface.
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Malloy, Tove H. "Nordic (Minority) Autonomies and Territorial Management in Europe: Empowerment through Regionalisation?" International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 20, no. 1 (2013): 85–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718115-02001006.
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The participation of traditional minority autonomies is seldom discussed in relation to territorial management in Europe. Yet, several traditional minorities and indigenous people enjoying autonomous powers participate in regional co-operation efforts. This article discusses the involvement of Greenland, the Faroe Islands and the Åland Islands in the development and co-operation of macro-regions. Regional co-operation has long been a corner stone of Europe’s integration project, and macro-regions is the latest concept in the effort to strengthen regions economically in the wake of the onset of globalisation and indeed global economic crises. In contradistinction to the perceived notion of traditional minorities as conflict prone troublemakers, it is argued that in the effort to maintain the peace and overcome persistent challenges common to both majorities and minorities, traditional minorities are increasingly pro-active and working for the survival of their autonomous regions. This is manifested, among other, in the manner in which they participate – albeit unevenly – in regional co-operation aimed at economic development and integration.
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Helgesen, Jan E. "Protecting minorities in the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe (CSCE) process." International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 2, no. 1 (1994): 7–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181194x00076.
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AbstractThis article gives an analysis of the protection of minorities in the CSCE documents. It explains the historical evolution of the set of norms pertaining to the minority question in the CSCE Process. The author shows how this kind of questions, form the beginning, played a modest role in the crusade for the protection of human rights. Emphasis was on the protection of the individual, not on the group as such. Gradually, however, more importance has been given to the protection of minorities. The author is convinced that the CSCE is an interesting option for those wanting to enhance the international protection of the rights of minorities. He puts particular emphasis on the establishment of the CSCE High Commissioner on National Minorities.
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Dowley, K. M., and B. D. Silver. "Support for Europe among Europe's Ethnic, Religious, and Immigrant Minorities." International Journal of Public Opinion Research 23, no. 3 (July 22, 2011): 315–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ijpor/edq049.
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Trifunovska, Snežana. "The issue(s) of minorities in the European peace and security context1." International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 3, no. 4 (1995): 283–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181196x00038.
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AbstractThis article gives a short analysis of the protection of minorities in the European peace and security context. Starting from a brief description of the complex minority situation in Europe, the author deals with the existing legally and non-legally binding documents adopted by the European organizations, OSCE, Council of Europe and the European Union, relevant for protection of minorities, as well as with the available mechanisms which can be used in the situations in which the position of minorities can affect peace and security. The purpose of the author is to determine whether the existing documents and mechanisms are sufficient for protection of minorities and preservation of peace and security. The paper was presented at the Eight Annual Meeting of the Academic Council on the United Nations Systems, held in New York on 19-21 June 1995.
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Spirova, Maria, and Boyka Stefanova. "The European Dimension of Minority Political Representation." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 26, no. 1 (January 18, 2012): 75–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325410388831.
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The political integration of ethnic minorities is one of the most challenging tasks facing the countries of post-communist Europe. The roads to their political representation in the mainstream political process are numerous and diverse. The EU accession of the Central and East European countries has expanded the scope of the political participation of minorities by adding an electoral process at the regional level: the elections for members of the European Parliament. This article presents a comparative study of the ways in which EU-level electoral processes affect the scope and quality of minority representation on the example of the participation of ethnic political parties in Bulgaria and Romania in the 2007 and 2009 electoral cycles of the European Parliament.
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Hargreaves, Alec G., and Catherine Wihtol de Wenden. "The political participation of ethnic minorities in Europe: A framework for analysis." Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 20, no. 1 (October 1993): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1369183x.1993.9976402.
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C. Del Re, Emanuela. "THE YAZIDI AND THE ISLAMIC STATE, OR THE EFFECTS OF A MIDDLE EAST WITHOUT MINORITIES ON EUROPE." POLITICS AND RELIGION IN EUROPE 9, no. 2 (December 27, 2015): 269–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.54561/prj0902269d.
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Ex abrupto the little known and closed Yazidi community has become a symbol of the atrocities of the Islamic State against minorities and of the risk deriving from extremism. The strong impact of IS on the Yazidi and other communities in the Middle East – Christians and others - has also provoked a migration wave towards Europe. The A. has worked on field in Iraq and Iraqi-Kurdistan since 2012, and had researched on and with the Yazidi long before the IS, realizing studies and documentaries. She sustains that the roots of the crisis were apparent before the crisis and the physical-psychological effects on minorities are much deeper, as they mine the structure and the evolution of their communities. Yet, the inner resources of the Yazidi community and the new global scenario have created also opportunities. Migration of minorities is a crucial issue: although constant in the last decades, it is now seriously endangering the rich social composition of the region and the stability of the communities when they scatter in diasporas. Europe must help the Middle Eastern countries to protect their minorities as they are a fundamental element for the balance of power and for the social dynamics.
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Barwiński, Marek. "Geographical, Historical and Political Conditions of Ongoing and Potential Ethnic Conflicts in Central and Eastern Europe." European Spatial Research and Policy 26, no. 1 (July 11, 2019): 149–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1231-1952.26.1.08.
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For centuries Central and Eastern Europe has been the scene of frequent changes of borders and numerous ethnic conflicts. Contemporary ethnic diversity of this region is much smaller, however, the growing nationalisms of the various societies, mutual mistrust, and the temptation of politicians to use ethnic issues in the regional geopolitical competition pose a real threat to the stability and peace in Central and Eastern Europe. The dynamic political, legal, social and economic changes which have been taking place in this part of Europe for three decades now, which overlay its clear civilization division into the Latin and the Byzantine parts and are intensified by historical animosities, must have had an impact on the situation and the perception of minorities. In contrast to Western Europe, the contemporary ethnic diversity of Central and Eastern Europe is primary the consequence of various, often centuries-old historical processes (settlement actions, voluntary and forced migrations, border changes, the political and economic expansion of particular countries), and in the ethnic structure especially dominate the indigenous groups, migrants, particularly from the outside of the European cultural circle, are of marginal importance. Moreover, national minorities are usually concentrated in the border regions of countries, often in close proximity to their home countries, becoming – often against their will – element of the internal and foreign policies of neighbouring countries.
The main aims of the article are to explain the threats to peace arising from the attempts to use minorities in inter-state relations and regional geopolitics as well as engaging minority groups into ethnic and political conflicts (autonomy of regions, secession attempts) and still the very large role of history (especially negative, tragic events) in the shaping of contemporary interethnic relations in Central and Eastern Europe.
However, the varied ethnic structure typical for this region does not have to be a conflict factor, on the contrary – it can become a permanent element of the identity and cultural heritage of each country.
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Cattaruzza, Marina. "Endstation Vertreibung: Minderheitenfrage und Zwangs - migrationen in Ostmitteleuropa, 1919–1949." Journal of Modern European History 6, no. 1 (March 2008): 5–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/1611-8944_2008_1_5.
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Final Destination: The Question of Minorities: Expulsion and Enforced Migration in Central and East Europe, 1919–1949 This article seeks to give a bird's-eye view of the phenomenon of large-scale enforced migration, expulsion, or mass deportation, in eastern Europe at different moments in time, by linking it to the ‹nationalities› question from the start of the twentieth century and to the ‹minorities› question of the inter-war period. It argues that the collective expulsion of ethnic minorities from the former ‹master nations› (Lewis B. Namier's phrase) cannot be understood merely as the product of nationstatism. Instead it portrays mass migrations as the result of factors that trans - cended the nation-state question, such as the defeat of the ‹revisionist› states in the First World War, the perception of minorities as ‹trouble-makers›, and the Soviet Union's strategy of expansion in East Central Europe. Particular attention is paid to the special circumstances of nation-creation in the territories of the Habsburg Empire, Tsarist Russia and the eastern border regions of imperial Germany. It was there that the political mobilisation of significant parts of the population led to militant nationalism among certain sections of society. The foundation of the Habsburg Empire's successor states brought radical changes among the political elites. This led, on the one hand, to revanchist sentiments among the dispossessed groups; and on the other, to the displacement of supranational elites as part of the ‹nation building› process in the new states that followed in the wake of societal modernisation and the expansion of political participation.
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Berry, Stephanie E. "The Siren’s Call? Exploring the Implications of an Additional Protocol to the European Convention on Human Rights on National Minorities." International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 23, no. 1 (January 30, 2016): 1–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718115-02301002.
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Calls for the adoption of an Additional Protocol to the European Convention on Human Rights (echr) on National Minorities have persisted within the Council of Europe despite the adoption of the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities (fcnm). This article explores the potential implications of the adoption of an Additional Protocol on National Minorities to the echr for the fcnm. The European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) already has several tools that would allow it to extend protection to persons belonging to national minorities. However, as the ECtHR tends to allow States a wide margin of appreciation in cases concerning persons belonging to minorities, it is argued that the adoption of an Additional Protocol on National Minorities may not be desirable, as it has the potential to undermine the progress made by the Framework Convention Advisory Committee.
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Robson, Laura. "Minorities Treaties and Mandatory Regimes." Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 41, no. 3 (December 1, 2021): 332–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/1089201x-9407845.
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Abstract The post–World War I treaties of Versailles, Sèvres, and Lausanne collectively created two related frames for ongoing Allied control over unreliable territory: a system of “minority protection” in the new and fragile states of eastern Europe, and a neocolonial regime of externally monitored “mandates” in the Mashriq and elsewhere, with both systems falling under the jurisdiction of the newly constructed League of Nations based in Geneva. This article explores how the architects of the peace agreements developed the concepts of minority rights and mandatory responsibilities in conjunction, as a way of codifying, formalizing, and legitimizing restrictions on sovereignty along immovable racial lines.
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Giglou, Roya Imani, Christine Ogan, and Leen d’Haenens. "The ties that bind the diaspora to Turkey and Europe during the Gezi protests." New Media & Society 20, no. 3 (November 30, 2016): 937–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461444816675441.
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The Gezi Park demonstrations across Turkey in the early summer of 2013 offered another opportunity to examine the role played by social media in a social movement. This survey of 967 ethnic (Turkish or Kurdish) minorities living in Belgium, the Netherlands, and Germany focuses on attitudes and behaviors alongside uses of offline and online networks to make connections with others during and after Gezi. We investigate whether the respondents living in the diaspora experienced communication-generated social capital. We also examine whether the social capital already built through lives spent in Europe, where connections to majority populations had been forged, was at least temporarily reversed through a process of re-bonding, as ethnic minorities turned their attention and loyalty to the social movement in Turkey.
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Martínez de Codes, Rosa María. "Moderate Secularism in Europe in the Face of Integration Challenges: The Debate about Legal Pluralism and Multiculturalism." European Review 28, no. 3 (March 17, 2020): 459–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798719000589.
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Public authorities in Europe are faced with increasing demands to accommodate religious diversity. This article traces some key issues concerning the limits of the secular State in Europe to accept and accommodate those ethno-religious minorities that are perceived to be partially different entities and claim some jurisdiction, without thereby rejecting guarantees from the receiving legal system. This multicultural challenge that minorities pose to institutionalized secularism is amongst the most complex political and long-term issues European states have to face. Such a challenge has not only to do with socio-economic disadvantage and discrimination in the labour markets but also with the constitutional status or corporate relationship with the State. On the other hand, European anxieties question whether or not Muslims can be and are willing to be integrated into European society and its political values; in particular, values of freedom, tolerance, democracy, sexual equality and secularism. Across Europe, multiculturalism seems to be in retreat and ‘integration’ is once again the watchword.
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Marshall, Harvey, Elizabeth Huttman, Wim Blauw, and Juliet Saltman. "Urban Housing Segregation of Minorities in Western Europe and the United States." Contemporary Sociology 21, no. 3 (May 1992): 359. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2076282.
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Todorov, Antony, and Anna Krasteva. "Ethnic minorities and political representation: The case of Bulgaria." Southeastern Europe 35, no. 1 (2011): 8–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633311x545661.
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AbstractThe political representation of minority groups in Bulgaria is analyzed from three perspectives. The first relates to political socialization: the mechanisms of minority political preference, and their materialization into political behavior, mostly during elections or through party membership. The second relates to political actors' conduct towards minorities: their attitudes toward minority identities and the significance of minority representation in their practice. The third perspective relates to the institutional framework that politically regulates minority status. This third perspective raises questions of minimum representation, and the legal formalization of minority political parties. Bulgarian ethnic politics is analyzed regarding both the ethnic factors in constructing the political scene and the political factors in structuring the ethnic model. The present article questions the applicability of the distinction between the 'politics of ideas' and the 'politics of identities' to Southeastern Europe in general, and to Bulgaria in particular. This theoretical question is addressed through two empirical comparative analyses: the similarities and divergences of the minority management model in the Bulgarian Constitution and the one applied in the political practice, and the differences between minority representation in Bulgaria and in neighboring countries such as Romania.
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Zaagman, Rob, and Konrad Huber. "Peace, Human Rights, and Minorities: Multilateral Responses and the CSCE High Commissioner on National Minorities." International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 2, no. 1 (1994): 55–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181194x00094.
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AbstractThis article attempts to understand concurrent efforts by inter-governmental agencies in the areas of minority protection and ethnic conflict prevention. The analysis specifially aims (1) to assist in differentiating between the numerous inter-governmental organs, bodies, and mechanisms, including the CSCE High Commissioner on National Minorities, with a role in addressing minority issues, and (2) to begin the process of identifying interrelationships, overlaps, and gaps in existing capacities. In addition to the High Commissioner, the minority-related activities of the UN, the Council of Europe, and the Council of Baltic Sea States are all reviewed. The essential view is that 'the effectiveness of international response to minority questions lies not in the efficacy of single institutions but in synergetic cooperaton among them'.
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Priestly, Tom. "The Position of the Slovenes in Austria: Recent Developments in Political (and other) Attitudes." Nationalities Papers 27, no. 1 (March 1999): 103–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/009059999109217.
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The Slovene-speaking minority in Austria—when compared with many other linguistic minorities in Europe—is in an enviable position. Superficially, its minority rights are both constitutionally guaranteed and, for the most part, legally enforced; in the province of Carinthia/Kärnten/Koroška (the home of nearly all the minority; see Map 1) bilingual education is available in many communities at the primary level, and there is a thriving bilingual secondary school; Slovene is officially used in many offices and churches, and can be heard in many shops and on many street corners; there are two weekly newspapers. The picture below the surface is not quite as pleasant: there is anti-Slovene discrimination in several forms, and the pressure on minority members to Germanize themselves is strong; in particular, it must be emphasized that although the minority enjoys virtually full support from the federal government in Vienna, the provincial government in Carinthia has seldom been as favorably disposed. Still, most of the other minorities in Central and Eastern Europe can only dream of living in conditions like those of the Carinthian Slovenes.
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Hofhansel, C. "Recognition Regimes for Religious Minorities in Europe: Institutional Change and Reproduction." Journal of Church and State 57, no. 1 (July 2, 2013): 90–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jcs/cst030.
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