Academic literature on the topic 'Minorities – Europe – Political activity'
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Journal articles on the topic "Minorities – Europe – Political activity"
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Karolak-Michalska, Magdalena. "The role of ethnopolitical processes in the states of the Eastern European subregion." Studia z Dziejów Rosji i Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 56, no. 3 (January 3, 2022): 195–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/sdr.2021.en6.10.
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The article deals with issues related to contemporary ethnopolitical processes (ethnicity politicisation, ethnopolitical mobilisation of national and ethnic minorities) in the states of the Eastern Europe subregion (Republic of Belarus, Republic of Moldova, Ukraine). It presents social and political activity and participation of national and ethnic minorities in authority bodies of the studied states, as well as the consequences of these processes for the security of the subregion.
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Tănăsescu, Tudor. "CONSECRATION AND IDENTITY OF NATIONAL MINORITIES RIGHTS PROTECTION IN THE CONFERENCE FOR SECURITY AND COOPERATION IN EUROPE - CSCE (ORGANIZATION FOR SECURITY AND COOPERATION IN EUROPE - OSCE IN DECEMBER 1994)." Agora International Journal of Juridical Sciences 8, no. 1 (February 4, 2014): 166–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.15837/aijjs.v8i1.935.
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Promotion and protection of European identity rights of persons belonging to nationalminorities are part of human rights protection system developed universally under the UnitedNations and, respectively, in the Regional Council of Europe, Organization for Security andCooperation in Europe and other European institutions. International instruments adopted bythe OSCE human dimension that is circumscribed, and are political in nature (so there are nottreated) contributed to a great extent, the development of catalog rights identity for peoplewho belong to national minorities, the evidence of evolution ordination mechanisms andregulations and safeguarding the rights of the category listed and, last but not least, to outlinea programmatic directions and certain standards in this field. Documents to be examined, aswell as other regulatory and industry (universal or regional) that aim at protecting minorities"does not authorize any activity that is contrary to fundamental principles of internationallaw, or other obligations under international law or provisions of the Helsinki Final Act, inparticular the principle of sovereignty and territorial integrity of states".
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Markusse, Jan D. "Are National Minorities in the EU Progressing towards the Acquisition of Universal Rights?" Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 39, no. 7 (July 2007): 1601–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a38201.
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This paper aims to acquire insights into processes and mechanisms behind the development of policies on universal citizenship rights at higher political scales. It considers politics on national minority rights at different scales in the context of thoughts on postnationalisation and denationalisation of citizenship, which are mainly based on globalisation theories, and in the context of thoughts on shifts in the scales of state activity from a regulation theoretical perspective. The development of common rules on the rights of minorities at the global and European scales is examined and confronted with policies of the individual states. From a systematic analysis of all national minorities in the European Union it appears that common rules at higher scales still allow for considerable diversity. The differences can be attributed to different characteristics of the minorities themselves as well as of the states concerned. Both reflect the vital legacy of strongly different historical paths of nation-state formation in different parts of Europe. The outcomes are better fitting in a regulation theoretical perspective than in a globalisation theoretical perspective on the development of common rules on minority rights in Europe.
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Moroz, Olga. "Practical experience of self-government of the italian minority of Slovenia." Bulletin of Mariupol State University. Series: History. Political Studies 11, no. 31-32 (2021): 168–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.34079/2226-2830-2021-11-31-32-168-179.
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The Republic of Slovenia is a multinational state that appeared on the political map of Central and Eastern Europe as a result of disintegrating processes in socialist Yugoslavia. The problems of national minorities have been further deteriorated at the end of the SFRY existence, despite the fact that the Yugoslav leaders tended minority issues. National relations in modern Slovenia are a legacy of the socialist period. Italians and Hungarians are only two of national minorities in the republic who exercise their constitutional rights and guarantees. The Slovenian Constitution defines these minorities as autochthonous (historical). The article offers an analysis of situation and political activity of the autochthonous minorities in Slovenia using the example of the Italian community. Despite the fact that Slovenian Italians enjoy broad powers of autonomy in education, language, and they are actively involved in the political life of the state, there are still a number of unresolved problems of the coexistence of the Italian minority and the Slovenian majority, which are common to both autochthonous minorities and largely concern all other national communities of the Republic of Slovenia. The resettlement of Italians on the territory of Slovenia is characterized by compactness, which positively influenced the processes of consolidation of the minority in the matter of protecting their constitutional rights and guarantees. In the article, the author reasoned conclusion that Slovenian society has always been marked by a high level of xenophobia, also developed on the basis of the consequences of disintegration processes in socialist Yugoslavia. The concept of autochtonomism has become a kind of society response to the threat of external migration, and, according to the official Ljubljana, poses a danger to the titular nation and language. The Italians and Hungarians, in the minds of the Slovenes and the Slovenian government, are the lesser evil compared to the so-called unconstitutional minorities - immigrants from the former SFRY.
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Tyda, Arkadiusz. "The consequences of the 1989 changes in the socio-political activity of Lemkos in Poland and the United States of America." Review of Nationalities 11, no. 1 (December 1, 2021): 81–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pn-2021-0007.
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Abstract During the communist period, the Lemko community did not have its own separate ethnic organization in Poland. In the USA, the Lemkos were able to conduct social and political activities without any obstacles. Even before World War II, two important organizations were established: the Russophile Lemko-Soyuz and the Ukrainophile Organization for the Defense of Lemkivshchyna in America. The social and political transformation initiated by the elections of June 1989 changed the situation of national and ethnic minorities. The period of political transformation in Poland also activated the Lemkos, who also took advantage of these changes to formalize and develop their activities. The first postwar Lemko organization was the Lemko Association. As a counterbalance for Lemkos Association, Ukrainophiles created in Gorlice their own organization – Union of Lemkos. American activists also had to find their way in the new political circumstances. When the Soviet Union collapsed, not only did the ideological base of Lemko-Soyuz fall into ruin, but also its financial base. OOL found itself in a much better position than Lemko-Soyuz during the period of political transition in Eastern Europe. The anti-Moscow stance of the Ukrainianophile organization allowed it to remain credible and continue to fight for the interests of Ukraine. However, the organizations, both Polish and American, in their multifaceted activity still contribute to consolidation and preservation of Lemkos’ cultural identity and preservation of their traditions.
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Lypchuk, O. I., and I. I. Lomaka. "LEGISLATIVE ACCOMMODATION OF INTERESTS OF ETHNIC MINORITIES IN THE COURSE OF FORMATION OF THE UKRAINIAN STATE AT THE BEGINNING OF 20 CENTURY." PRECARPATHIAN BULLETIN OF THE SHEVCHENKO SCIENTIFIC SOCIETY Idea, no. 6(50) (December 28, 2018): 85–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.31471/2304-7410-2018-6(50)-85-95.
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In article it is noted that World War I, having extremely aggravated political and social and economic problems of belligerent parties, caused considerable rise of the national liberation movement. In the years of war, Galichina became an object of active international policy, at first as a component of the empire of Gabsburgov, and then as the sovereign state of the Ukrainian people. Also World War I accelerated political changes in Central and Eastern Europe and emergence of the Ukrainian state educations in Galichina. Introduction and developments of basic standard and legal documents in such spheres state and social and political life as formation of state governing bodies, justice, Armed Forces, social, economic, national and cultural and educational sites became the main result of legislative activity of power structures of West Ukrainian People's Republic on nationalities. The mechanism of the state and national policy of West Ukrainian People's Republic on non Ukrainian the population was based on democratic traditions of parliamentarism of the former Austria-Hungary. Such fundamental principles of national policy allowed power structures to direct the state construction to the democratic course, to make it socially oriented.
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Borisova, Nadezhda V., and Petr V. Panov. "Regionalism and multi-level governance on language policy in European countries." Ars Administrandi (Искусство управления) 14, no. 1 (2022): 150–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2218-9173-2022-1-150-173.
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Introduction: European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages, adopted by the Council of Europe, has become an important regulator of language policy in the signatory and ratifying countries. As a result, language policy towards minorities, turns out to be a bright example of multi-level governance (MLG) – a new pattern of political interactions, which is characterized not by hierarchical system of subordination to one center (the state), but pluralistic, dispersed activity of many actors interacting at different and interconnected levels of power. MLG, however, differs across various regions, since subnational actors intend to be self-sustained players of political interactions to varying degrees. Objectives: to identify the mechanisms of regionalist parties’ impact of on the involvement of regional actors in multi-level governance and to determine how it influences on the strength of language policy towards minorities. Methods: large-N comparative analysis and comparatively oriented case-study. Results: a large-N comparative analysis of 134 regions from countries that have ratified the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages has confirmed that the strength of regionalist parties has a positive effect on the scope of guarantees and preferences that minority languages receive in regions. The case-study of the Serbian Vojvodina, the most typical case, allows to expose the mechanisms of the impact of regionalists. Being represented in the regional authorities, regionalist parties not only promote language issues on the public agenda, but also achieve more energetic involvement of regional actors in policy formulation and making decisions on language policy at the national level. At the initiative of regionalist parties, first in Vojvodina, and then throughout the country, ethnic councils were institutionalized as significant actors in language policy. Thus, non-state actors are actively involved in the language policy, which is fully consistent with the MLG approach. Conclusions: regionalist parties and movements have a significant influence on the strength of language policy towards minorities. Its strength demonstrates a stable and statistically significant impact both on the volume of obligations undertaken in relation to regional languages, and on the degree of their implementation. Another significant factor is the presence of a kin-state among the linguistic minority.
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Koloskov, Evgenii A. "The Theory of the Hun Origin in Contemporary Bulgaria." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 65, no. 4 (2020): 1245–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu02.2020.414.
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The article is devoted to the history of the formation and transformation of the theory of the Huns in contemporary Bulgaria through the prism of the political history of the country from the beginning of the debate about the origin of Bulgarians up to present day. The article examines how political reality impacted the processes of shaping scholarly and educational images, i.e. constructing a “convenient” usable past by the Bulgarian academic and non-academic circles. The main aspect in the study is related to the question of various interpretations of the ethnic origin of the Bulgars, the Huns and the role of the Slavic factor in the ethnogenesis of the contemporary Bulgarians. The milestones of the difficult history of Bulgaria and changes in political regimes have become the reasons for rejecting “Slavic” origin or, in some case, returning to it depending on external and internal circumstances. Today the Hun theory in all its variations and interpretations lies outside the professional scope of academic circles but is becoming the domain for various marginals. However, increasing activity of the right and the far-right in the politics of Europe capitalizing on the 2015 refugee crisis might return to the mainstream of official academic discourse the theory of the Hun The upcoming challenges of foreign policy (Euro-skepticism, ambitious projects outside the EU framework) and internal political issues (the question of national minorities) may also have a significant impact on this issue.
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Kyrchanoff, Maksym. "Iranian monarchic emigration as a critic of the political regime of the Islamic republic of Iran." Socium i vlast 1 (2022): 37–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/1996-0522-2022-1-37-46.
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Introduction. The author analyzes the features of the ideological confrontation and conflict between Iranian emigrant communities and the political elites of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The position of Iranian emigration is analyzed in the context of the activity of the Pahlavi dynasty representatives. The purpose of the article is to analyze the ideo- logical confrontation between the two projects of Iranian political identities in contexts of criticism of the clerical regime of Iran by representatives of the Iranian political emigration of Pahlavi dynasty. Methods. Methodologically, the article is based on the principles of analyzing intellectual communities with the elements of the universal method of his- toricism and a comparative approach, which make it possible to identify and systematize the main features of the process of ideological confrontation between the Iranian elites and their critics from the Iranian political monarchist emigration. Scientific novelty of the study. On the one hand, the article analyzes the ideological confrontation between the clerical political regime of Iran and its critics from the communities of monarchical emi- gration as a state of remote or delayed conflict. On the other hand, the author analyzes this ideological controversy as a conflict not between society and power, but between two versions of political power: if the Iranian regime controls the political discourse in the country in fact, then its monarchist oppo- nents in exile attribute to it symbolic legitimacy and continuity with the tradition of Iranian statehood. Results. The main directions and features of criticism of the regime of the Islamic Republic of Iran by Iranian political emigrants of a monarchist orientation are analyzed; features of political ideol- ogy are shown; the forecast of the development of the political activity of the Iranian emigration is presented. Conclusions. The author believes that 1) the mo- narchical Iranian emigration is one of the centers of attraction for emigrants from Iran in Western Europe and North America; 2) the ideologists and theorists of the monarchical emigration are consist- ent critics of the political regime established in Iran in 1979; 3) criticism of the clerical, anti-secular and undemocratic regime of Tehran, its accusations of violating human rights and freedoms in in the cen- tre of the political doctrine of the Iranian emigra- tion; 4) the political ideal of emigration is a secular and democratic Iran, where rights and freedoms are respected, and religious minorities have equal rights with the Shiite Iranian majority.
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Kyrchanoff, Maksym. "Iranian monarchic emigration as a critic of the political regime of the Islamic republic of Iran." Socium i vlast 1 (2022): 37–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/1996-0522-2022-1-37-46.
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Introduction. The author analyzes the features of the ideological confrontation and conflict between Iranian emigrant communities and the political elites of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The position of Iranian emigration is analyzed in the context of the activity of the Pahlavi dynasty representatives. The purpose of the article is to analyze the ideo- logical confrontation between the two projects of Iranian political identities in contexts of criticism of the clerical regime of Iran by representatives of the Iranian political emigration of Pahlavi dynasty. Methods. Methodologically, the article is based on the principles of analyzing intellectual communities with the elements of the universal method of his- toricism and a comparative approach, which make it possible to identify and systematize the main features of the process of ideological confrontation between the Iranian elites and their critics from the Iranian political monarchist emigration. Scientific novelty of the study. On the one hand, the article analyzes the ideological confrontation between the clerical political regime of Iran and its critics from the communities of monarchical emi- gration as a state of remote or delayed conflict. On the other hand, the author analyzes this ideological controversy as a conflict not between society and power, but between two versions of political power: if the Iranian regime controls the political discourse in the country in fact, then its monarchist oppo- nents in exile attribute to it symbolic legitimacy and continuity with the tradition of Iranian statehood. Results. The main directions and features of criticism of the regime of the Islamic Republic of Iran by Iranian political emigrants of a monarchist orientation are analyzed; features of political ideol- ogy are shown; the forecast of the development of the political activity of the Iranian emigration is presented. Conclusions. The author believes that 1) the mo- narchical Iranian emigration is one of the centers of attraction for emigrants from Iran in Western Europe and North America; 2) the ideologists and theorists of the monarchical emigration are consist- ent critics of the political regime established in Iran in 1979; 3) criticism of the clerical, anti-secular and undemocratic regime of Tehran, its accusations of violating human rights and freedoms in in the cen- tre of the political doctrine of the Iranian emigra- tion; 4) the political ideal of emigration is a secular and democratic Iran, where rights and freedoms are respected, and religious minorities have equal rights with the Shiite Iranian majority.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Minorities – Europe – Political activity"
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Garrett, Amanda Lynne. "When Cities Fight Back: Minorities, Local Politics, and Conflict in Europe." Thesis, Harvard University, 2013. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:10821.
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What explains minority-state urban conflict across Europe? When, how and why do some localities seem more prone to turn the political expression of grievance into a blood sport, while others avoid this fate altogether, even when faced with similar internal and external conditions? To answer these questions, my argument challenges existing interpretations of minority-state relations based on "national models" of integration, cultural variables and minority inequality. Instead, I find that it is the entrenchment of local political elites and their strategic foundational social alliances with minority populations that ultimately condition the likelihood of violent confrontation and the ways in which it is managed at the local level.Government
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de, Rooij Eline A. "Specialisation of political participation in Europe : a comparative analysis." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:d85dce69-2abe-44fa-ae1b-5a5c3f292c68.
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This thesis answers the question how and why do individuals specialise in different types of political participation? By examining the degree to which individuals concentrate their political activities within one type of political participation, or spread them out across many. This thesis complements previous research on rates of political participation; and adapts and extends existing theories of political participation to explain differences in the degree of specialisation between different groups in society and between countries. Using data from the European Social Survey, covering as many as 21 European countries, and applying a range of different statistical methods, I distinguish four types of political participation: voting, conventional and unconventional political participation and consumer politics. I show that in countries with higher levels of socio-economic development, more democratic experience, and an increased presence of mobilising agents, the degree to which individuals concentrate their political activities within one type of political participation is higher, regardless of the accessibility and responsiveness of their political institutions. This is partly due to the fact that these countries have a higher educated population and that higher educated individuals specialise more. Specialisation also varies along the lines of other socio-demographic divisions, such as those based on gender. Moreover, I show that in contexts in which political issues are salient, such as during an election year, individuals are more likely to engage in non-electoral types of political participation if they also vote. This implies that specialisation is reduced during times of country-wide political mobilisation. The final finding of my thesis is that non-Western immigrants tend to concentrate their political activities less within one type of political participation than the majority population in Western Europe. Western immigrants specialise quite differently, suggesting differences in the way in which they are mobilised. As well as providing an important contribution to the study of political participation, these findings are relevant to discussions regarding citizen engagement and representation.
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Barakat, Rabih. "La participation politique des minorités nationales musulmanes en Europe." Thesis, Strasbourg, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012STRAA017.
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La participation politique d’une minorité protège son identité culturelle et renforce la paix et l’intégration dans l’Etat. La jouissance des nouveaux groupes minoritaires musulmans européens de leurs droits à la participation politique suppose qu’ils soient reconnus juridiquement comme des minorités ce qui nécessite l’écartement des éléments de reconnaissance de citoyenneté et d’ancienneté. Les institutions internationales tendent de plus en plus à considérer que les minorités n’ont plus besoin de ces deux critères pour bénéficier des droits des minorités. Par contre, cette tendance est peu suivie par les Etats. La participation politique est une notion vaste qui comprend toute activité politique institutionnalisée ou informelle.La participation effective de minorités nécessite la jouissance des droits fondamentaux à la liberté d'expression, de réunion et d'association, ainsi que du droit de voter, d’être élu et d’accéder à la fonction publique pour les ayants droit (citoyens). Une égalité réelle et une participation effective des minorités nécessitent l’adoption des mesures d’action positive. Elles peuvent concerner le droit de vote (représentation) ou le droit de prendre part au processus décisionnel (participation) par le biais des mécanismes comme l’autonomie territoriale, culturelle ou fonctionnelle. Une variété des dispositions juridiques internationales (déclaratoires ou de soft law), ainsi que des législations étatiques favorisant la participation offrent une sorte de catalogue très utile pour traiter la question. Les Etats peuvent y puiser pour générer un système de participation des minorités le plus approprié à chaque contexte étatique et minoritaireThe political participation of a minority protects her cultural identity and reinforces peace and integration in the state. In order to be able to enjoy full rights to political participation, the new European Muslim minorities have to be legally recognized as minorities and this must be done without requiring citizenship and long term residence. International institutions tend to consider that minorities no longer need these two criteria to qualify for minority rights. However, this trend is not followed by states. Political participation is a broad concept that includes all political institutionalized or informal activities. The effective participation of minorities requires their enjoyment of fundamental rights to freedom of expression, assembly and association and the right to vote, to be elected and access to the public service ( for citizens ). Real equality and effective participation of minorities require the adoption of affirmative action measures, which may concern the right to vote (representation) or the right to participate in decision-making (participation) through mechanisms such as territorial, cultural and functional autonomy. A wide range of international legal provisions (mostly declaratory or soft law) and state legislations promoting participation offer useful means to solve the problem. States can use them to generate the most appropriate system of minority participation in any state or minority context
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Becker, András. "The problem of the Hungarian borders and minorities in British foreign political thought, 1938-41." Thesis, University of Southampton, 2013. https://eprints.soton.ac.uk/366605/.
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This thesis analyses the British official attitudes and the gradual change of British policy towards Hungary and Hungarian revisionism in the period from the Anschluss in March 1938 to December 1941, when the British government declared war on Hungary. The primary focus of this thesis lies in the impact of Hungary`s territorial claims on British policy towards Hungary and Central Europe and upon the criteria Britain judged the territorial gains of Hungary between 1938 and 1941. This work is the result of the author`s research in British, American and Hungarian archives, along with his reflection on numerous documentary editions, diaries, memoirs and secondary sources. It aims to deepen our knowledge of Anglo-Hungarian relationship, British Central European policy and the British view of regional territorial disputes. At the same time, it is keen to dispel the myths and stereotypes of the British and Hungarian historiography, which have so far viewed Hungary as an unimportant factor in British Central European strategy.
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van, Geffen Robert. "Essays on the career paths and legislative activity of Members of the European Parliament." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2018. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3736/.
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Being a politician has become a profession for many. With the development of the European Parliament (EP) into an influential institution at the European level, building a career in the EP has become an interesting option for politicians. This thesis studies the different career paths of Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) and explores how these career paths and MEPs’ ambitions have an impact on their participation in the legislative process and thereby the way they represent citizens. This thesis is based on three empirical research papers. The first paper identifies two career paths that MEPs might follow, in addition to the three others which are generally used, and links these to the activities of MEPs in parliament. I find that an MEP’s career path and ambitions are relevant in explaining certain legislative behaviour across member states and party groups. The second paper looks at the career ambitions of MEPs and finds that MEPs’ career paths are also the result of expressed ambitions by politicians themselves, despite their dependence on party leadership and the second-order nature of EP elections. MEPs looking to pursue a career in the EP are more actively involved in the parliament’s activities. This higher level of participation and acquired policy influence is rewarded when MEPs stand for re-election. The third paper looks at the group of MEPs who become lobbyists after their time in parliament. Building on what is known from Washington, this paper finds that being on a powerful committee, from a smaller political group and having a longer tenure make it more likely that an MEP becomes a lobbyist. The findings across the three papers support the idea that the career paths and ambitions of politicians provide an important explanation when trying to understand an MEP’s willingness to invest resources in the EP’s legislative process.
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Soykan, Taskin Tankut. "The implications of the Copenhagen political criteria on the language rights of the Kurds in Turkey /." Thesis, McGill University, 2003. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=81236.
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In recent years, the attention is being increasingly drawn to the role of the European Union on the development of minority rights in the candidate countries. The adoption of the Copenhagen political criteria, which also require "respect for and protection of minorities," as preconditions that applicants must have met before they could join the Union has inevitably led to some policy changes to the minorities in Eastern Europe. This policy shift is particularly directed at minority language rights, because one of the most important aspects of the protection of minorities is the recognition of their linguistic identity. The aim of this study is to explore to what extent this development has influenced the situation of language rights of the Kurds in Turkey. In order to answer this question, it first examines the relationship between the Copenhagen criteria and international and European standards protecting minority language rights. Secondly, considering those standards, it assesses the achievements and failures of the recent legislative amendments which are directed to bring the language rights of the Kurds within the line of the Copenhagen criteria. The case of Turkey reveals the vast potential of the European enlargement process on the development of minority language rights, but also its limits in situations where there is a lack of political will to respect and protect diversity.
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Krawatzek, Félix. "Youth and crisis : discourse networks and political mobilisation." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:80a45271-f04d-4c1d-abff-6ee6c6478941.
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This thesis explores the meaning of "youth" and the political mobilisation of young people in key moments of crisis in Europe. Between 2005 and 2011, youth became critical for the consolidation of the authoritarian regime structures in Russia. I show that this process included the restructuring of the discourse about youth, the physical mobilisation of young people, and the isolation of oppositional youth. How valid are these findings for regime crises more generally? I answer this question through an analysis of the breakdown of the authoritarian Soviet Union during perestroika, the breakdown of unconsolidated democracy during the last years of the Weimar Republic, and the crisis of the democratic regime in France around 1968. The cross-regional and cross-temporal comparison of these episodes demonstrates that regimes lacking popular democratic support compensate for their insufficient legitimacy by trying to mobilise youth symbolically and politically. By developing a new method of textual analysis which combines qualitative content analysis and network analysis, the thesis offers a novel social science perspective on the meaning of youth in the four cases. My study shows how discursive structures about youth condition the possibility of political mobilisation of young people. The thesis makes three contributions to comparative politics. First, on an empirical level, my study offers new insights into social movements at moments of regime crisis in different political settings. Second, on a conceptual level, I refine our understanding of the symbolic significance of the terms "youth" and "generation" in moments when society is reorienting itself. I also examine the significance of "crisis" and argue that the term expresses openness and the possibility to remake the past and future. Third, on a methodological level, my thesis builds on the growing interest in textual analysis by developing a novel multi-level approach in three linguistic contexts, which offers insights into the structure of public discourse and the actors involved.
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Hörner, Julian. "National parliamentary scrutiny of European Union affairs : explaining divergence of formal arrangements and actual activity." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2015. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3301/.
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The role of national parliaments in the European Union (EU) has gained prominence in the last decade among academics and practitioners alike in relation to the alleged democratic deficit of the EU. The existing literature has largely focused on the formal powers of national parliaments. However, the formally strongest parliaments are not necessarily the most active, and vice versa. This thesis argues that this divergence between formal rights and actual activity exists because not formal scrutiny powers, but public Euroscepticism, the presence of parties for which Europe is salient and which care deeply about Europe (‘issue entrepreneurs’) as well as internal party cohesion on the EU are the most important factors influencing activity. Public Euroscepticism leads to more debate and resolutions when issue entrepreneurs are present and when parties have a coherent position on Europe. Recent measures and future plans to further increase the formal powers of national parliaments might not lead to more activity and might thus not help to ameliorate the democratic deficit. Methodologically, this thesis relies on computer-assisted content analysis, multilevel models as well as elite interviews. Each of the three papers focuses on a different aspect of parliamentary activity. The first paper focuses on the ‘communication function’ of parliaments and presents an analysis of parliamentary debates in EU affairs. The second paper quantitatively analyses the determinants of parliamentary activity in the form of resolutions, relating to the government control or ‘scrutiny function’. The third paper investigates parliamentary scrutiny activity in-depth in a case study of the ‘Fiscal Compact’. The thesis argues that national parliaments should mostly concentrate on their communication function in EU affairs, while other functions might best be carried out by the European Parliament. It thus suggests that different parliamentary functions can best be fulfilled by different institutions in the EU multilevel system.
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Jansky, Vlastimil. "Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe: past, present and future missions." Thesis, Monterey California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/2211.
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Approved for public release, distribution is unlimitedThis thesis examines the role of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) among organizations dealing with security issues, such as the United Nations, the European Union, and NATO. This study further analyzes the OSCE commitments in the fields of human rights, democracy, rule of law, and national minorities. This analysis is performed in order to promote the OSCE to a broader public. The thesis further analyzes and describes the origins of the Conference for Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE) and its development since 1975, when the Helsinki Final Act was signed by the Heads of State or Government of all participating States. The development of the international situation in Europe, the end of Cold War, and escalation of violence, especially in South Eastern Europe, Caucasus, and Central Asia, caused fundamental changes in the European, and subsequently, the world security environment. The CSCE identified and responded to this new situation, resulting in a dramatic growth of its own role in shaping a common security area. Consequently, the CSCE changed its name to the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe. However, some critics think that OSCE is a "dead" organization, lacking tangible results and the necessary "teeth." It is necessary to review the main ideas why the CSCE was established and to properly identify the role of the OSCE in the European Security Architecture. Therefore, the main part of the thesis focuses on the European Security Architecture, the OSCE itself, and the OSCE missions, three of which are detailed and evaluated as case studies.
Lieutenant Colonel, Czech Republic Army
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Jhappan, Carol R. (Carol Radha). "The language of empowerment : symbolic politics and Indian political discourse in Canada." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/30656.
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The question of how subordinated groups in democratic states set about shifting their political relationship with their encompassing societies has received little attention among political scientists in Canada. Groups which lack significant political, legal, and economic resources, and which are stigmatized by an inferior status (reinforced by law and policy) do not enjoy the level playing field predicted by pluralist interest group theory. Yet they are sometimes able to overcome these obstacles and to renegotiate their political and legal status. The question is how some groups are able to do this, and what strategies are available to or obligatory for groups wishing to initiate political bargaining.
According to the theory of symbolic politics developed here, disadvantaged minorities seeking political benefits from the state will typically conduct politics at the symbolic level. That is, they tend to invoke a range of political symbols and myths: first, to build in-group solidarity by presenting an analysis of a common past and present, as well as a vision of the future society, and thereby legitimate their political aspirations.
In the first stage of minority politicization, such groups must: (a) build a sense of community of interests and goals which can be said to represent the reference group as a whole; (b) reverse the stigmatic identity ascribed to them by the dominant society; and (c) find ways of competing with the dominant society, not on the latter's terms, but on alternative ideological grounds. In the second stage of politicization, minorities must: (a) create appropriate demands; (b) learn to use the mechanisms, methods and institutions of the mainstream political process; and (c) eventually routinize conflict by negotiating stable norms to guide on-going relations with government.
Subordinated groups do not normally seek purely material benefits. They usually seek symbolic benefits in the form of rights, and a redefined status within society. Thus, much of their politicking is conducted in public, and is largely devoted to capturing public sympathy which can be used as a resource against government. The political myths and symbols employed are characteristically emotive and imprecise. Political goals are presented in symbolic terms, and are advanced at the level of principle rather than substance.
When applied to the case of Native Indian politics in the Canadian context, the evidence confirms the accuracy of these hypotheses. Indians have pursued the symbolic strategies predicted by the model: the essence of their political aspirations has been captured in the symbols of aboriginal title/aboriginal rights, land claims, and ultimately, self-government; at the macro level, they have sought predominantly symbolic benefits, as represented by legislative and constitutional recognition of certain rights and privileges; and they have attempted to win public support to use as a bargaining chip vis-a-vis government. However, they have not been entirely successful in their use of the symbolic strategies outlined, and the evidence suggests that they have reached a public opinion impasse. Despite their efforts, public opinion on native and native issues has remained remarkably stable over the last twenty years, so that further effort in this area is likely to bring diminishing returns. In the end, symbolic politics, while necessary for subordinated groups in their fledgling stages of politicization, must eventually give way to more conventional political methodologies as groups become institutionalized in the mainstream political process.Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
Books on the topic "Minorities – Europe – Political activity"
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Minority nationalist parties and European integration: A comparative study. New York, NY: Routledge, 2008.
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Ethnic struggle, coexistence, and democratization in Eastern Europe. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012.
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Geoffrey, Alderman, Leslie John, Pollmann Klaus Erich, and European Science Foundation, eds. Governments, ethnic groups, and political representation. [Strasbourg? France]: European Science Foundation, 1993.
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P, Stein Jonathan, and EastWest Institute (New York, N.Y.), eds. The politics of national minority participation in post-communist Europe: State-building, democracy, and ethnic mobilization. Armonk, N.Y: M.E. Sharpe, 2000.
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Immigrant politics: Race and representation in Western Europe. Boulder, Colo: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2012.
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The changing faces of citizenship: Social integration and political mobilization among ethnic minorities in Germany. New York: Berghahn Books, 2008.
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Witte, Bruno de. Politics versus law in the EU's approach to ethnic minorities. San Domenico di Fiesole, Italy: European University Institute, Robert Schuman Centre, 2000.
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Michael, Keating, and McGarry John, eds. Minority nationalism and the changing international order. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001.
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Ishiyama, John T. Ethnopolitics in the New Europe. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 1998.
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Der Europäische Nationalitätenkongress 1925 bis 1938: Nationale Minderheiten zwischen Lobbyistentum und Grossmachtinteressen. Marburg: Herder-Institut, 2000.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Minorities – Europe – Political activity"
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Millard, Frances. "The Political Representation of National Minorities." In Elections, Parties and Representation in Post-Communist Europe, 224–52. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230000865_9.
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Trifunovska, Snežana. "Political and Security Aspects of Minorities in Croatia." In Minorities in Europe Croatia, Estonia and Slovakia, 21–38. The Hague: T.M.C. Asser Press, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-90-6704-537-7_2.
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Martynova, Marina. "Political Aspects of the Russian Minority in Estonia." In Minorities in Europe Croatia, Estonia and Slovakia, 85–104. The Hague: T.M.C. Asser Press, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-90-6704-537-7_5.
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Skvortsova, Alla. "The Russians in Moldova: Political Orientations." In National Identities and Ethnic Minorities in Eastern Europe, 159–78. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-26553-4_11.
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Alam, Mohd Sanjeer. "Muslim Minorities in India: Trapped in Exclusion and Political Populism." In Minorities and Populism – Critical Perspectives from South Asia and Europe, 133–48. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-34098-8_9.
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Myrberg, Gunnar, and Jon Rogstad. "Patterns of Participation: Engagement among Ethnic Minorities and the Native Population in Oslo and Stockholm." In Social Capital, Political Participation and Migration in Europe, 172–97. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230302464_8.
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Laignelot, Jean-Baptiste, and Nicolas Delmas. "The growing influence of topical issues in legislative activity: limited political, but innovative and responsive, initiative." In Schuman Report on Europe, 139–43. Paris: Springer Paris, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-2-8178-0451-4_21.
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Marat, Uraimov. "China’s Emerging Political and Economic Dominance in the OSCE Region." In Between Peace and Conflict in the East and the West, 95–116. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-77489-9_5.
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AbstractThe presence of China in the OSCE region is becoming resilient, particularly after Beijing began providing infrastructural loans to OSCE states. The size of the issued infrastructural loans in less developed economies is disproportionate to national economies, resulting in the borrowing countries becoming incapable of paying back the loans. In this chapter, I argue that China’s practices of infrastructural loans and China’s overall standing on minority issues and democratization contradicts the OSCE core principles and undermines OSCE integrity. To illustrate this, I use, first, the example of the promotion of non-democratic practices through non-transparent procurement, surveillance of civilians, and supply of police hardware for suppression and control of political dissidents (based on evidence from Eastern and Central Europe, and Central Asia) and, for the second example, I illustrate the violation of minority rights in re-education camps in the Xinjiang region (based on political and civic reaction from Central Asia), which Chinese authorities call “Vocational Education and Training Centers.” The first example helps to analyze how Chinese foreign loans contradict the democratic commitments of the borrowing countries. Chinese infrastructural loans promote non-democratic practices in borrowing countries through unfair, non-transparent procurement in infrastructural development projects. The Chinese side also provides surveillance systems and anti-protest police vehicles and ammunition which help to undermine individual rights and freedoms. The second example helps to analyze the reaction of Central Asian Muslim countries toward China’s treatment of kin-groups, namely the lack of critical reaction of CA states despite their OSCE-membership and commitment toward promotion of individual rights and freedoms (including freedom of faith). China has been providing infrastructural loans to most OSCE member states over the past two decades; and these member states have not officially responded to Chinese treatment of their own kin-groups, such as Kazakh, Kyrgyz, and Uyghur minorities—according to the OSCE core principles on minority rights. The OSCE core principles are categorized under the “human dimension” to ensure OSCE states’ “respect for individual rights and fundamental freedoms” and their commitment to “abide by the rule of law; promote principles of democracy; strengthen and protect democratic institutions” Yamamoto (2015). Most likely if there were no infrastructural loans from China, the OSCE countries under analysis would respond to Chinese domestic policy toward ethnic minorities critically. Most likely, by providing surveillance and police machinery, China tends to support the existing political regimes in borrowing countries and, by its non-transparent procurement, it does not encourage enforcement of laws.
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Triandafyllidou, Anna. "Migration and the Nation." In IMISCOE Research Series, 207–18. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-92377-8_13.
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AbstractDuring the last decade, we have witnessed two opposed social and political trends. On the one hand, there has been a comeback of nationalism. Examples abound from Trump’s “make America great again”, to Modi’s Hindu nationalism, to Bolsonaro’s Brazilian populist nationalism, to Orbán’s Hungary, and Le Pen’s or Salvini’s ‘patriotic’ overtones, only to name a few. These parties promote aggressive, nativist, and populist nationalism discourses which see the relations between nations and nation-states as a zero-sum game. They privilege erecting borders, both territorial and symbolic, against minorities, migrants or refugees, other nation-states and supra-national political formations like, in Europe, the European Union.
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Udrea, Andreea. "The Evanescence of Autonomy for Minority Groups: The Hungarian Minority in Romania and the Complex Nexus of Dependence." In Realising Linguistic, Cultural and Educational Rights Through Non-Territorial Autonomy, 57–71. Cham: Springer Nature Switzerland, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-19856-4_5.
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AbstractThis paper examines the nature and extent of autonomy for minority groups in the context of the Hungarian minority in Romania. It shows that, rather than being a mechanism through which states fulfil their obligation to protect a people’s fair access to opportunities for self-determination, autonomy is merely a vehicle through which minority rights are administered. While the accommodation of national minorities in Romania is considered to be a positive example, a focus on the Hungarian minority highlights the extent to which the group’s autonomy has become entrenched in a nexus of dependence, involving both the home-state and the kin-state. I argue that the exercise of autonomy in cases such as the one discussed here is at odds with legal and political developments concerning the concept of autonomy for minority groups in Europe. This has not only weakened autonomy’s normative foundations but also, more worryingly, caused it to become evanescent.
Conference papers on the topic "Minorities – Europe – Political activity"
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Lipatov, A. V., and O. A. Kazakevich. "FORMATION OF THE IMAGE OF ALEXANDER NEVSKY AMONG SECONDARY SCHOOL STUDENTS IN THE CONDITIONS OF THE CULTURAL SPACE OF THE CITY: ON THE EXAMPLE OF VOLGOGRAD." In Культура, наука, образование: проблемы и перспективы. Нижневартовский государственный университет, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36906/ksp-2021/13.
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The article considers the main milestones of the military and political activity of prince Alexander Nevskiy reflecting the most important milestones of the Russian people's struggle for independence and saving of the Orthodox faith in the XIII century. The public need in saving historical and cultural memory led to the erection of memorable places and objects of cult architecture in honor of A. Nevskiy, including in modern Volgograd. On the basis of the existing objects of the cultural space of Volgograd, the methodological ways of A. Nevskiy's image formation as the defender of medieval Russia and the notion of confrontation with the aggressive aims of Western Europe and the Mongol-Tatars are offered.
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Juhász, Péter, and Tahir Mammadov. "Covid-19 impact on the profitability of the EU27 banking sector." In The European Union’s Contention in the Reshaping Global Economy. Szeged: Szegedi Tudományegyetem Gazdaságtudományi Kar, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/eucrge.2022.1.
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Due to COVID-19, economic activity decreased considerably all across Europe. Our paper reviews the various pandemic effects and changes in the European banking sector. Using a dataset merged from four different secondary databases, we created a panel of countryquarters with 513 items covering the period 2016 Q1 – 2020 Q3 including the effects of the first wave of the pandemic. Correlation analysis revealed that during the pandemic, the connectedness of the banking system to the macroeconomy increased, and that the open economies had a more stable banking system. Performance fluctuations on the national banking system level increased, and banking performance became more closely linked to quarterly GPD growth. Covid-19 had a significant adverse effect on the banking sector's profitability on top of the standard macroeconomic fallbacks. Data also underpin that the countries where citizens had stronger trust in their government (political system, legal system, police) suffered less due to the Covid-19 crisis than other EU27 members. High-trust EU27 countries lost less in GDP, import, export, and banking profitability during the first wave of the pandemic. However, this might be partly also a result of some cultural characteristics linked to geography.
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Marchenko, Nataliya. "Northern Sea Route: Modern State and Challenges." In ASME 2014 33rd International Conference on Ocean, Offshore and Arctic Engineering. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/omae2014-23626.
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It is well-known that navigating the waterway from the primary trade hubs in northern Europe to the Asia-Pacific ports and contrariwise along the Russian Arctic Coast (Northern Sea Route - NSR) is much shorter and faster, than southern ways via Suez or around Africa. The NSR can significantly save costs (through saving time and fuel) and avoids the risk of attack by pirates. In addition, an increase in oil and gas activity in the North, forecasts of global warming and an ice-free Arctic have stimulated interest in Arctic navigation. However, Arctic transportation poses significant challenges because of the heavy ice conditions that exist during both the winter and summer. The profitability of using the NSR is called into question if possible high tariffs are included in the cost estimates. For many years, the NSR was principally used for internal Russian transport and since the end of the 1980s up until 2010, it was in stagnation with total amount of cargo transported annually stood at less than two million tons. Important political decisions in the 90s and increased economic feasibility intensified traffic and freight turnover. In 2013, the NSR Administration (NSRA) was established, new rules for navigation were approved and tariff policies were modified. In 2013, the NSRA issued 635 permits to sail in NSR waters, and 71 transit voyages have since been completed. The total amount of transit cargo was 1.36 million tons. More than 40% of the total number of permits were issued to vessels without ice class [1] according to the Russian Maritime Register of Shipping [2]. There are strong technical requirements for vessels attempting to sail the NSR; regardless, several accidents occurred in 2012–2013. Two vessels were dented by ice in the Chukchi Sea in 2012. A tanker was holed in September 2013 and created a real danger of an ecological disaster from fuel leakage for several days. Despite the expectation of an ice-free Arctic, the ice conditions in 2013 were rather difficult, and the Vilkitsky Strait (a key strait in the NSR between the Kara and Laptev seas) was closed by ice for almost the entire navigation period. In this paper, we review the current situation in the Russian Arctic, including political and administrative actions, recent accidents and the associated conditions and lessons learned.
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Demir, Emre. "THE EMERGENCE OF A NEO-COMMUNITARIAN MOVEMENT IN THE TURKISH DIASPORA IN EUROPE: THE STRATEGIES OF SETTLEMENT AND COMPETITION OF GÜLEN MOVEMENT IN FRANCE AND GERMANY." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/bkir8810.
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This paper examines the organisational and discursive strategies of the Gülen movement in France and Germany and its differentiation in Turkish Islam in Europe, with the primary focus on the movement’s educational activities. The paper describes the characteristics of organisational activity among Turkish Muslims in Europe. Then it analyses two mainstream religious-communitarian movements and the contrasting settlement strategies of the “neo- communitarian” Gülen movement. Despite the large Turkish population in western Europe, the movement has been active there for only about ten years – relatively late compared to other Islamic organisations. Mainly, the associational organisation of Turkish Islam in Europe is based on two axes: the construction/ sponsoring of mosques and Qur’anic schools. By contrast, the Gülen movement’s members in Europe, insisting on ‘the great importance of secular education’, do not found or sponsor mosques and Qur’anic schools. Their principal focus is to address the problems of the immi- grant youth population in Europe, with reintegration of Turkish students into the educational system of the host societies as a first goal. On the one hand, as a neo-communitarian religious grouping, they strive for a larger share of the ‘market’ (i.e. more members from among the Turkish diaspora) by offering a fresh religious discourse and new organisational strategies, much as they have done in Turkey. On the other hand, they seek to gain legitimacy in the public sphere in Germany and France by building an educational network in these countries, just as they have done in Central Asia and the Balkans region. Accordingly, a reinvigorated and reorganised community is taking shape in western Europe. This paper examines the organizational and discursive strategies1 of the Gülen movement in France and Germany and it is differentiation in Turkish Islam in Europe. We seek to analyse particularly the educational activities of this movement which appeared in the Islamic scene in Diaspora of Europe for the last 10 years. We focus on the case of Gülen movement because it represents a prime example amongst Islamic movements which seek to reconcile-or ac- commodate- with the secular system in Turkey. In spite of the exclusionary policy of Turkish secular state towards the religious movements, this faith-based social movement achieved to accommodate to the new socio-political conditions of Turkey. Today, for many searchers, Gülen movement brings Islam back to the public sphere by cross-fertilizing Islamic idioms with global discourses on human rights, democracy, and the market economy.2 Indeed, the activities of Gülen movement in the secular context of France and Germany represent an interesting sociological object. Firstly, we will describe the characteristics of organizational ability of Anatolian Islam in Europe. Then we will analyse the mainstream religious-com- munitarian movements (The National Perspective movement and Suleymanci community) and the settlement strategies of the “neo-communitarian”3 Gülen movement in the Turkish Muslim Diaspora. Based on semi-directive interviews with the directors of the learning centres in Germany and France and a 6 month participative observation of Gülen-inspired- activities in Strasbourg; we will try to answer the following questions: How the movement appropriates the “religious” manner and defines it in a secular context regarding to the host/ global society? How the message of Gülen is perceived among his followers and how does it have effect on acts of the Turkish Muslim community? How the movement realises the transmission of communitarian and `religious’ values and-especially-how they compete with other Islamic associations? In order to answer these questions, we will make an analysis which is based on two axes: Firstly, how the movement position within the Turkish-Islamic associational organisation? Secondly, we will try to describe the contact zones between the followers of Gülen and the global society.
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Sabo, Helena maria. "DEVELOPMENT OF ICT EDUCATION IN ROMANIA." In eLSE 2012. Editura Universitara, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.12753/2066-026x-12-136.
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Abstract. Computerized education is a pedagogical strategy adapted / adaptable to the policy model education in the post-cultural model of society. At the operational level, the process involves the concept of assimilation and exploitation of new information technologies in activities designed to level the educational system in the context of specific activities. This are: computerized and “computerial” literacy; ownership of knowledge in the studied disciplines of profile information, making management education, application of computer assisted instruction, teaching method or as a special educational means integrated into any teaching strategy. Cumulative contributions show that important progress has been achieved in Europe, particularly in the development of ICT in education, while one is notable heterogeneity of practices and policies presented in agreement with different political priorities, ideals and educational funding. In Romania, a characterization in general terms, might read: The educational system will undergo significant changes, as the main orientation and design of a system of permanent education. As routine tasks in any field of activity will be taken over by computers, the individual will have more free time to train. At this training will add competition increasingly harshness, which will require the use of leisure time for qualification. In essence, computerization is not limited to teaching a new method, which would enter into the traditional methods. Through their social role, designated the concept of “computer culture” signifies transforming computerization of education system by education, not only as a form of organization, but also as contents. Finally we should mention that the importance and complexity of the process of computerization of education requires attention to the state level. It is appropriate to develop a concept of implementing information technologies in education that would reflect all aspects of the process, its directions and propose to exploit resources, that Romania has already today in an efficient way.
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Vlada, Marin, and Adrian Adascalitei. "ROMANIAN EXPERIENCE IN COURSES DEVELOPMENT. SOCIETY DEVELOPMENT: VISION ON LEARNING - GRIGORE C. MOISIL, 110 YEARS AFTER BIRTH." In eLSE 2016. Carol I National Defence University Publishing House, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.12753/2066-026x-16-264.
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Motto: "The only source of knowledge is experience. Learn from yesterday, live for today, hope for tomorrow. The important thing is not to stop questioning." Albert Einstein (1879 - 1955) "I am for new things, but, more, than the things that are new today , I appreciate the things that will be new starting tomorrow." Grigore C. Moisil (1906-1973) CONTENT 1. The need for computer and concepts 2. Development of sciences and evolution of university courses 3. Grigore Moisil, the father of Romanian Informatics 4. Grigore Moisil's vision on learning The need for computer was not the dream of a scientist or an inventor, was the medium (product) that are combined and used a variety of effective solutions offered by science and technology to solve practical problems that faced in the period 1940-1960 the powerful nations of the world: USA, USSR and UK. The main issues that were major and urgent even were military-defense and conquest of outer space, the last issue is still a major problem for defense. Factors that influenced the conception, design and development of computer systems are all factors scientific, technological, social, cultural, economic, political, military, etc. At the level of individuals in a society, it can be said that the destiny and their lives are influenced by the factors outlined above. Factors that influenced the conception, design and development of computer systems are all factors scientific, technological, social, cultural, economic, political, military, etc. Un example would be October 4, 1957, when the Soviet Union launched the Sputnik satellite in outer space ( 83.6 kg), Earth's first artificial satellite, when US leaders were concerned about a Soviet first strike could be a preemptive strike; It was when the US Department of Defense Military began several research projects; Consequently, on 31 January 1958 was launched Explorer 1 (14 kg), the first artificial satellite launched by the US, Soviet satellites being third after Sputnik 1 and 2 . At the level of individuals of a society, we can say that destiny and their lives are influenced by the factors mentioned above. No need to come up with arguments or examples, simple study of biographies of scientists, art, etc., who lived in different periods of history will be enlightening for anyone. About Grigore C. Moisil: He was a member of the Romanian Academy, of the Academy of Bologna, and of the International Institute of Philosophy. Moisil was a professor of mathematical logic and computer science at the University of Bucharest, and taught in various universities in Europe and America. His early contributions were in mathematics and later he devoted his scientific activity to mathematical logic and computer science. He pioneered the application of mathematical logic to computer science. In the 1950s, Prof. Moisil developed a new structural theory of finite automata and proposed what he called "the trivalent Lukaszewiczian algebra applied to the logic of switching circuits", an important contribution to the development of computer science in those early years. Some of his books were translated in several languages. At a time when cybernetics was thought of as "reactionary bourgeois science directed against working class" Prof. Moisil used his scientific authority to personally encourage the Romanian scientists to build the first computer, that appeared in 1957. (Excerpts from the biography produced by the IEEE Computer Society, who "is proud to recognize Grigore C. Moisil as a Computer Pioneer" in 1996)
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Egorova, Maia, and Tamara Ruiz. "STUDENTS’ MOTIVATION AT DIFFERENT PHASES OF GETTING HIGHER EDUCATION (THE CASE OF RUSSIA)." In NORDSCI Conference Proceedings. Saima Consult Ltd, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.32008/nordsci2021/b1/v4/13.
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"The problem of motivation is one of the most important in determining the driving mechanisms that force a person to learn, work, master something new. Motivation to work is one of the key elements of challenging yourself on the way to self-development. Motivation has deep psychological and moral roots and is a complex multifaceted phenomenon that often defies logical comprehension. In addition, it is an ephemeral, elusive thing; it is not a permanent feature of a person in one or another area of his activity. Accordingly, it is the problem of origin, retention, and in a good scenario of strengthening the motivation that is in one of the first place among the tasks that modern teachers face. Rapid scientific and technological development and progress in various fields of knowledge, new scientific and technical discoveries and the need for new high-tech developments require specialists with a high level of education and high-quality professional training. This applies not only to scientific and technical spheres, but also to natural-applied and humanitarian areas. All this makes higher education today a prestigious and extremely attractive goal for most young people, making young people use their studies at a university as a social lift for further personal development and career development. At the same time, a situation is observed when entering universities, many young people are faced with a serious problem of lack of motivation to learn, or they are demotivated in the learning process, which often leads to a very low level of quality of their studies, and sometimes makes them interrupt study for academic leave or give it up completely. Pedagogical science has accumulated a wealth of experience in studying this problem, however, the modern challenges of a changing world require pedagogy to constantly monitor changes and search for new approaches to solving the problems that students have in the course of obtaining higher education. The authors study this problem, taking as an example Russia, which is a country at the crossroads of Europe and Asia, where features of European and Eastern culture are combined in people. The authors approached the issue from several important angles. The article analyzes the socio-economic and political characteristics that affect the motivation for learning among young people. Particular attention is paid to the state of the current Russian society, spiritual and moral guidelines of young people, their goals and views on life and their own future. The authors emphasize the importance of family, religion and spiritual and moral development in the issue of motivation to work and study. The authors come to the conclusion that the problem of lack of motivation is based on a combination of reasons, but its root is primarily in the family upbringing of the student, as well as in his moral component and emotional and psychological maturity of the individual. The article provides an overview and some of the changes in student motivation associated with the COVID-19 pandemic and online learning. It is important to note that in the course of their research, the authors relied on their many years of experience in teaching at higher educational institutions in Russia."
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Cieślik, Ewa. "THE CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPEAN ECONOMIES IN THE ERA OF INDUSTRY 4.0 AND CHINESE DIGITAL SILK ROAD." In Economic and Business Trends Shaping the Future. Ss Cyril and Methodius University, Faculty of Economics-Skopje, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.47063/ebtsf.2022.0018.
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Over the recent decades, the changes in the paradigm of international trade have been observed. As the result of decreasing of trade barriers as well as the reduction in trade costs allowed companies to divide their production into stages and to locate it in different countries according to their competitive advantage. Eventually, the production process has become more fragmented, both geographically and vertically. It means that intermediate products are shipped across boarders many times and every exporting economy provides some value added according to its competitive advantage. As a result, global value chains have become one of the most important feature of international trade. Following (Gereffi & Fernandez-Stark, 2011), in this study global value chains are defined as “the full range of activities that firms and workers do to bring a product from its conception to its end use”. Humphrey and Schmitz (2002) pointed out four types of upgrading in global value chains: product, process, functional and chain. Product and process upgrading involve companies retaining their positions in global value chains by enhancing productivity gains through adopting new product processes or “new configurations of product mix”. Thus, functional upgrading involves a slicing up the global value chains into new activity which generates higher value added, e.g. own brand manufacturing. In turn, chain upgrading involves a going up to new activity, which needs higher skills and capital and value added. Milberg and Winkler (2013) offered similar classifications of upgrading. Production fragmentation has caused a rapid increase in trade in intermediate goods as often companies offshore an intermediate stage of production process. Offshoring production has been typical to manufacturing (Timmer, et al., 2012), however, services have been often overlooked, but play a major role, especially in supporting global value chains (Kommerskollegium 2013). In turn, Digital Silk Road, announced in 2015, has become a significant part of Chinese Belt and Road Initiative strategy. China has implemented this strategy as a part of its long-term technological plan, under which China provides support to its exporters, including many well-known technology companies and builds a network of cooperation with selected countries in the field of technology, including ICT infrastructure, services, 5G networks, e-commerce, etc. China's rapid technological changes must not go unnoticed by trading partners, including analysed European countries, which, to maintain international competitiveness, are increasing the technological advancement and enhancing market protection against Chinese technology. Until recently, the value added from China to European countries was concentrated mainly on medium technology industries and value added from Europe to China focused more on advanced goods and services. Nowadays, there is a redirection of Chinese value added to high-tech activities (including service activities), which reflects China's ambition to build an economy that leads to innovation and industry 4.0. The transition of the CEE states’ economic and political systems initiated in the early 1990s, earned them the EU membership in 2004. The accession to the EU’s structures meant that these countries achieved the free-market economy status and they should be treated as the full member of the global business networks. Moreover, the decline in trade costs (transport and transaction), greater openness of their market and the removal of trade barriers have all helped the CEE states to join global value chains. Hence, the CEE economies are going to be more heavily involved in global production linkages. Many empirical studies have presented the close and dynamic integration of these countries with the EU market (especially the EU-15) and in a more limited scope with the whole global economy as well (Behar and Freund 2011). Generally, democratisation, the strengthening of political and economic relations (particularly with the EU), and the modernisation of many sectors (including financial sector, more advanced industries), were common elements of the CEE countries long-term development policies. One of their priorities was the redirection of foreign trade towards the EU and joining the global production linkages where China has become the core producer. Recently, the role of the economy in global value chains is more determined by the advancement of value added that it offers. Companies move toward services and innovations in the business model (Nenenen & Storbacka, 2010) and introduce industry 4.0 (Bundesministerium fur Bildung und Forschung, 2016). A symptom of these novelty is a concept of servicification of manufacturing (Neely et al. 2011) and cross-sectoral connections, which have reconstructed traditional global value chains (Naude et al. 2019) and, together with Industry 4.0, is expected to change the landscape of global manufacturing. As a result of facilitation of manufacturing, economies placed in the downstream market can improve their role in global value chains. In Europe, this can be an opportunity for most Central and Eastern European countries. Analyzing changes in CEE’s role in technological global value chains, we should take into account its two most important value-added suppliers: China and Germany, as well as their most important value-added buyer - Germany. These three economies established a sort of value added flows triangle. The regional supply chains built by Germany in the CEE allowed it to maintain a comparative advantage in sectors important for the economy, while helping the CEE countries join global value chains, positively influencing economic growth, but also reducing them to entities operating in less advanced stages of production (Jacoby, 2010; Fortwengel, 2011). Today, Germany also cooperates strongly with China (as a result of Digital Silk Road), and the CEE economies (especially the Visegrad Group) are increasingly dependent on Chinese value added, still linked to German value added. The most visible connections can be found in automotive and electronics. Hence, the question is: how strong are these links in servicification of manufacturing and whether there are visible trends in value-added flows in between this triangle in the era of industry 4.0 and Chinese Digital Silk Road. The research question seems to be relevant, thus in the subject literature, little is known about the mentioned relations (Roland Berger, 2021). The research method based on the analysis of data from the OECD Trade in Value Added databases, containing the world input-output tables for the period 2005–2018. The system of balance equations in the input-output model for one economy has been adopted to a multi-economy model. The model is described in more detail in (Koopman et al. 2013 or Hummels et al, 2001) and is based on the decomposition of gross exports. The method includes not only estimates of total value added in global value chains, but also calculations at both the mezoeconomic level and cross-sectoral flows of value added (including servicification of manufacturing). The results of analysis showed that most relations between economies continued to deepen the imbalance in flows of value added. The CEE economies are making their manufacturing increasingly dependent on advanced services (both from Germany and China). On the other hand, the share of CEE services to Chinese and German manufacturing is decreasing or remains steady. However, some trends could be observed in the last years, especially between Germany and China. German manufacturing is starting to rely more on Chinese value added (information and communication technologies services and the subgroup computer programming, consultancy and information services activities in manufacturing, information and communication technologies services' value added in transport equipment), although previously Germany provided more of these services to China. In telecommunications in manufacturing between CEE and Germany, the trend has turned against CEE. However, there was no direct compensation between pairs of economies, but the decrease in German value-added flows to China resulted in a much larger increase in value-added from China in German manufacturing. If the presented changes in flows were to reflect the effectiveness of Chinese industry 4.0 and Digital Silk Road. These strategies serve their purposes and increases not only the advancement of Chinese value-added exports, but also makes important economies dependent on this added value. On the contrary, the industry 4.0 strategy in CEE has not improved its position in the triad. Germany has still a strong position as a provider of value added, but its dependence on foreign value added is high, which derives from the links with CEE.
Reports on the topic "Minorities – Europe – Political activity"
1
Willis, Craig, Will Hughes, and Sergiusz Bober. ECMI Minorities Blog. National and Linguistic Minorities in the Context of Professional Football across Europe: Five Examples from Non-kin State Situations. European Centre for Minority Issues, December 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.53779/bvkl7633.
Full textAbstract:
Football clubs are often analysed by scholars as ‘imagined communities’, for no fan of any team will ever meet, or even be aware of most of their fellow supporters on an individual level. They are also simultaneously one of the most tribal phenomena of the twenty-first century, comparable to religion in terms of the complexity of rituals, their rhythm and overall organizational intricacies, yet equally inseparable from economics and politics. Whilst, superficially, the events of sporting fixtures carry little political significance, for many of Europe’s national and linguistic minorities football fandom takes on an extra dimension of identity – on an individual and collective scale, acting as a defining differentiation from the majority society. This blogpost analyses five clubs from non-kin state settings, with the intention to assess how different aspects of minority identities affect their fan bases, communication policies and other practices.
2
Lucas, Brian. Lessons Learned about Political Inclusion of Refugees. Institute of Development Studies, May 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.114.
Full textAbstract:
Most refugees and other migrants have limited opportunities to participate in politics to inform and influence the policies that affect them daily; they have limited voting rights and generally lack effective alternative forms of representation such as consultative bodies (Solano & Huddleston, 2020a, p. 33). Political participation is ‘absent (or almost absent) from integration strategies’ in Eastern European countries, while refugees and other migrants in Western Europe do enjoy significant local voting rights, stronger consultative bodies, more funding for immigrant organisations and greater support from mainstream organisations (Solano & Huddleston, 2020a, p. 33).This rapid review seeks to find out what lessons have been learned about political inclusion of refugees, particularly in European countries.In general, there appears to be limited evidence about the effectiveness of attempts to support the political participation of migrants/refugees. ‘The engagement of refugees and asylum-seekers in the political activities of their host countries is highly understudied’ (Jacobi, 2021, p. 3) and ‘the effects that integration policies have on immigrants’ representation remains an under-explored field’ (Petrarca, 2015, p. 9). The evidence that is available often comes from sources that cover the entire population or ethnic minorities without specifically targeting refugees or migrants, are biased towards samples of immigrants who are long-established in the host country and may not be representative of immigrant populations, or focus only on voting behaviour and neglect other forms of political participation (Bilodeau, 2016, pp. 30–31). Statistical data on refugees and integration policy areas and indicators is often weak or absent (Hopkins, 2013, pp. 9, 28–32, 60). Data may not distinguish clearly among refugees and other types of migrants by immigration status, origin country, or length of stay in the host country; may not allow correlating data collected during different time periods with policies in place during those periods and preceding periods; and may fail to collect a range of relevant migrant-specific social and demographic characteristics (Bilgili et al., 2015, pp. 22–23; Hopkins, 2013, p. 28).