Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Minorities – Civil rights – Europe'
To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Minorities – Civil rights – Europe.
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 dissertations / theses for your research on the topic 'Minorities – Civil rights – Europe.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse dissertations / theses on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Malloy, Tove. "The 'politics of accommodation' in the Council of Europe after 1989 : national minorities and democratization." Thesis, University of Essex, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.369369.
Full text
2
VERSTICHEL, Annelies. "Representation and identity : the right of persons belonging to minorities to effective participation in public affairs : content, justification and limits." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/13178.
Full textAbstract:
Defence date: 13 December 2007Examining Board: Prof. Bruno De Witte (EUI); Prof. Paul Lemmens, (Katholieke Universiteit Leuven); Prof. John Packer, (University of Essex); Prof. Wojciech Sadurski, (EUI)
Awarded the Mauro Cappelletti Prize for the best comparative law doctoral thesis, 2008.
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
This doctoral thesis aims at investigating this new international right of persons belonging to minorities to effective participation in public affairs. What is its content? What is its justification and what is it aiming at? Are there any limits to its implementation and what kind of problematic issues are involved? The example of Bosnia and Herzegovina as described above illustrates that organising representation along ethnic lines raises challenging questions. These will be explored in this PhD.Our investigation of the right of minorities to effective participation in public affairs will run through five chapters: Chapter 1 will outline the theoretical framework; Chapter 2 will examine the political rights in the general human rights instruments; Chapter 3 will study the provision on effective participation in public affairs in the three key minority rights instruments of the 1990’s; Chapter 4 will look at the range of possible domestic mechanisms implementing the right of minorities to effective participation in public affairs through a comparative national law approach; and Chapter 5 will illustrate Chapter 4 by zooming in on three case studies, namely Belgium, Italy and Hungary.
3
Soykan, Taskin Tankut. "The implications of the Copenhagen political criteria on the language rights of the Kurds in Turkey /." Thesis, McGill University, 2003. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=81236.
Full textAbstract:
In recent years, the attention is being increasingly drawn to the role of the European Union on the development of minority rights in the candidate countries. The adoption of the Copenhagen political criteria, which also require "respect for and protection of minorities," as preconditions that applicants must have met before they could join the Union has inevitably led to some policy changes to the minorities in Eastern Europe. This policy shift is particularly directed at minority language rights, because one of the most important aspects of the protection of minorities is the recognition of their linguistic identity. The aim of this study is to explore to what extent this development has influenced the situation of language rights of the Kurds in Turkey. In order to answer this question, it first examines the relationship between the Copenhagen criteria and international and European standards protecting minority language rights. Secondly, considering those standards, it assesses the achievements and failures of the recent legislative amendments which are directed to bring the language rights of the Kurds within the line of the Copenhagen criteria. The case of Turkey reveals the vast potential of the European enlargement process on the development of minority language rights, but also its limits in situations where there is a lack of political will to respect and protect diversity.
4
Fernández, Salas José Carlos. "Rights in rem in Europe." THĒMIS-Revista de Derecho, 2014. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/108245.
Full textAbstract:
The study of rights in rem from an internal perspective of our national legal system is notan easy task. For that purpose, a comparativestudy of the international juridical systems canserve as both a solution and an instrument tobring forward new and innovative knowledge related to those rights.The author perceives that fundamental to notice the importance that the international character of rights in rem has acquired through time. He does, therefore, a comparative study between different rights in rem regimes in countries such as France, Germany and England. These countries are all part of the European Union, with whom Peru has signed a Free Trade Agreement.El estudio de los derechos reales desde una perspectiva interna del ordenamiento peruano es una labor complicada. Por ello, un análisis de los distintos sistemas jurídicos internacionales podría tanto facilitar esta labor cuanto aportar conocimientos innovadores sobre el tema.Para el autor, será fundamental notar la importancia que ha ido ganando el carácter internacional de los derechos reales. Por ello, realiza un estudio comparativo entre distintos regímenes de derechos reales en países tales como Francia, Alemania e Inglaterra. Estos pertenecen a la Unión Europea, con la cual el Perú ha suscrito un Tratado de Libre Comercio.
5
PALACIN, MARISCAL Ihintza. "Sociolegal perspectives of linguistic minorities in Europe : the Basque language, education and media." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/74273.
Full textAbstract:
Defence date: 25 February 2022Examining Board: Prof. Bruno de Witte (EUI and Maastricht University); Prof. Gábor Halmai (EUI); Prof. Joxerramon Bengoetxea (University of the Basque Country); Prof. Xabier Arzoz (UNED Madrid)
This dissertation addresses the legal framework and social embedding of the Basque language. As a minority language located between two European states (France and Spain) with different approach towards minority languages, the task of understanding the legal framework of the Basque language and its relationship with the community of speakers is challenging. In fact, this legal framework results in a vast array of legal rules for Basque speakers. This research examines the fundamental and linguistic rights of these minority language speakers (norm users), from international and European legal frameworks to national or regional ones. It carries out a comparative analysis between France and Spain, and between the three Basque regions to examine the legal framework. This doctrinal analysis is complemented by the study of key actors participating in the context and implementation of the legal norms regulating the Basque language. An emphasis is placed on the analysis of the relationship between the legal framework of the Basque language and the Basque society, applying a sociolegal methodology. By focusing on the examples of education and media, this thesis aims to shed light on the relationship between law and context in the case of the Basque language. It displays the tension and collaboration between norm givers and norm users in the case of a minority language. Studying the examples of education and media exposes the difficulties that Basque speakers face, as well as their commitment to the survival of their language. At the same time, progressive legal frameworks for Basque have enabled the creation of linguistic policies favouring the recovery and development of this language, where active collaboration between the three Basque regions is increasing. Ultimately, this research showcases a contextualised understanding of the legal framework of the Basque language, telling the story of this minority language in law.
6
Weiß, Norman. "„Democracy, Minorities and Human Rights Education in Europe, Workshop im Rahmen des von der Volkswagen Stiftung geförderten Forschungsprojekts „Teaching Human Rights in Europe" <2004, Berlin> / [Tagungsbericht]." Universität Potsdam, 2004. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2011/5587/.
Full textAbstract:
Tagungsbericht:
Weiß, Norman: „Democracy, Minorities and Human Rights Education in Europe" <2004, Berlin> / Workshop im Rahmen des von der Volkswagen Stiftung geförderten Forschungsprojekts „Teaching Human Rights in Europe" am 5. und 6. März 2004.
7
McKay, Floyd J. "With liberty for some : Oregon editors and the challenge of civil liberties, 1942-55 /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/6146.
Full text
8
Berry, Stephanie Eleanor. "The added-value of minority rights protection for Muslims in Western Europe : multiculturalist approaches and international law." Thesis, Brunel University, 2014. http://bura.brunel.ac.uk/handle/2438/13871.
Full textAbstract:
Against the backdrop that multiculturalism has failed in Western Europe, this thesis argues that minority rights standards should be applied to Western European Muslims. Western European States have consistently excluded Muslims from minority rights protection under international law on the basis that they constitute 'new minorities'. However, this thesis asserts that the justifications given by States for the exclusion of Western European Muslims from minority rights protection no longer hold true and have the potential to undermine the object and purpose of the minority rights regime – security and justice. Furthermore, by considering the content of both generally applicable human rights standards and minority rights standards in the light of the situation and specific claims made by Muslim minorities in Western Europe, in relation to the preservation of their identity, this thesis proves that there is an added-value to minority rights protection for these communities. Minority rights standards and multiculturalist policies adopt a similar approach to the accommodation of societal diversity. Thus, given the exclusion of Western European Muslims from the additional protection offered by minority rights standards, this thesis submits that multiculturalist approaches to the accommodation of European Muslims have not failed; insufficient measures have been adopted to ensure their success. If a multiculturalist approach to the accommodation of diversity is to be pursued in Western Europe, States must allow Muslim minorities to benefit from the protection available under minority rights standards.
9
FARKAS, Lilla. "Mobilising for racial equality in Europe : Roma rights and transnational justice." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/66916.
Full textAbstract:
Defence date: 20 April 2020 (Online)Examining Board: Professor Claire Kilpatrick (EUI), Professor Bruno de Witte (EUI), Professor Colm O'Cinnedie (University College London), Professor Scott L. Cummings (University of California Los Angeles)
The thesis provides a transnational account of Roma rights activism over the last thirty years with a focus on five Central and Eastern European countries, where the majority of the European Union’s Roma live. It contributes to scholarly debate by (i) mapping ethnic/racial justice related legal opportunities; (ii) taking stock of legally focused non-governmental organisations; (iii) charting legal mobilisation in courts and enforcement agencies; (iv) presenting an alternative account of the transplantation of public interest litigation, and (v) ‘mapping the middle’ between dominant and critical narratives about the Open Society Foundations and white Europeans in the Roma rights field. Finding that international advocacy and litigation alone have been insufficient to generate social change, the thesis highlights the salience of indigenous practices. It points to the shortcomings of the elitist conception of legal mobilisation characterised by top-down, planned legal action and a focus of international NGOs. The thesis proposes to shift the limelight to the financial resources of strategic litigation, to a broad conception of collective legal action, and the necessity of investigating the role private individuals, NGOs, as well as public agencies play in promoting racial equality in general and Roma rights in particular in a transnational field. By scrutinising the ethno-political critique of Roma rights activism and pointing to its conflation with the critique of litigation - that resonates on both sides of the Atlantic - the thesis navigates between liberal internationalism and ethno-nationalism by acknowledging and celebrating organic cross-border cooperation, in other words “good transnationalism.”
10
Cruickshank, Neil A. "Power, civil society and contentious politics in post communist Europe." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/559.
Full textAbstract:
This dissertation examines how contentious collective action in two post communist states, Poland and the Czech Republic, has broadened to include European and international actors. It identifies the emergence of new opportunities for contention brought about by recent episodes of institutional change, specifically EU accession, and questions how they benefit materially or politically weak NGOs. With the intention of determining how three interrelated processes, democratization, Europeanization and internationalization, affect the nature and scope of contentious politics, this dissertation carries out an investigation of several concrete episodes of political mobilization and contention. As shown these 'contentious events' involved a myriad of national, European and international actors, mobilizing to challenge national policy. Data from NGO questionnaires, interviews and newswire/newspaper archives are used to discern the nature and scope of contentious collective action. This dissertation assesses the extent to which transnationalization of advocacy politics has disrupted existing power arrangements at the national level between NGOs and government. Hypothesizing that European Union accession in 2004 changed the nature and scope of contentious collective action in post communist Europe, this dissertation undertakes a comparative empirical examination of three sectors, environment, women and Roma, and twenty-nine representative NGOs. My research identifies three important developments in the Polish and Czech nonprofit sector: first, European advocacy networks and institutions are helping national NGOs overcome power disparities at the national level; second, issues once confined to national political space have acquired a European dimension, and; third, despite Europeanization, a few notable policy issues (i.e. reproductive rights, nuclear energy and domestic violence) remain firmly under national jurisdiction. This dissertation contributes to existing collective action/post communist scholarship in three ways. It applies established theories of contention/collective action to several recent episodes of political mobilization; it confirms that post accession institutional change does offer new political opportunity structures to national NGOs, and finally; it presents new empirical research on post communist collective action.
11
Milli, Ece. "Assessing The Human Rights Regime Of The Council Of Europe In Terms Of Economic And Social Rights." Master's thesis, METU, 2012. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12615020/index.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis seeks to answer the question whether economic and social rights have the same status with civil and political rights under the human rights regime of the Council of Europe. To this end, the thesis examines the assumptions with regard to the nature of economic and social rights, on the one hand, and civil and political rights, on the other. Second, it seeks to find out whether the nature of economic and social rights is different from that of civil and political rights. Third, it examines how the protection of and approach to the two sets of rights developed in the Council of Europe. Finally, it assesses the contemporary protection of economic and social rights in the Council of Europe in comparison to protection of civil and political rights.
12
AYNÈS, Camille. "La privation des droits civiques et politiques : l'apport du droit pénal à une théorie de la citoyenneté." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2020. https://hdl.handle.net/1814/68319.
Full textAbstract:
Defence date: 21 September 2020 (Online)Examining Board: Pr. Loïc Azoulai (Sciences-Po Paris, Directeur de thèse); Pr. Olivier Beaud (Université Paris II Panthéon-Assas, Co-directeur de thèse); Pr. Xavier Pin (Université Jean Moulin, Lyon 3); Pr. Christoph Schönberger (Université de Constance)
Awarded the 2021 Prix Dalloz
Awarded the 2021 Best Thesis Prize in the category "Concepts fondamentaux du droit constitutionnel" from the “Institut francophone pour la Justice et la Démocratie” Louis Joinet (previously the 'Fondation Varenne')
Received a special mention of the Vendôme Prize 2021 for the best doctoral thesis in Criminal Law.
Il est d’usage de considérer que la citoyenneté étatique, en tant qu’elle désigne une appartenance statutaire, est un concept de clôture qui implique l’inclusion aussi bien que l’exclusion. À rebours de la littérature dominante sur la citoyenneté en droit qui privilégie généralement sa dimension inclusive, cette thèse entreprend un renversement de perspective : elle se propose de théoriser la citoyenneté en creux, à partir de ses exclus, de définir autrement dit le citoyen par le non-citoyen. L’exclu étudié en droit français n’est pas la figure paradigmatique de l’étranger, mais celle du criminel déchu de ses droits politiques à la suite d’une condamnation pénale. Nous faisons l’hypothèse de la valeur heuristique d’une étude proprement juridique et non normative de la notion constitutionnelle de citoyenneté à partir du droit pénal en général, et des sanctions privant le condamné de ses droits de citoyen en particulier. L’apport de cette recherche est double : il concerne à titre premier la citoyenneté dont on entend examiner les bénéficiaires, la nature (les valeurs) et le contenu matériel (les droits et les devoirs). Nous démontrons (1) que par différence avec la nationalité, la citoyenneté a historiquement une dimension axiologique et qu’elle protège la moralité publique. Cette affirmation semble de prime abord remise en cause aujourd’hui en raison de l’influence du droit des droits de l’homme sur la matière. Plus qu’à la substitution d’un modèle de citoyenneté à un autre, nous établissons (2) que l’on a affaire à une tension au cœur du régime actuel de la citoyenneté. À titre second, nous contribuons en filigrane à une lecture de la démocratie en soutenant (1) que la lutte pour les droits politiques des derniers exclus de la nation (les condamnés et les « aliénés ») correspond moins à une revendication de participation politique qu’à une demande d’inclusion sociale ; (2) que le citoyen, dans cette lutte, tend à disparaître derrière le sujet de droit doté de droits opposables.
13
de, Rooij Eline A. "Specialisation of political participation in Europe : a comparative analysis." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:d85dce69-2abe-44fa-ae1b-5a5c3f292c68.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis answers the question how and why do individuals specialise in different types of political participation? By examining the degree to which individuals concentrate their political activities within one type of political participation, or spread them out across many. This thesis complements previous research on rates of political participation; and adapts and extends existing theories of political participation to explain differences in the degree of specialisation between different groups in society and between countries. Using data from the European Social Survey, covering as many as 21 European countries, and applying a range of different statistical methods, I distinguish four types of political participation: voting, conventional and unconventional political participation and consumer politics. I show that in countries with higher levels of socio-economic development, more democratic experience, and an increased presence of mobilising agents, the degree to which individuals concentrate their political activities within one type of political participation is higher, regardless of the accessibility and responsiveness of their political institutions. This is partly due to the fact that these countries have a higher educated population and that higher educated individuals specialise more. Specialisation also varies along the lines of other socio-demographic divisions, such as those based on gender. Moreover, I show that in contexts in which political issues are salient, such as during an election year, individuals are more likely to engage in non-electoral types of political participation if they also vote. This implies that specialisation is reduced during times of country-wide political mobilisation. The final finding of my thesis is that non-Western immigrants tend to concentrate their political activities less within one type of political participation than the majority population in Western Europe. Western immigrants specialise quite differently, suggesting differences in the way in which they are mobilised. As well as providing an important contribution to the study of political participation, these findings are relevant to discussions regarding citizen engagement and representation.
14
Massé, Sylvain. "Démocraties et minorités linguistiques : le cas de la communauté franco-manitobaine." Thesis, McGill University, 1987. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=66189.
Full text
15
Kuzmarov, Betina. "Constructing a basis of corporate liability for massive violations of human rights : using the common core of European private law." Thesis, McGill University, 2002. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=78218.
Full textAbstract:
In a three point argument, it is asserted that general principles of law can be used to establish liability of corporations for massive violations of human rights. First, there is a lacuna in the law in this subject. Second, the constructivist approach to international relations contends that international norms are obeyed when they are internalized, so, conversely, the assertion is made that domestic law could be used to identify international norms, expanding the usefulness of general principles of law. Thirdly, general principles of law can be identified by comparative law methodology, so using one comparative method, The Common Core of European Private Law, should uncover principles of corporate liability. Lastly, an adaptation of this methodology is then applied to four countries.
16
Aidukaitė, Rūta. "ES įtaka tautinių mažumų pilietinėms teisėms Baltijos valstybėse." Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2008. http://vddb.library.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2008~D_20080609_114028-20058.
Full textAbstract:
Tautinių mažumų apsauga – viena iš labiausiai diskusijas sukeliančių temų Baltijos valstybių visuomenėse. Jų pilietinių teisių užtikrinimas – vienas iš įstojimo į Europos Sąjungą kriterijų, kuriuos turėjo įgyvendinti šalys kandidatės. Tyrimo objektas – ES poveikis tautinių mažumų pilietinių teisių pokyčiams Baltijos valstybėse, įvykusiems po jų nepriklausomybės atkūrimo. Tikslas – išanalizuoti kaip ES reikalavimai ir rekomendacijos paveikė teisinį tautinių mažumų traktavimą Baltijos valstybėse. Darbo uždaviniai: pateikti pagrindinius teorinius tautinių mažumų apibrėžimus ir analizuoti tautinių mažumų situaciją Baltijos valstybėse pagal šiuos modelius; analizuoti ES reglamentuotus teisės aktus ir nuostatas dėl tautinių mažumų apsaugos; aprašyti tautines mažumas Lietuvoje, Latvijoje ir Estijoje ir palyginti jų teisės aktus bei jų atitikimą ES teisės aktams; analizuoti ir palyginti tautinių mažumų kilmės šalių poveikį Lietuvai, Latvijai ir Estijai.
Darbe naudojami metodai: lyginamasis ir analitinis. Naudojant šiuos metodus pasiekti rezultatai – panašumų ir skirtumų Lietuvoje, Latvijoje ir Estijoje tautinėms mažumoms suteiktose teisėse atskleidimas bei valstybių pažangos šioje srityje įvertinimas.
Didžiausios problemos Baltijos valstybėse iškyla dėl išorinių tautinių mažumų, kaimyninėse valstybėse sudarančių daugumos visuomenę. Lietuva priėmusi nulinės pilietybės įstatymą nesusidūrė su tokiomis problemomis, kaip Latvija ir Estija, kuriose daugelis gyventojų liko be pilietybių... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]There are not many pure ethnical states in the world. Due of very different reasons, for example, changing of states borders or collapse of one state and emerging of other and many other political factors, a lot of people find home for them selves not in their ethnical countries. This way they become national minorities. It means, they are groups of peole living not in their home-land and they compound minority in that country. They differ from majority on their culture, languige, traditions and so on. Sometimes these people are discriminated by majority, even enslaved. Nowadays all means necessery for keeping they rights are taken, but not in every state. Not all nations behave with national minorities in the same way. Will Kymlicka explaines where is the difference between the Western democracy states and Eastern postcomunist states. The common model in the first ones – territorial autonomy and in the second ones – cultural autonomy. Now then they are members of EU the situation should change into the good – they must preserve all human rights including the rights of the ethnic minorities. Anyway, the civic rights of national minorities is still very controversial topic in the Baltic states. This determined choice of the theme of this paper. The subject of this work is the EU impact on the civic rights of national minorities in the Baltic states and their changes after regaining the independance and preparing for joining EU. The goal of this work is to analyse how EU... [to full text]
17
Aydinli, Ersel. "Political globalization versus anarchy : an operationalization of the transformationalist approach through the Turkish case." Thesis, McGill University, 2002. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=82825.
Full textAbstract:
This study asks how national power capacity and state structures are reconfigured when faced simultaneously with the power diffusion impact of political globalization---defined as a consensus of ideas and subsequent pressure on states for further democratization and liberalization---and the power maximization demands of internal and external security dilemmas. Hypothesizing a resulting bifurcation of such state structures, this study identifies and explores the transformation dynamics of states being pressured by these two forces through an in-depth analysis of the Turkish case. First, the roots of the two pressures are explored from the late Ottoman and early Republican eras, and a pendulum period is observed, in which the incompatibility of the two drives becomes accepted. As the inevitability of the transformation from more authoritarian to more liberal regimes is realized, a resulting gradual development and institutionalization of a dual state structure into hard and soft agendas and, eventually, realms is shown. Within such a structure, a compromised governance system emerges, in which both a form of democracy and democratization is maintained for legitimacy purposes, and a strong power-holding mechanism, unaccountable to the public, is preserved as an ultimate guard to maintain control over the transformation process. An analysis of changes in the Turkish constitutions is used to reveal traceable reflections of the gradual expansion and consolidation of the hard realm. The actual workings of a dual state structure, revealing the realms' actors, their domestic and external allies, their positions, arguments and rhetoric, is provided by focusing on the clash in the Turkish case over the issue of minority rights in relation with the country's application process for European Union membership. The study identifies the new security dilemma of these countries as being the challenge of securing the inevitable transformation, including the
18
Chan, Ka Ki. "Is citizenship sexual? : the study of the exercise of citizenship of non-heterosexuals in Hong Kong." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2013. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/1517.
Full text
19
Ferim, Bonolo nee Matlho. "The protection and promotion of the rights of indigenous people in Africa: a case study of the Basarwa in Botswana." Thesis, University of Fort Hare, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10353/554.
Full textAbstract:
mnesty International (2009:1) reports that despite some progress over the last decade, indigenous peoples around the world continue to live in hardship and danger. This is due to the failure of states to uphold their fundamental human rights. The persecution of minorities by intolerant majorities is still a major cause of international unrest in various parts of the world (Sohn, 1981: 272). Against this backdrop, this study set out to investigate the extent to which the rights of the Basarwa in Botswana are promoted and protected by the government. Methods of data collection included questionnaire, interviews, books, journal articles and internet publications. The study found out that the government of Botswana does not promote and protect the rights of the Basarwa in Botswana. They are instead being considered as a primitive and backward people and hence, a developmental problem by the government of Botswana. Other violations of their rights include: non-recognition as the indigenous people of Botswana, derogatory names-calling, forced land evictions and other forms of social and economic exclusion. The study recommends the following: The need for the government of Botswana to recognise the Basarwa as a distinct and unique ethnic group in the country; the need for dialogue between the Basarwa, the government of Botswana and NGOs; the need for the government of Botswana to ameliorate the quality and accessibility of social services for the Basarwa, particularly in the areas of health and education; and the need for both the public and private sectors alike to provide the necessary skills for employment of the Basarwa.
20
Chon-Smith, Chong. "Asian American and African American masculinities race, citizenship, and culture in post-civil rights /." Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2006. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3215133.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2006.Title from first page of PDF file (viewed July 21, 2006). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 242-256).
21
Boerigter, Thomas J. "Islamophobia, Pluralism, and Multiculturalism: A Comparison between Western Europe and the United States." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/330.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines the role(s) of pluralism and the multiculturalism/monoculturalism binary within Islamophobia in the United States and the nations of Western Europe. It analyzes the history of Muslims in Western Europe in order to better understand the relationship between native Europeans and Muslims immigrants, then comparing this relationship to Americans and the Muslim immigrants to the United States.
22
BIRNIE, Rutger Steven. "The ethics and politics of deportation in Europe." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/61307.
Full textAbstract:
Defence date: 19 February 2019Examining Board: Professor Rainer Bauböck, European University Institute (Supervisor); Professor Matthew Gibney, University of Oxford; Professor Iseult Honohan, University College Dublin; Professor Jennifer Welsh, McGill University (formerly European University Institute)
This thesis explores key empirical and normative questions prompted by deportation policies and practices in the contemporary European context. The core empirical research question the thesis seeks to address is: what explains the shape of deportation regimes in European liberal democracies? The core normative research question is: how should we evaluate these deportation regimes morally? The two parts of the thesis address each of these questions in turn. To explain contemporary European deportation regimes, the four chapters of the first part of the thesis investigate them from a historical and multilevel perspective. (“Expulsion Old and New”) starts by comparing contemporary deportation practices to earlier forms of forced removal such as criminal banishment, political exile, poor law expulsion, and collective expulsions on a religious or ethnic basis, highlighting how contemporary deportation echoes some of the purposes of these earlier forms of expulsion. (“Divergences in Deportation”) looks at some major differences between European countries in how, and how much, deportation is used as a policy instrument today, concluding that they can be roughly grouped into four regime types, namely lenient, selective, symbolically strict and coercively strict. The next two chapters investigate how non-national levels of government are involved in shaping deportation in the European context. (“Europeanising Expulsion”) traces how the institutions of the European Union have come to both restrain and facilitate or incentivise member states’ deportation practices in fundamental ways. (“Localities of Belonging”) describes how provincial and municipal governments are increasingly assertive in frustrating deportations, effectively shielding individuals or entire categories of people from the reach of national deportation efforts, while in other cases local governments pressure the national level into instigating deportation proceedings against unwanted residents. The chapters argue that such efforts on both the supranational and local levels must be explained with reference to supranational and local conceptions of membership that are part of a multilevel citizenship structure yet can, and often do, come apart from the national conception of belonging. The second part of the thesis addresses the second research question by discussing the normative issues deportation gives rise to. (“Deportability, Domicile and the Human Right to Stay”) argues that a moral and legal status of non-deportability should be extended beyond citizenship to all those who have established effective domicile, or long-term and permanent residence, in the national territory. (“Deportation without Domination?”) argues that deportation can and should be applied in a way that does not dominate those it subjects by ensuring its non-arbitrary application through a limiting of executive discretion and by establishing proportionality testing in deportation procedures. (“Resisting Unjust Deportation”) investigates what can and should be done in the face of unjust national deportation regimes, proposing that a normative framework for morally justified antideportation resistance must start by differentiating between the various individual and institutional agents of resistance before specifying how their right or duty to resist a particular deportation depends on motivational, epistemic and relational conditions.
23
Buonamano, Roberto Law Faculty of Law UNSW. "A genealogy of subjective rights." Awarded by:University of New South Wales. School of Law, 2006. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/31948.
Full textAbstract:
This dissertation is an historical and philosophical study on the development of a subjective concept of individual rights. It takes the form of a history of ideas informed by genealogical methods of inquiry. Rather than seeking an origin for and underlying truth to human rights, it treats human rights as a product of various historical developments which are capable of being investigated in terms of their contingency as well as their continuous traditions. The thesis begins with an analysis of political theory in ancient Greek thought, primarily as a means of suggesting possible alternative political philosophies to the rights-based approach dominant in modern Western societies. The thesis then considers the theologicalpolitical discourse on sovereignty in the early Middle Ages, revolving around the doctrine of divine right and influenced by the function of the Christian Church in defining the nature of government. This is followed by an examination of the emergence of hierarchical, feudal relations and the formulation of feudal rights as based on proprietary notions and coinciding with individual liberties. In the following chapter there is a discussion of the juridical construction of sovereign power that emerged from the reception of Roman law and the development of canon law, the influence of legal textuality on the granting of rights and liberties, and the emergence of a discourse on public right as a way of defining the relationship between the prince and his subjects and thus delimiting sovereign authority. Finally, the thesis considers the legacy of the theory of natural rights and its relationship to forms of liberty, with an analysis of: firstly, the idea of natural rights that developed through canon law and the discussions surrounding the Franciscan poverty disputes; secondly, the role of property rights in the formulation of the rights of liberty; thirdly, the Christian understanding of liberty as a subjective attribute or power through the theo-ontological theory of human nature as represented by the free will; and fourthly, the transformation in Renaissance and early modern legal and political theory of the concept of liberty into a political doctrine about individual autonomy and inherent freedom. The purpose of the dissertation is to describe the multiple and complex historical processes from which the idea of subjective rights has emerged, as a means of understanding how human rights have come to play a seemingly essential role in modern legal and political discourses and practices.
24
Ergec, Rusen. "Les droits de l'homme à l'épreuve des circonstances exceptionnelles: étude sur l'article 15 de la Convention européenne des droits de l'homme." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/213531.
Full text
25
Breindl, Yana. "Hacking the law: an analysis of internet-based campaigning on digital rights in the European Union." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209836.
Full textAbstract:
Digital rights activism constitutes an exemplary case of how internet affordances can be mobilised to engender political change. The values and principles stemming from the hacker imaginaire, and free and open source software practices, underpin digital rights activism, which uses the internet as a tool, object and platform for the protection of rights in the digital realm. The analysis focuses on how digital rights activists use and adapt the political affordances of the internet to intervene in European Union policy-making. Two original case studies of internet-based campaigning at the European level (the “No Software Patents” and the “Telecoms package” campaigns) provide in-depth insight into the campaigning processes and their impact upon parliamentary politics. The cases highlight the complementarity of online and offline collective action, by examining processes of open collaboration, information disclosure and internet-assisted lobbying. The success of the “Telecoms package” campaign is then assessed, along with the perspective of the targets: members and staff of the European Parliament.The belief in values of freedom, decentralisation, openness, creativity and progress inspires a particular type of activism, which promotes autonomy, participation and efficiency. The empirical evidence suggests that this set of principles can, at times, conflict with practices observed in the field. This has to do with the particular opportunity structure of the European Union and the characteristics of the movement. The EU favours functional integration of civil society actors who are expected to contribute technical and/or legal expertise. This configuration challenges internet-based protest networks that rely on highly independent and fluctuating engagement, and suffer from a lack of diversity and cohesion. The internet does not solve all obstacles to collective action. It provides, however, a networked infrastructure and tools for organising, coordinating and campaigning. Online and offline actions are not only supportive of each other. Internet-based campaigning can be successful once it reaches out beyond the internet, and penetrates the corridors of political institutions.
Doctorat en Information et communication
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
26
Chavez, Joseph John. "Proposition 209." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 1998. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/1783.
Full text
27
Yang, Fan. "Governing China's border regions : the impact of ethnic minority policy on ethnic Uighurs and Koreans." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2010. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/1232.
Full text
28
Dupont, Jean-Claude. "Procès et sociabilité en matière de droits de l'homme: analyse institutionnelle, épistémologique et argumentative des fondements et des techniques de protection des droits de l'homme au Conseil de l'Europe." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210224.
Full textAbstract:
J’examine les conditions de transposition du modèle de la « communauté épistémique » au domaine de la délibération et des évaluations pratiques. Je réponds ainsi à la question suivante :comment les droits de l’homme acquièrent-ils une signification objective dans le système de la Convention européenne des droits de l’homme ?Dans la première partie (analyse institutionnelle), je montre que la « sociabilité » est le premier enjeu de la protection des droits de l’homme au Conseil de l’Europe (ch. 1). Cet objectif de « sociabilité » n’est pas étranger à la question de leur « signification objective » car, au minimum, l’effectivité du système européen est suspendue à la réalisation d’un « ordre public » en la matière (ch. 2). Dans la deuxième partie (analyse épistémologique), je montre qu’une perspective épistémique sur les droits fondamentaux permet de rendre compte de l’effectivité (« praticabilité », rationalité) du système européen mais suppose le développement d’un critère dynamique (« d’acculturation ») de la rationalité d’un système de droit international (ch. 3) ainsi qu’un modèle épistémologique dans lequel « l’acceptabilité sociale » vaut comme instance d’adjudication rationnelle, et non seulement d’acceptation empirique, d’une définition des droits (ch. 4). Je teste, dans la troisième partie (analyse argumentative), les conditions de réalisation d’une telle « communauté épistémique » à la Cour européenne des droits de l’homme à travers l’analyse critique du contrôle des ingérences par les juges européens (ch. 5). Je défends enfin la valeur opératoire d’une théorie philosophique de l’argumentation pour la protection des droits de l’homme en Europe (ch. 6). / I consider the conditions of adaptation of a model of « epistemic community » to the field of practical deliberation and evaluations. By doing so, I am able to answer the following question: how do human rights acquire an objective meaning within the system of the European Convention of Human Rights? In the first part (institutional analysis), I show that “sociability” is what is primarily at stake in the protection of human rights within the Council of Europe (ch.1). This goal of ensuring “sociability” is not foreign to the issue of the “objective meaning” of human rights, for in that regard, the mere efficiency of the European system depends on the implementation of a “public order” in the field of human rights (Ch. 2). In the second part (epistemological analysis), I show that an epistemic perspective on fundamental rights allows one to account for the efficiency (“practicability”, rationality) of the European system, but that it presupposes the development of both a dynamic criterion (“acculturation”) for the assessment of the rationality of an international system of rights (ch. 3) and of an epistemological model in which “social acceptability” would not only serve as a benchmark for the empirical acceptation of a definition of rights but also as a benchmark for their rational adjudication (Ch. 4). In the third part (argumentative analysis), I test the conditions in which such an “epistemic community” is carried out by the European court for human rights, through a critical analysis of the way European judges deal with interferences in human rights (Ch. 5). Eventually, I defend the operating value of a philosophical argumentation theory for the protection of human rights in Europe (Ch. 6).Doctorat en Philosophie
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
29
Sadeldeen, Amro. "European civil actors for Palestinian rights and a Palestinian globalized movement: How norms and pathways have developed." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/230778.
Full textAbstract:
The thesis is related to transnational social movements’ production of knowledge. Particularly, the research investigates the developed norms and pathways of a Palestinian-transnational movement (the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions movement- The BDS movement) during its formation period. The thesis reviews major social movement theories (i.e. Sidney Tarrow and Margeret Sikkink). While benefiting from major aspects of these theories, the thesis discovers that the researched movement suggests major deviations from these theories. Hence, the thesis mobilizes other literature, particularly of Pierre Bourdieu, to better account for cultural and social dimensions. This choice is enforced by the presence of academics that form a pillar in the movement. Yet, the thesis mobilizes together diverse dimensions from social movement literature, sociology and history (i.e. the historical trajectory of individual and collective actors), and with a constant check with the case itself. The methodological choice of the research goes back and forth between theories and the case (abductive methodology). Two chapters of the thesis are dedicated to the agency of the Palestinian actors in addition to interactions inside the field of power in Palestine. Another two chapters discuss transnational relations with a focus on European actors. Specific cases are chosen from interactions with Belgian and British actors. Moreover, interactions in three transnational fora are discussed.The research concludes that this transnational movement infuses diverse norms from different experiences and regions while adhering to universal norms such as comprehensive human rights. Moreover, the movement follows diverse pathways that include a Palestinian emergence, a Global Southern path and through the North. And these pathways enforce the adherence of the movement to specific norms. Such findings diverge from “Euro-centric” approaches in discussed social movements’ literature in the thesis. The research finally discusses other literature more relevant to the case (i.e. by Amitav Acharya), which argues that local actors try to protect their norms from abuse by central forces, and they do not only import norms but also diffuse new norms. The thesis ends up with questions for further research on the patterns of norms diffusion.Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
30
Hebel, Kai. "Britain's contribution to détente : the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe, 1972-1975." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:aa245538-86bd-4942-a842-4eaeaae93a5f.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines Britain’s role in the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE). Based on multi-archival research and interviews with key diplomats, it presents the first in-depth study of Britain’s involvement in the negotiations leading up to the Helsinki Final Act of 1 August 1975. It draws on Marc Trachtenberg’s notion of the ‘constructed peace’, and Alexander Wendt’s concept of ‘cultures of anarchy’ to elucidate how the rapprochement process at once stabilised and transformed the East-West conflict. This forms the theoretical framework of the thesis. The thesis revises the interpretation of détente as a status quo project driven by the imperatives of ‘Realpolitik’. Rather, different conceptions of stability and change challenged each other during the Helsinki talks. British diplomacy and the Final Act to which it contributed in fact linked the consolidation of the status quo to an ultimately transformative agenda that was infused with liberal ideas such as human rights. Realpolitik blended with Moralpolitik. To develop this argument, the thesis’ narrative first assesses Britain’s role in the early days of détente politics in the 1950s and 1960s. It then traces Britain’s role in the three main phases of the Helsinki process: the transition from bilateral to multilateral détente (1970-1972); preliminary talks (1972-1973); official negotiations (1973-1975). The British were defensive détente sceptics at the beginning of this process, but became ambitious and positive contributors over the course of the talks. The thesis thus argues that London played a significant part in the CSCE. British foreign policymakers were initially architects of the Cold War, but then early and active proponents of détente until the mid-1960s, when their continental partners adopted a more proactive approach. London was to return to the forefront of détente diplomacy when the CSCE process got under way. Its involvement in the CSCE also marked an important step in Britain’s own transformation into a European middle power. The multilateralisation of détente coincided with Britain’s integration into the European Community, providing a propitious environment in which London’s negotiators acted with determination and skill, thus reasserting their country’s influence despite its continuing relative decline.
31
Simon, Sophie. "Étude comparative de la protection internationale des minorités en Europe et en Amérique." Thesis, Paris 1, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA010269.
Full textAbstract:
Les minorités sont les fruits de l’histoire, des conquêtes, des défaites, des modifications de frontières. Mais si aucune histoire nationale ne ressemble à une autre, les minorités, dans leur diversité, se trouvent dans des situations s’apparentent les unes aux autres. Dans ce contexte global, cette étude a pour objectif d’appréhender dans quelle mesure les droits nationaux et internationaux des minorités répondent effectivement aux besoins des personnes appartenant à ces dernières. Pour ce faire, deux thématiques revenant régulièrement dans les doléances des membres des minorités ont été sélectionnées. Il s’agit, en premier lieu, de la prise en compte des spécificités relatives à l’habitat (dans sa diversité) et, en second lieu, de la possibilité de communiquer dans sa propre langue. Après une présentation du droit international portant sur ces questions, est ici étudiée la façon dont ce droit ou plutôt ces droits sont transposés et mis en œuvre dans les systèmes nationaux (en effet, il existe de fortes variantes entre la protection offerte par les organes universels et celles offertes par les organes régionaux européens et américains). Pour rendre compte de la diversité des situations nationales, six pays sont ici étudiés. Il s’agit de l’Espagne, de la France et de la Lituanie pour l’Europe et du Canada, du Costa Rica et du Paraguay pour l’Amérique. Nous constatons que, feignant de méconnaître l’intérêt que présente une protection convenable des minorités pour la stabilité de leur société nationale et même pour la démocratie en général, les gouvernants ne sont pas toujours prêts à mettre en œuvre les dispositions visant à protéger les personnes appartenant à des minorités et opposent l’intérêt général ou des arguments tirés du caractère unitaire de leur peuple, de leur territoire ou de leur nation. A ceci s’ajoutent des difficultés pratiques lors de la mise en œuvre des normes adoptées, difficultés occasionnées par des raisons financières, par exemple le coût des mesures positives visant à l’égalité effective dans les domaines de l’enseignement, des médias, de la vie privée et familiale ou encore obligation de partage des bénéfices générés par l’extraction minière avec les peuples autochtones. D’autres raisons peuvent être liées à l’intolérance sous-jacente dans la population majoritaire, par exemple les attaques de campements Roms ou l’interdiction de parler une langue minoritaire dans certains contextes ou lieux. Malgré cela, le droit international des minorités est en évolution continue, puisant dans la diversité des contextes régionaux et se fondant tant sur les droits de l’homme et le droit à ne pas être discriminé, que sur une transposition à toutes les minorités d’éléments des droits reconnus aux peuples autochtones en tant que premiers habitants d’un territoire donné. De plus, dans une volonté de promouvoir une démocratie véritable à caractère participatif, les organes de droits de l’homme poussent les autorités nationales à associer toujours plus les membres des minorités aux prises de décision les concernant, et à prendre ainsi en compte les besoins de ces derniers. Ainsi, l’étude comparée de la protection des minorités en Europe et en Amérique permet de se rendre compte des difficultés pratiques empêchant de protéger effectivement les minorités et d’appréhender dans quelle mesure le droit international peut aider les États à surmonter ces difficultésMinorities are the product of history, conquests, defeats and border changes. No two national histories are alike, however, minorities, in their diversity, find themselves in situations that appear similar the one another. In this overall context, the objective of this research is to better understand to what extent national and international minority rights effectively meet the needs of individuals belonging to those minorities. To do so, two issues that reoccure in the grievances of members of minorities have been selected for study. These are firstly the consideration shown towards housing specificities (in their diversity) and secondly, the possibility of communicating in one’s own language. Following the presentation of international law related to these issues, is studied the way this law, or better said these laws, are transposed and implemented in the national systems (in fact, there are major variants between the protection offered by universal organs and the one offered by European and American regional organs). In order to take into consideration the diversity of national situations, six countries were selected for this study. These were Spain, France and Lithuania in the European context, and Canada, Costa Rica and Paraguay in the American context. Our findings show that those who govern pretend to be unaware of the benefits related to adequate protection of minorities for the stability of national societies, as well as for democracy at large. As such, they are not always ready to implement the provisions that aim to protect persons belonging to minorities and claim the interest of the public good or arguments based on the unity of their people, territory or nation as reasons for doing so. In addition, it should be mentioned that some practical difficulties exist in the implementation of adopted norms. These include difficulties caused by financial reasons, for example, the cost of positive measures aiming at effective equality in the field of education, media, private and family life or the obligation to share with indigenous people the benefits generated by mining. Other reasons may be linked to underlying intolerance present in the majority population, for example, attacks on Roma settlements or prohibition on speaking a minority language in some spheres or places. However, the international rights of minorities are constantly evolving, drawing on the diversity of regional contexts and based on human rights and the right not to be discriminated against, as well as on the application, to all minorities, of elements of the rights recognized to indigenous peoples as the first inhabitants of a given territory. Moreover, in an effort to promote genuine democracy of a participatory nature, human rights bodies push national authorities to involve ever more members of minorities in decisions that affect them, thereby taking their needs into consideration. The comparative study of the protection of minorities in Europe and in America enables reporting the practical difficulties preventing minorities from being effectively protected and assists in understanding to what extent international law can help countries overcome these difficulties
32
Sharifi, Sirwa. "The possible implementation of a federalist model and the Kurdish claims to self-determination : a comparative study of Iran and Turkey." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/96122.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2014.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The Kurds, numbering somewhat 40 million, are the largest stateless nation worldwide. As smaller minorities, they are mainly spread in Iran, Iraq, Syria and Turkey in the Middle East. The Kurdish claims for self-determination have been a century-long struggle, and at the moment only the Kurds in north-Iraq have achieved the establishment of the semi-autonomous territory of Kurdistan, and the Kurds in Syria have autonomous control over the Kurdish region. Iran and Turkey with their significant Kurdish communities have not been successful in addressing the Kurdish claims of selfdetermination in an efficient and structural manner. This thesis assessed the possibilities of a successful implementation of a federal model in Iran and Turkey in order to address the Kurdish claims for self-determination. The main finding of this thesis is that the current political atmosphere in each country is not ready to make the necessary accommodations, as the transition to a federal system requires, and consequently will not be successful in addressing the Kurdish claims of self-determination. In Iran, it is found that the union between religion and politics, and consequently, the controlled nature of the theocratic system, will not accommodate for a society along federalist principles in which rule is divided amongst groups in society. In Turkey, it is found that while the political rule in Turkey is different from that in Iran, it is however believed that not even a possible transition to a direct Presidential system will change the governments fears of separatism, or the constitutional constraints which further hinders a federal transition. As seen from the assessment of the case studies, a federal implementation is not foreseen in Iran and Turkey within the nearest future, and will subsequently fail in addressing the Kurdish claims of self-determination. A transition of this manner requires dedication and willingness, and this research presents recommendations for the road towards a federalist political arrangement and greater Kurdish self-determination in order to reach a peaceful solution to the century-long Kurdish issue.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die Koerde wat 40 miljoen lede het is die grootste staatlose nasie in die wêreld. Hulle word hoofsaaklik in Iran, Irak, Sirië en Turkye in die Midde-Ooste aangetref. Die Koerde se aanspraak vir selfbeskikking is ‘n eeue-lange stryd: op die oomblik het slegs die Koerde in Noord-Irak die vestiging van die semi-outonome gebied van Kurdistan terwyl die Koerde in Sirië outonome beheer het oor die Koerdiese gebied. Beide Iran en Turkye het aansienlike Koerdiese gemeenskappe, maar was onsuksesvol om die Koerdiese se aanspraak op selfbeskikking aan te spreek. Hierdie tesis assesseer die moontlikheid vir die suksesvolle implimentering van ‘n federale model in Iran en Irak om die Koerdiese aanspraak vir selfbeskikking aan te spreek. Die hoof bevinding van hierdie tesis is dat die huidige politieke klimaat in elkeen van hierdie lande ongunstig is: hierdie lande is nie gereed om die oorgang tot ‘n federale sisteem te maak nie, en sal gevolglik onsuksesvol wees in die aanspreek van Koerdiese aanspraak op selfbeskikking. In Iran is daar geen onderskeid tussen godsdiens en politiek nie: die streng beheerde teokratiese sisteem sal nie die ontwikkeling van ‘n samelewing langs federale beginsels toelaat waar mag tussen verskillende groepe in die samelewing verdeel is nie. In Turkye waar die politieke sisteem verskil van dié van Iran, sal ‘n moontlike oorgang na ‘n Presidensiële sisteem nie die vrese van separatisme verander of die grondwetlike beperkings verander wat ‘n federale oorgang verhinder nie. Soos uit die gevallestudies blyk kan ‘n federale sisteem nie in die nabye toekoms in Turkye en Iran voorsien word nie en sal hierdie lande gevolglik misluk in die aanspreek van die Koerdiese aanspraak op selfbeskikking. ‘n Politieke oorgang van hierdie soort benodig toewyding en bereidwilligheid, en hierdie navorsing stel aanbevelings voor vir die pad na ‘n federale politiese ooreenkoms en groter Koerdiese selfbeskikking. Dit is nodig indien ‘n vreedsame oplossing vir die eeuelange Koerdiese kwessie gevind moet word.
33
Diala, Anthony Chima. "Judicial activism in South Afica's Constitutional Court : minority protection or judicial illegitimacy?" Diss., University of Pretoria, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/5322.
Full textAbstract:
This study examines the effect of judicial protection of minority rights on the
Constitutional Court’s legitimacy. The framing of the Marriage Act shows that
Parliament intended marriage to be between a man and a woman. By nullifying section 30(1) of the Act and making the order above, the Court fulfilled its constitutional mandate of upholding fundamental human rights. At the same time, it negated the intention of Parliament which represents majoritarian interests. The Constitutional Court is, in contra-distinction with Parliament, unelected. By voiding section 30(1) of the Marriage Act and arousing public opposition to legal recognition of same-sex unions, it raised a ‘countermajoritarian difficulty.’ This ‘countermajoritarian difficulty’ has elicited intense scholarly debate.17 The study examines how the Court’s negation of majoritarian interests in order to protect minority rights affects its legitimacy.Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2007.
A Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Associate Prof. Tamale Sylvia of the Faculty of Law, Makerere University, Kampala, Uganda
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/
Centre for Human Rights
LLM
34
Eminoğlu, Nihal. "Évolution de la prise en compte et du traitement des anciennes et nouvelles minorités dans le cadre des systèmes de l'OSCE et du Conseil de l'Europe : "nouvelles minorités" : nouveaux concepts, nouveaux enjeux de la nouvelle Europe." Thesis, Strasbourg, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015STRAA029.
Full textAbstract:
Ce travail s’intéresse à la notion de « nouvelle minorité » surgie dans les années 2000 et traitée initialement par l’OSCE. Ce nouveau concept repose sur deux notions : celle de minorité et celle d’immigré. Ces deux concepts sont à l’origine de la naissance d’une nouvelle catégorie : la « nouvelle minorité issue de l’immigration », incluant les immigrés, leurs descendants et les réfugiés en Europe. Cependant notre travail se concentre sur les deux premiers groupes, c’est-à-dire les immigrés et leurs descendants et sur la relation de ces groupes avec la société d’accueil ainsi que avec l’Etat dans lequel ils vivent. Pour ce faire, après clarification du concept de minorité et comparaison entre nouvelles minorités et minorités nationales, en passant par un aperçu historique pour montrer l’évolution de la notion de minorité, nous arriverons à la question de la protection des « nouvelles minorités » et à celle de son intégrationThis work focuses on the concept of « new minority » which surfaced in the 2000s and wasinitially analysed by the OSCE. It is a new concept hinging on two notions, minorities and immigrant, which are the factors driving the emergence of this new category: the « new minority from immigrant backgrounds », which includes immigrants, their descendants and refugees in Europe. Our study concentrates more specifically on the first two of these groups, immigrants and their descendants, and on these groups' relationship with the host society as well as the State in which they live. After clarifying the notion of minority and drawing comparisons between new minorities and national minorities, then tracing out a historical overview showing how the notion of minority has evolved, we will arrive at the questions of the protection of the « new minorities » and their integration
35
Spell, Lindsay Joella. "Controlling the Empire: Measuring Ethnic Residential Segregation in London, 2001-2011." PDXScholar, 2014. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/1978.
Full textAbstract:
This research presents an overview of ethnic residential segregation in London, England, from 2001 to 2011 using four different methods of measurement. The purpose of the study was to both examine changes in the level of segregation among different ethnic groups between census dates and to compare various methods of measurement. Using the Index of Dissimilarity, Poulsen et al.'s (2001) typology classification and two different local statistics (Getis-Ord G* and Anselin Local Moran's I), the levels of concentration of the five main ethnic minority groups in London were measured for data from the 2001 and 2011 censuses. The five ethnic minority groups studied were: Black African, Black Caribbean, Indian, Pakistani and Bangladeshi. Of the five populations analyzed, only the Black Caribbean population showed any decrease in its overall level of segregation, while the other four all saw slight increases in segregation over the period. After comparing the four methods used, it was determined that while all offer a different perspective on the segregation of groups across space, the Anselin Local Moran's I statistic provides the most detailed result of variation in concentration across space.
36
DeFilippis, Joseph Nicholas. "A Queer Liberation Movement? A Qualitative Content Analysis of Queer Liberation Organizations, Investigating Whether They are Building a Separate Social Movement." Thesis, Portland State University, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3722297.
Full textAbstract:
In the last forty years, U.S. national and statewide LGBT organizations, in pursuit of “equality” through a limited and focused agenda, have made remarkably swift progress moving that agenda forward. However, their agenda has been frequently criticized as prioritizing the interests of White, middle-class gay men and lesbians and ignoring the needs of other LGBT people. In their shadows have emerged numerous grassroots organizations led by queer people of color, transgender people, and low-income LGBT people. These “queer liberation” groups have often been viewed as the left wing of the GRM, but have not been extensively studied. My research investigated how these grassroots liberation organizations can be understood in relation to the equality movement, and whether they actually comprise a separate movement operating alongside, but in tension with, the mainstream gay rights movement.
This research used a qualitative content analysis, grounded in black feminism’s framework of intersectionality, queer theory, and social movement theories, to examine eight queer liberation organizations. Data streams included interviews with staff at each organization, organizational videos from each group, and the organizations’ mission statements. The study used deductive content analysis, informed by a predetermined categorization matrix drawn from social movement theories, and also featured inductive analysis to expand those categories throughout the analysis.
This study’s findings indicate that a new social movement – distinct from the mainstream equality organizations – does exist. Using criteria informed by leading social movement theories, findings demonstrate that these organizations cannot be understood as part of the mainstream equality movement but must be considered a separate social movement. This “queer liberation movement” has constituents, goals, strategies, and structures that differ sharply from the mainstream equality organizations. This new movement prioritizes queer people in multiple subordinated identity categories, is concerned with rebuilding institutions and structures, rather than with achieving access to them, and is grounded more in “liberation” or “justice” frameworks than “equality.” This new movement does not share the equality organizations’ priorities (e.g., marriage) and, instead, pursues a different agenda, include challenging the criminal justice and immigration systems, and strengthening the social safety net.
Additionally, the study found that this new movement complicates existing social movement theory. For decades, social movement scholars have documented how the redistributive agenda of the early 20th century class-based social movements has been replaced by the demands for access and recognition put forward by the identity-based movements of the 1960s New Left. While the mainstream equality movement can clearly be characterized as an identity-based social movement, the same is not true of the groups in this study. This queer liberation movement, although centered on identity claims, has goals that are redistributive as well as recognition-based.
While the emergence of this distinct social movement is significant on its own, of equal significance is the fact that it represents a new post-structuralist model of social movement. This study presents a “four-domain” framework to explain how this movement exists simultaneously inside and outside of other social movements, as a bridge between them, and as its own movement. Implications for research, practice, and policy in social work and allied fields are presented.
37
Salitan, Laurie P. "An analysis of Soviet Jewish emigration in the 1970s." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1992. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:f984e4b9-f578-4ee9-89d5-b26a65cca29b.
Full textAbstract:
Domestic, not foreign affairs drove Soviet policy on Jewish emigration during the period of 1968-1989. This study challenges the prevailing view that fluctuating levels of exit from the USSR were correlated to the climate of relations between the USA and the USSR. The analysis also considers Soviet-German emigration for comparative perspective. Extensive historical background, with special emphasis on Soviet nationality policy is provided.
38
Jonsson, Anna. "Judicial Review and Individual Legal Activism : The Case of Russia in Theoretical Perspective." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala : Faculty of Law & Department of East European Studies, Uppsala University, 2005. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-5811.
Full text
39
Berardi-Tadié, Barbara. "L'ère des droits : vers une anthropologie des associations de la société civile au Népal." Thesis, Paris, EHESS, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017EHES0011.
Full textAbstract:
Ce travail étudie l’affirmation de la « culture des droits » dans le contexte népalais, en explorant le rapport triangulaire qui relie les associations locales, le discours international sur les droits humains et la morphologie des transformations – sociales, normatives, institutionnelles – qui ont caractérisé l’histoire récente du Népal.L’enquête se fonde sur une ethnographie transversale des associations urbaines, qui traverse les différentes échelles territoriales où ces associations se mobilisent et les multiples registres sur lesquels elles opèrent (le social, le politique, le juridique). La première partie est axée sur le niveau micro-local du quartier et de la ville et concerne trois réseaux associatifs: les collectifs de mères, les associations pour le développement du quartier et les organisations des Dalit, les basses castes ; la deuxième porte sur les associations des minorités ethniques (ou « nationalités indigènes ») et sur celles des groupes parbatiya, les hautes castes des collines népalaises ; la troisième est consacrée à l'interaction entre justice et société civile au Népal, telle qu’elle émerge de l’analyse d’actions en justice introduites à la Cour suprême par des associations spécialisées dans la défense des droits humains.A partir de cette analyse, on cherche à dégager 1) les mécanismes à travers lesquels le discours sur les droits est devenu un langage hégémonique de formulation des revendications collectives et d’articulation des conflits sociaux ; 2) le rôle des associations de la société civile dans ce processus ; 3) l’impact de la culture de droits sur l’expression de l’éthique, des identités et des politiques locales, ainsi que sur le cadre normatif et constitutionnel du paysThis dissertation examines the emergence of a culture of human rights in Nepal, by focusing on the triangular relationship between civil society organizations (CSOs), the international discourse on human rights, and the social, legal and institutional changes that have characterized the country’s recent history.The research is based on ethnographic work in the field of urban associations, at the various levels and across the various fields (social, political and legal) where they operate. My first part looks at the micro-local level of the neighborhood and city, through a study of three specific networks of associations: mothers’ groups, neighborhood development associations and Dalit (low-caste) associations. In a second stage, I focus on ethnic minority (or “indigenous nationality”) associations and on parbatiya (Nepali high caste of hill origin) groups. The third and final section of the dissertation is dedicated to the interaction between the judiciary and civil society in Nepal, as it emerges from an analysis of cases filed at the Supreme Court by associations specialized in the defense of human rights.The overall aim of this research is to identify: 1) the mechanisms through which the human rights discourse has asserted its hegemony, becoming the dominant medium through which collective demands and social conflicts can be articulated; 2) the role played by CSOs in this process, and 3) the impact of the culture of human rights on the expression of local ethics, identities and politics, as well as on Nepal’s legal and constitutional framework
40
Karakostaki, Charitini. "Les fêtes nouvelles. Enquête sur les idéaux de la société ouverte et leur mise en scène : Paris 1981-2014." Thesis, Paris Sciences et Lettres (ComUE), 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PSLEH030.
Full textAbstract:
La présente thèse porte sur la mise en place des nouvelles manifestations festives en France, et plus particulièrement à Paris, depuis les années 80. Ces fêtes marquent un déplacement par rapport aux fêtes « traditionnelles » qui étaient en grande partie organisées autour des concepts de sacré et de nation. Nourri par une observation ethnographique de plusieurs années, ce travail met en évidence une multiplicité de facettes des fêtes nouvelles: les processus de conceptualisation et de création par les autorités publiques ; leur gestion et mise en œuvre par des managers culturels ou par des associations et des collectifs ; l’invention de nouvelles formes rituelles ou l’adaptation de plus anciennes ; les mises en scène urbaines et l’emploi des codes distinctifs ; l’appropriation de ces fêtes par la société et les différents débats qu’elles ont soulevés. Chacune des trois parties de la thèse est consacrée à une fête. Une place majeure est réservée à la Fête de la musique, la Marche des fiertés et la Nuit blanche, sans pour autant passer sous silence d’autres fêtes résolument nouvelles et d’envergure, telles que la Capitale européenne de la culture et les Allumées de Nantes, permettant de mieux saisir les mutations qui s’opèrent au niveau européen. Enfin, s’appuyant sur la thèse classique de Durkheim, ce travail propose d’envisager ces fêtes comme points d’entrée pour appréhender les idéaux de la société ouverte. L’intention affirmée des organisateurs de mettre en place une nouvelle conception du vivre ensemble et du lien social, est à bien des égards l’occasion de célébrer une société française et européenne, pacifique, réconciliée et toléranteThe present thesis examines the installation of new festive events in France, and more particularly in Paris, since the 80s. These celebrations mark a shift in regard to "traditional" celebrations which mostly revolve around the concepts of the sacred and the nation. Nourished by an ethnographic observation of several years, this work highlights a variety of aspects: the process of their invention and their creation and by the public authorities; the supervision of the events by cultural managers or associations and collectives; the invention of new ritual forms and the adaptation of older ones; the design of the urban scenery and the use of distinctive codes; the appropriation of these events fro, the society and the various debates to which they gave rise. Each part of the thesis deals with a celebration in an independent way. The Fête de la musique, the Gay Pride and the Nuit blanche are analyzed here in priority. However, next to them parade also other events, entirely new and ambitious, such as the European Capital of Culture and the Allumées of Nantes which offer a better insight into changes that took place on a European level. Finally, based on Durkheim's classic thesis, this work proposes to consider these festive events as an entry point into a greater inquiry about the ideals of the open society. The asserted intention of the organizers to put in place a new conception of living together and the social bond is in many ways the occasion to celebrate a French and European society, that is peaceful, reconciled and tolerant
41
Ba, Oumar. "La politisation des partis à caractère ethnique dans les pays postcommunistes d’Europe Centrale et Orientale : une comparaison des trajectoires de la Bulgarie, la Serbie, le Monténégro et le Kosovo." Thesis, Bordeaux 4, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013BOR40052.
Full textAbstract:
Les révolutions de l’Est ont induit la fragmentation des Etats qui s’est accompagnée, sur le plan interne par une renaissance des partis ethniques ; ce qui ne va pas sans poser de problèmes à la démocratie politique. Les transitions et a fortiori les consolidations démocratiques font émerger un double phénomène d’interaction entre les acteurs et le système, dans la recherche d’un nouvel équilibre. Les partis ethniques se politisent alors que le système s’ouvre à l’acteur ethnique. On assiste donc à un réajustement évolutif du système devant la nouvelle donne. Le système s’ouvre aux nouvelles demandes à caractère ethnique de différentes façons et à différents degrés : entre la légalisation et la tolérance. Côté acteurs, les partis ethniques rentrent progressivement dans le jeu politique ; de différentes façons et à différents degrés. Dans notre champ problématique les relations interactives se déploient entre acteurs multi-niveaux (partis-Etats) et dans les divers champs (politique, sociétal et juridique). Leurs connexions sont croisées entre l’espace étatique et internationale, public et civil, politique et sociétal ; avec les Etats d’accueil ou d’origine, mais aussi, les Etats-tiers. Ils sont à velléités indépendantistes ou simplement des lobbies politiques. Nous avons essayé de mettre en lumière les principaux aspects de la complexité de la question ethnique dans les jeunes démocraties politiques ‘‘en consolidation’’. La problématique ethnique des PECO peut-elle nous aider à compléter en actualisant certaines visions généralistes des sciences politiques ? Les acteurs impliqués sont ainsi invités à éviter les pièges des nationalismes perçus comme ‘‘mesquins’’, voire ‘‘chaotiques’’ tout en servant la cause d’une plus souple intégration politique alias la ‘‘paix démocratique’’The revolutions of Eastern induced fragmentation of States were accompanied internally by a revival of ethnic parties, which is not without its problems in political democracy. Transitions and even more democratic consolidation are emerging a double phenomenon of interaction between actors and the system in search of a new equilibrium. Ethnic parties then politicize the system opens the ethnic actor. We are witnessing an evolutionary adjustment of the system to the new situation. The system opens to the new demands ethnic ways and to different degrees: between legalization and tolerance. Side actors, are gradually returning ethnic parties in the political game, in different ways and to different degrees. In our problem the field deploy interactive relationships between multi-level actors (parties-States) and in the various fields (political, societal and legal). Their connections are crossed between the State and international space, public and civil, political and social, with host countries or origin, but also the third States. They are separatist ambitions or simply political lobbies. We tried to highlight the main aspects of the complexity of the ethnic issue in young democracies political '' in consolidation ''. The ethnic problem of CEEC can help us to complete updating some general visions of political science? The actors involved are invited to avoid the pitfalls of nationalism perceived as '' petty '' or '' chaotic '' while serving the cause of a more flexible policy integration to the ‘‘democratic peace’’
42
Fulda, Christian B. "Demokratie und pacta sunt servanda." Doctoral thesis, [S.l. : s.n.], 2002. http://deposit.ddb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?idn=966406508.
Full text
43
Macêdo, Martina Bolz de Jesus. "Der Stand der Demokratisierung und der Herausbildung einer Zivilgesellschaft in Ägypten am Beispiel des Diskurses über die autochthone christliche Minderheit der Kopten." Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Philosophische Fakultät III, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/16017.
Full textAbstract:
Die Meinungen über die Chancen einer Demokratisierung im Nahen und Mittleren Osten sind geteilt. Diese Arbeit versucht für Ägypten eine Einschätzung zu geben. Als bevölkerungsreichstes und eines der politisch bedeutsamsten Länder der Region könnte es eine Vorbildfunktion einnehmen. Die Dissertation untersucht an einem Fallbeispiel, den Ausschreitungen zwischen Muslimen und Christen in einem oberägyptischen Dorf 1999/ 2000, in welcher Form und in welchem Ausmaß sich staatliche Akteure, religiöse Institutionen und die Bürger zum heiklen Thema der Gefährdung der Rechte von Minderheiten im öffentlichen Diskurs zu Wort melden und dabei das Kriterium des Pluralismus, im Sinne von Toleranz und Ablehnung von Gewalt, erfüllen. Pessimistische Stimmen versagen dem Nahen und Mittleren Osten insbesondere wegen der dort vorherrschenden Religion eine Reformierbarkeit der politischen Kultur und stigmatisieren den Islam als Demokratisierungshindernis. Diese Arbeit beobachtet jedoch, dass es empirisch bereits einige Merkmale gibt, die auf eine Zunahme von Pluralismus in der ägyptischen Gesellschaft hindeuten. Sie zeigt die Anzeichen für die Herausbildung einer freien Öffentlichkeit und einer Zivilgesellschaft auf, die langfristig auf die Konsolidierung von Demokratie und nicht auf deren Zerstörung hinarbeitet. Gleichzeitig ist diese Arbeit eine Art in Szene gesetztes, lebendiges „Who is who?“ der gegenwärtigen Minderheiten- und Menschenrechtsbewegung in Ägypten. 1The current status of democratization and civil society development in Egypt through the example of the discourse on the indigenous Christian minority of the Copts. Opinions regarding the chances of democratization in the Middle East are divided. The thesis attempts to give an evaluation in the case of Egypt. As the most populous and one of the politically most influencing countries of that region Egypt could take the function of a role model. The dissertation investigates, on the basis of a case study – the clashes between Muslims and Christians in an Upper Egyptian village in 1999/ 2000 - in what form and to what extent state actors, religious institutions and citizens take a stand in public discourse on the sensitive issue of endangering the rights of minorities and thereby meet the criteria of pluralism in the sense of tolerance and rejection of violence. Pessimistic voices deny the Middle East a reformability of its political culture particularly with regard to the predominating religion there and stigmatize Islam as an obstacle to democratization. This study however, shows empirically that there are already some indications that point towards an increase of pluralism in Egyptian society and towards the development of a free public sphere and a civil society that in the long term can lead to the consolidation of democracy and not to its destruction. At the same time this study is a kind of status report and “Who’s who?” of the current minority – and human rights movement in Egypt.
44
SKOVGAARD, Jakob. "Preventing ethnic conflict, securing ethnic justice? The Council of Europe, the EU and the OSCE high commissioner on national minorities' use of contested concepts in their responses to the Hungarian minority policies of Hungary, Romania and Slovakia." Doctoral thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/7040.
Full textAbstract:
Defence date: 23 May 2007Examining board: Prof. Michael Keating (EUI, supervisor) ; Prof. Frank Schimmelfennig (ETH Zürick)(External supervisor) ; Prof. Will Kymlicka (Quenn's University, Ontario) ; Prof. Rainer Bauböck (EUI)
This thesis analyses the policies aimed at influencing the situation of the Hungarian minorities in Romania and Slovakia undertaken by three European organisations, the Council of Europe, the EU and the OSCE High Commissioner on National Minorities. The focus is on the way in which the organisations have conceptualised contested concepts concerning national minorities, minority rights and minority policy in general, when reacting to the policies of the Hungarian, Romanian and Slovak states that have been directed at the Hungarian minorities. Starting with the assumption that many of the concepts upon which minority policies are based are essentially contested, the thesis sets up a framework for analysing the use of specific interpretations of such concepts in argumentation. More specifically, the framework makes it possible to look at how specific interpretations or conceptualisations of such concepts have been used as implicit warrants. By analysing the use of warrants in the texts issued by the organisations in the arguments reacting to the Hungarian minority policies of the three organisations, the thesis provides a picture of how the conceptualisations of different contested concepts developed. Furthermore, by comparing the use of conceptualisations by the organisations, it is argued that although the organisations started out from different positions, they have gradually converged. And this convergence was centred on the emergence of an ideal minority policy which framed the minorities as unitary entities, which should have the right to influence decisions affecting them as minorities. This convergence was due to the appearance of the Framework Convention on the Protection of National Minorities, increased cooperation between the organisations and the reliance of the EU on the assessments of the other two organisations in the context of EU enlargement. Yet, the organisations have often been incoherent, and have treated different issues from very different perspectives.
45
SLINN, Ania. "Should the law relating to cahabitees standing as surety for their partner's debts be kept on a purely national level : can we have European harmonisation in this area?" Doctoral thesis, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5636.
Full textAbstract:
Award date: 15 December 2000Supervisor: C. Joerges
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
This paper will approach the possibilities of transplantation and harmonisation of laws in a social field, through the application of a case study to the theory that surround this area. The case study focuses on the laws of England, Scotland and Poland. I t relates to the situation in which a spouse (or cohabitee) needs to place their home as surety, in order that a bank will provide a loan to the other spouse. The law governs the legal rules that surround the situation where the borrowing spouse becomes insolvent. I t will be questioned, in the context of a broader discussion on the possibility of harmonisation and transplantation, whether (and how fa r) this area of law could be harmonised. Particular emphasis will be given to differences in culture leading to problems for this process. The discussion will be based, firstly, on the theoretical possibility of transplantation. This will then be focussed on the concrete situation of the European Union as an arena for harmonisation. Throughout, the academic debate will be contrasted and compared wit the case study, to focus the discussion and discern the insights that such a practical example can bring to this field.
46
Rempel, Peter H. "The Geneva Convention on Upper Silesia and Germany's diplomacy for the rights of German minorities in Eastern Europe, 1918-1922." 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/1993/19273.
Full text
47
GRIGOLO, Michele. "Human rights and the city : anti-discrimination laws and policies in New York and Barcelona." Doctoral thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/10436.
Full textAbstract:
Defence date: 5 February 2009Examining Board: Prof. Michael Keating, EUI (Supervisor); Prof. Virginie Guiraudon, CNRS, Lille; Dr. Joan Font Fábregas, Cientro de Ciencias Humanas y Sociales, Madrid; Dr. Daniel Sabbagh, CERI, Sciences Po., Paris
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
This thesis investigates the political and legal dimensions of human rights policies enacted by cities in order to respond to one main research question: how are these policies enacted and what is their outcome? Drawing on the human rights and urban politics literature, this research provides a first comprehensive overview of human rights discourses, laws and institutions enacted by municipalities against the background of conflicts and tensions between cities’ economic and security priorities and the many social questions and problems generated by the increasing differentiation of local populations. Within this broad and unified theoretical framework, this study looks also at the differences emerging from local human rights policies that can now be found in very different areas of the world. Private and public actors - from individual experts and NGOs to cities (and their networks) and international organizations - act as policy agents diffusing human rights among cities. While often relying on a human rights framework, in fact most of these policies implement anti-discrimination measures, focusing on formal and/or substantial discrimination in both its individual or collective dimension. In order to respond to the main research question, this thesis employs a most different case type of comparison addressing the policies and institutions of two cities - New York and Barcelona - with special attention paid to the fields of employment and housing. The human rights polices of the two cities differ in many respects but also present some similarities. In New York, the core of the policy is the City Commission on Human Rights, one of the many local anti-discrimination agencies present in US cities. The Commission implements the city’s Human Rights Law. The Commission has operated under the 'umbrella' of the US civil rights legal and political framework. In Barcelona, human rights are 'pushed' by the City Department on Civil Rights and its two bodies: the Office for Non Discrimination, which is an antidiscrimination agency modeled on the US type of civil rights agency, and the Inter-religious Center of Barcelona dealing with religious communities. Different aspects of the politics and law of human rights in the two cities are considered, from ethnic discrimination tied to migration to gay, lesbian and transgender issues. The thesis shows different approaches in the implementation of the human rights policies and different degrees of visibility and effectiveness by the city departments in advancing their human rights agenda. The comparison of the 'law enforcement' and 'law support' work of the Commission and the Office for Non Discrimination shows similarities in issues of discrimination tackled by the two bodies but also their different capacities of remedying discrimination by relying mainly on mediation: while the Commission in New York has been forced by excessive workload and eventually political pressures to shift its main focus away from litigation, the Office of Barcelona’s mediation is hindered by constraints placed upon it by state defined regimes of citizenship, the systemic and complex nature of discrimination and the lack of adequate investigative and remedial powers. Issues of group-related rights of religious minorities emerge in both cities, with the Center of Barcelona operating with the ambiguous perspective of both supporting these rights and controlling religious minorities for security purposes.
48
ZUCCA, Lorenzo. "Constitutional dilemmas : conflicts of fundamental legal rights in Europe and in the USA." Doctoral thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/4829.
Full textAbstract:
Defence date: 23 May 2005Examining Board: Prof. Wojciech Sadurski, supervisor ; Prof. Otto Petersmann (Paris I), co-supervisor ; Neil Walker, reader ; Stephen Perry (NYU), reader
First made available online 28 November 2016
This dissertation deals with one of the most important issues of philosophy of law and constitutional thought: that of conflicts of fundamental rights Comparative analysis, with perspectives from European and American legal systems Analyses actual cases of conflict, such as privacy versus free speech, and the Terri Schiavo physician assisted suicide case This book deals with one of the most important issues of philosophy of law and constitutional thought: how to understand clashes of fundamental rights, such as the conflict between free speech and privacy. The main argument of this book is that much can be learned about the nature of fundamental legal rights by examining them through the lens of conflicts among such rights, and criticizing the views of scholars and jurists who have discussed both fundamental legal rights and the nature of conflicts among them. Theories of rights are necessarily abstract, aiming at providing the best possible answers to pressing social problems. Yet such theories must also respond to the real and changing dilemmas of the day. Taking up the problem of conflicting rights, Zucca seeks a theory of rights that can guide us to a richer, more responsive approach to rights discourse. The idea of constitutional rights is one of the most powerful tools to advance justice in the Western tradition. But as this thesis demonstrates, even the most ambitious theory of rights cannot satisfactorily address questions of conflicting rights. How, for instance, can we fully secure privacy when it clashes with free speech? To what extent can our societies assist people in dying without compromising the protection of life? Exploring the limitations of the rights discourse in these areas, Zucca questions the role of law in settling ethical dilemmas helping to clarify thinking about the limitations of rights discourse.
49
GUERRERO, Marion. "Lawyering for LGBT rights in Europe : the emancipatory potential of strategic litigation at the CJEU and the ECtHR." Doctoral thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/60246.
Full textAbstract:
Defence date: 17 December 2018Examining Board: Professor Claire Kilpatrick, EUI (EUI Supervisor); Professor Ruth Rubio, EUI; Professor Kees Waaldijk, Leiden University; Professor Iyiola Solanke, University of Leeds
In Europe, the decisions of the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) and the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) develop influence that transcends the particular case at hand. While this development has been criticised by progressive scholars, this thesis argues that it also enables civil society to participate in judicial decision making processes. In the context of Lesbian, Gay, Bi and Transgender (LGBT) rights, this thesis investigates whether "strategic litigation" before the European High Courts can be a feasible and emancipatory endeavor. The concept of "strategic litigation" - developing long-term litigation strategies in order to induce legal, social and/or political reform - is based on the recognition that adjudication is, to a large extent, a political process. To this end, strategic litigation as a (political) strategy is introduced and positioned within legal theory and the literature on "cause lawyering." Within Europe, this thesis focuses on the ECtHR and the CJEU as potential fora for strategic litigation. In order to assess their case law from an activist point of view, a "strategic litigation opportunities" framework is designed. This framework both illuminates indicators for activist intervention, and highlights the agency of LGBT rights advocates in litigation. By doing so, it challenges the view of adjudication as a purely “top-down” process. Lastly, a case study on the US LGBT rights movement, and the effective strategic litigation on (same-sex) marriage equality it has engaged in, serves as an example for the successful application of a long-term cause lawyering approach. Ultimately, this thesis will conclude that strategic LGBT rights litigation at the European High Courts can, indeed, be a feasible and emancipatory endeavour, by establishing: 1) European High Courts exert quasi-legislative power. 2) European High Courts provide procedural spaces for activist LGBT rights lawyers. 3) The European High Courts’ case law can be analysed and utilised in a progressive LGBT-rights enhancing way.
One Chapter of the PhD thesis draws upon an earlier version published as an article 'Jenseits der Kernfamilie 'funktionale Elternschaft', eine progressive Alternative aus den USA' (2010) in the journal ‘Juridikum
One chapter of the PhD thesis draws upon an earlier version published as chapter 'Activating the courtroom for same-sex family rights : windows of opportunity for strategic litigation before the European Court of human rights (ECtHR)' (2014) in the book ‘Rights on the move : rainbow families in Europe : proceedings of the conference : Trento, 16-17 October 2014’
50
CORNELISSE, Galina. "Immigration detention, territoriality and human rights : towards destabilization of sovereignty's territorial frame." Doctoral thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/7028.
Full textAbstract:
Defence date: 7 May 2007Examining Board: Prof. Neil Walker (Supervisor, European University Institute) ; Prof. Marise Cremona (European University Institute) ; Prof. Pieter Boeles (Leiden University) ; Prof. Dora Kostakopoulou (University of Manchester)
First made available online on 10 July 2018
From a sociological point of view, camps or transit zones may present the institutionalisation o f temporariness as a form of radical social exclusion and marginalisation in modem society and a conservation of borders as dividing lines