Academic literature on the topic 'Minorities – Civil rights – Europe, Eastern'

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Journal articles on the topic "Minorities – Civil rights – Europe, Eastern"

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Nowak, Manfred. "The Right of Self-Determination and Protection of Minorities in Central and Eastern Europe in light of the case-law of the Human Rights Committee." International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 1, no. 1 (1993): 7–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181193x00077.

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AbstractThe right of self-determination and protection of minorities in Central and Eastern Europe is discussed in the light of the case law of the Human Rights Committee, which shows that many traditional minorities in Central and Eastern Europe are to be qualified as minorities within the meaning of article 27 of the UN Covenant. The author concludes that the UN Covenant on Civil and Political Rights still remains the only international treaty guaranteeing protection to minorities and providing measures of international supervision. He argues for a common and internationally binding European agreement providing adequate protection against minority rights violations, be it in the framework of the CSCE, Council of Europe or an enlarged European Communities.
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Phillips, Alan. "The Fall of the Iron Curtain and Its Significance for the Establishment of Minority Rights Regimes in Eastern Europe." European Yearbook of Minority Issues Online 13, no. 1 (May 22, 2016): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116117_01301002.

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This article examines the development of minority rights regimes in Europe following the collapse of communism in Eastern Europe. It shows how the foundations for democracy were reinforced by the Helsinki Final Act in 1975 and the opportunities it created for dialogue. The major concerns of many states to prevent irredentism and violent inter-ethnic conflicts provided the opportunity to adopt international standards on the protection and promotion of minority rights. Civil society, including members of minorities, were in the vanguard, as they promoted democratic change in 1989 and played a leading role in influencing minority rights standards and their implementation. The Conclusions of the 1990 csce Copenhagen Human Dimension influenced the undm, formed the backbone of the fcnm, and became an invaluable set of standards used by the hcnm for conflict prevention. Twenty-five years later, it is evident the fall of the Iron Curtain was highly significant for minority rights regimes throughout Europe.
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Gabor, Francis. "Reflections on NATO's New Mission: Conflict Prevention in the Struggles for Ethnic Self-Determination." Review of Central and East European Law 29, no. 2 (2004): 247–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157303504774062439.

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AbstractDuring the Cold War, both NATO's role and purpose were clearly defined by the existence of the threat posed by the Soviet Union. The traditional confrontation between the NATO and the Warsaw Pact military organizations effectively has ceased to exist. The dissolution of the Warsaw Pact—combined with the emerging constitutional democracies in Central and Eastern Europe and the transformation of the Russian Federation—has essentially assured that the future threat of a confrontation between the major armies on the European continent is highly unlikely. However, it soon became obvious that several non-traditional, and quite unexpected, risks would give NATO a new mission and new challenges. One of the greatest challenges for post-Cold War Eastern Europe lies in the unresolved questions of ethnic self-determination. The unprecedented human tragedy of two world wars failed to resolve these questions. The concept of ethnic self-determination has been the central theme of the conflicts in the Yugoslav civil wars. NATO played a significant, if not central, role in the final resolution of the Yugoslav civil wars, particularly in the case of Kosovo. The Kosovo experience creates a real challenge for NATO and international legal scholars to create a more precisely defined body of international law to protect ethnic minorities and to build an effective institutional framework for the observation and implementation of so-called minority rights. which would have prevented the tragedy of the Yugoslavian civil war and can prevent future conflicts.
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Miroshnikov, S. N. "Adaptation of Eastern Europe to the EU’s <i>Acquis Communautaire</i>: Poland and Hungary in 2004–2021." Bulletin of Kemerovo State University 24, no. 3 (June 15, 2022): 320–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.21603/2078-8975-2022-24-3-320-325.

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This article features the special position that Poland and Hungary demonstrate towards the national government institutions and civil rights. The research objective was to describe the internal transformation and adaptation processes of Hungarian and Polish societies to the European concept of acquis communautaire, as well as the tensions between these two countries and the older EU members. This special position can be explained by the growing sentiments of national pride and identity. The social and economic achievements that happened aſter the 1990s allowed these states to increase the quality of life, and their citizens are not willing to give up on their identity to accommodate the demands of the European Union. For instance, people of Poland and Hungary saw a certain threat to their identity in the pressure from Brussels to welcome migrants from the Middle East, whom they could not accept on the mental and religious levels. Another threat was the Brussels’ pursuit to make Poland and Hungary accept sexual minorities in a very short timeframe, despite the fact that this process took Western Europe several centuries. Considering that the church had a very negative attitude to both issues, certain political parties managed to seize the power. They suppressed the freedom of speech, denied the independence of the judicial power, and challenged Brussels.
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Shankar Bharti, Mukesh. "The European Union and Cultural, Economic and Political Development of Minority in Central and Eastern Europe." Reality of Politics 19, no. 1 (January 31, 2022): 25–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/rop2022102.

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This article aims to present the positions of minorities in Central and Eastern Europe since 1990. The analysis concentrates on relations between the various cultural and minorities group. The main outline is the concepts of minority rights and their multi-dimensional development of linguistic minorities and social development. There is a broad description of the social development of Roma in Central and Eastern Europe. Eastern European democracy promoters have made extensive use of their bilateral diplomatic channels to allow democratization laggards in the post-communist space a glimpse of what democracy looks like close to home and to give them encouragement and know-how to move forward with reforms.
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Kuzub, Halyna. "National minorities political rights in the context of decentralization of power in the Eastern European countries." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 33-34 (August 25, 2017): 250–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2016.33-34.250-256.

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The question of political minorities rights is always crucial for European countries because of mutual history and border changes. Almost each of these countries are characterized by small groups of ethnic minorities who are living in boarding areas. Some representatives of these ethnic groups have separatistic points of view during the years. In some European countries situation becomes even more complicated because of assimilation policy which was provided by the former Soviet Union. Decentralization is transferring of authorities to the local levels what is other serious accelerator of the questions of political minorities rights. The question of our research work is if the impact of decentralization process matches political minorities rights in Eastern Europe? In the present study we analyze the results of administrative and territorial reforms in Poland, the Czech Republic , Slovakia and we also took into consideration the impact of ethnic factor within new administrative and territorial division. In conclusions author emphasizes that in Eastern Europe new division process mostly happened without taking into account historical areas where small groups of political minorities lived. Author also draws our attention to the possible separatism, which can be the reason of articulation of national minorities will, who live near the borders to other countries as to unite in some areas. Keywords: Decentralization of authority, administrative-territorial reform, post-socialist transformation, minorities, Poland, Czech Republic, Slovakia
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Tuluș, Arthur. "The Condition of National Minorities in Eastern Europe in a Secret Cia Report From 1965." Eminak, no. 2(34) (July 1, 2021): 210–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.33782/eminak2021.2(34).529.

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In the context of the Cold War, detailed knowledge of the opponent and espionage were fundamental elements in the security policies of the two antagonistic sides. The CIA, the United States’ foreign intelligence service, identified the condition of ethnic minorities as one of the possible vulnerabilities of the Eastern Camp, judging from the perspective of the restrictive policies that Communist states held regarding rights and freedoms. Our study is based on the analysis of a document prepared by the CIA in 1965, a memorandum that took data from the latest official censuses in Bulgaria, Romania, Yugoslavia, Albania, Czechoslovakia, Hungary, and Poland, and recorded the effects of assimilation policies on national minorities within the Eastern Communist states. The document is all the more interesting as the issue of national minorities rights’ in the Communist world was taboo.
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Johns, Michael. "“Do as I Say, Not as I Do”: The European Union, Eastern Europe and Minority Rights." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 17, no. 4 (November 2003): 682–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325403258291.

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This article tests the assumption that the European Union has forced the potential new members from Eastern Europe to adhere to standards regarding the treatment of national minorities current member states do not meet. The article examines the treatment of the Russian minorities in Latvia and Estonia and the Roma population in Slovakia compared to the treatment of the Turks in Germany and the Roma in Italy. Using EU accession reports, Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) recommendations, and the Minorities at Risk data set, a double standard becomes apparent. The newly democratized states of Eastern Europe are being forced to choose between the economic advantages of membership in the EU and legislation designed to protect the language and culture of the majority group. The article concludes with an examination of the histories of Estonia and Latvia to illustrate why being forced into altering laws concerning culture and citizenship is so difficult.
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Dedurin, G. G. "International legal determination of the national minorities’ status in the Central and Eastern European countries within the Versailles system." Bulletin of Kharkiv National University of Internal Affairs 97, no. 2 (June 30, 2022): 269–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.32631/v.2022.2.24.

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Peculiarities of the international legal status determination of the national minorities within the Versailles system have been studied using the example of a number of Central and Eastern European countries. The governments of Czechoslovakia, Poland, and Hungary were asked, based on the norms of international law, to develop appropriate provisions for the protection of the rights of national minorities in order to prevent new conflicts and threats to peace. The system of treaties, declarations and agreements, which were supposed to ensure the observance of the rights of national minorities and whose guarantor was the League of Nations, has been analyzed. In practice, this was embodied in giving minorities the right to submit petitions to the Council or Assembly of the League of Nations, as well as in the activities of the Permanent Chamber of International Justice. The right to submit petitions was used at different times by representatives of the Ruthenian minority in Czechoslovakia, the Russian minority in Eastern Galicia, the Jewish minority in Hungary, the German minority in Poland, etc. The weaknesses of this system have been identified, which prevented the creation of effective international mechanisms for the protection of the rights of national minorities in the specified regions of Europe. In particular, it has been emphasized that the majority of treaties, conventions, treatises, etc. were openly sabotaged by the countries that were supposed to fulfill them. The governments of the countries of Central and Eastern Europe considered the proposed system unequal, because its conditions did not apply to a number of other multinational states that had similar problems. Conflict situations surrounding the problem of national minorities continued to arise. They were caused by various factors: from divided loyalties and irredentist movements to manifestations of governmental and social discrimination.
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Robson, Laura. "Minorities Treaties and Mandatory Regimes." Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 41, no. 3 (December 1, 2021): 332–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/1089201x-9407845.

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Abstract The post–World War I treaties of Versailles, Sèvres, and Lausanne collectively created two related frames for ongoing Allied control over unreliable territory: a system of “minority protection” in the new and fragile states of eastern Europe, and a neocolonial regime of externally monitored “mandates” in the Mashriq and elsewhere, with both systems falling under the jurisdiction of the newly constructed League of Nations based in Geneva. This article explores how the architects of the peace agreements developed the concepts of minority rights and mandatory responsibilities in conjunction, as a way of codifying, formalizing, and legitimizing restrictions on sovereignty along immovable racial lines.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Minorities – Civil rights – Europe, Eastern"

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VERSTICHEL, Annelies. "Representation and identity : the right of persons belonging to minorities to effective participation in public affairs : content, justification and limits." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/13178.

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Defence date: 13 December 2007
Examining Board: Prof. Bruno De Witte (EUI); Prof. Paul Lemmens, (Katholieke Universiteit Leuven); Prof. John Packer, (University of Essex); Prof. Wojciech Sadurski, (EUI)
Awarded the Mauro Cappelletti Prize for the best comparative law doctoral thesis, 2008.
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
This doctoral thesis aims at investigating this new international right of persons belonging to minorities to effective participation in public affairs. What is its content? What is its justification and what is it aiming at? Are there any limits to its implementation and what kind of problematic issues are involved? The example of Bosnia and Herzegovina as described above illustrates that organising representation along ethnic lines raises challenging questions. These will be explored in this PhD.Our investigation of the right of minorities to effective participation in public affairs will run through five chapters: Chapter 1 will outline the theoretical framework; Chapter 2 will examine the political rights in the general human rights instruments; Chapter 3 will study the provision on effective participation in public affairs in the three key minority rights instruments of the 1990’s; Chapter 4 will look at the range of possible domestic mechanisms implementing the right of minorities to effective participation in public affairs through a comparative national law approach; and Chapter 5 will illustrate Chapter 4 by zooming in on three case studies, namely Belgium, Italy and Hungary.
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Soykan, Taskin Tankut. "The implications of the Copenhagen political criteria on the language rights of the Kurds in Turkey /." Thesis, McGill University, 2003. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=81236.

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In recent years, the attention is being increasingly drawn to the role of the European Union on the development of minority rights in the candidate countries. The adoption of the Copenhagen political criteria, which also require "respect for and protection of minorities," as preconditions that applicants must have met before they could join the Union has inevitably led to some policy changes to the minorities in Eastern Europe. This policy shift is particularly directed at minority language rights, because one of the most important aspects of the protection of minorities is the recognition of their linguistic identity. The aim of this study is to explore to what extent this development has influenced the situation of language rights of the Kurds in Turkey. In order to answer this question, it first examines the relationship between the Copenhagen criteria and international and European standards protecting minority language rights. Secondly, considering those standards, it assesses the achievements and failures of the recent legislative amendments which are directed to bring the language rights of the Kurds within the line of the Copenhagen criteria. The case of Turkey reveals the vast potential of the European enlargement process on the development of minority language rights, but also its limits in situations where there is a lack of political will to respect and protect diversity.
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Malloy, Tove. "The 'politics of accommodation' in the Council of Europe after 1989 : national minorities and democratization." Thesis, University of Essex, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.369369.

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SKOVGAARD, Jakob. "Preventing ethnic conflict, securing ethnic justice? The Council of Europe, the EU and the OSCE high commissioner on national minorities' use of contested concepts in their responses to the Hungarian minority policies of Hungary, Romania and Slovakia." Doctoral thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/7040.

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Defence date: 23 May 2007
Examining board: Prof. Michael Keating (EUI, supervisor) ; Prof. Frank Schimmelfennig (ETH Zürick)(External supervisor) ; Prof. Will Kymlicka (Quenn's University, Ontario) ; Prof. Rainer Bauböck (EUI)
This thesis analyses the policies aimed at influencing the situation of the Hungarian minorities in Romania and Slovakia undertaken by three European organisations, the Council of Europe, the EU and the OSCE High Commissioner on National Minorities. The focus is on the way in which the organisations have conceptualised contested concepts concerning national minorities, minority rights and minority policy in general, when reacting to the policies of the Hungarian, Romanian and Slovak states that have been directed at the Hungarian minorities. Starting with the assumption that many of the concepts upon which minority policies are based are essentially contested, the thesis sets up a framework for analysing the use of specific interpretations of such concepts in argumentation. More specifically, the framework makes it possible to look at how specific interpretations or conceptualisations of such concepts have been used as implicit warrants. By analysing the use of warrants in the texts issued by the organisations in the arguments reacting to the Hungarian minority policies of the three organisations, the thesis provides a picture of how the conceptualisations of different contested concepts developed. Furthermore, by comparing the use of conceptualisations by the organisations, it is argued that although the organisations started out from different positions, they have gradually converged. And this convergence was centred on the emergence of an ideal minority policy which framed the minorities as unitary entities, which should have the right to influence decisions affecting them as minorities. This convergence was due to the appearance of the Framework Convention on the Protection of National Minorities, increased cooperation between the organisations and the reliance of the EU on the assessments of the other two organisations in the context of EU enlargement. Yet, the organisations have often been incoherent, and have treated different issues from very different perspectives.
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Rempel, Peter H. "The Geneva Convention on Upper Silesia and Germany's diplomacy for the rights of German minorities in Eastern Europe, 1918-1922." 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/1993/19273.

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Books on the topic "Minorities – Civil rights – Europe, Eastern"

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1970-, Rechel Bernd, ed. Minority rights in Central and Eastern Europe. New York, NY: Routledge, 2009.

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1970-, Rechel Bernd, ed. Minority rights in Central and Eastern Europe. New York, NY: Routledge, 2009.

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Gál, Kinga. Protection of national minorities and stability in Central and Eastern Europe. Berlin: Berghof Research Center for Constructive Conflict Management, 1996.

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G, Danchin Peter, and Cole Elizabeth A, eds. Protecting the human rights of religious minorities in Eastern Europe. New York: Columbia University Press, 2002.

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Minority Rights Group International. Protection of minority rights in Europe: Policy recommendations : based on case studies of Eastern and Central Europe and the former Soviet Union. [The Hague, Netherlands]: The Committee, 1996.

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Will, Kymlicka, and Opalski Magdalena, eds. Can liberal pluralism be exported?: Western political theory and ethnic relations in Eastern Europe. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001.

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Katlijn, Malfliet, Laenen Ria, and Katholieke Universiteit te Leuven (1970- ). Instituut voor Europees Beleid., eds. Minority policy in Central and Eastern Europe: The link between domestic policy, foreign policy and European integration. Leuven (Belgium): Garant, 1998.

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Magdalena, Opalski, Dutkiewicz Piotr, Canadian Human Rights Foundation, and Forum Eastern Europe, eds. Ethnic minority rights in Central Eastern Europe. Montreal: Canadian Human RightsFoudation, 1996.

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S, Pogany Istvan, ed. Human rights in Eastern Europe. Aldershot, Hants, England: E. Elgar, 1995.

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Georg, Brunner. Nationality problems and minority conflicts in Eastern Europe: Strategies for Europe. Gütersloh: Bertelsmann Foundation Publishers, 1996.

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Book chapters on the topic "Minorities – Civil rights – Europe, Eastern"

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Marat, Uraimov. "China’s Emerging Political and Economic Dominance in the OSCE Region." In Between Peace and Conflict in the East and the West, 95–116. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-77489-9_5.

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AbstractThe presence of China in the OSCE region is becoming resilient, particularly after Beijing began providing infrastructural loans to OSCE states. The size of the issued infrastructural loans in less developed economies is disproportionate to national economies, resulting in the borrowing countries becoming incapable of paying back the loans. In this chapter, I argue that China’s practices of infrastructural loans and China’s overall standing on minority issues and democratization contradicts the OSCE core principles and undermines OSCE integrity. To illustrate this, I use, first, the example of the promotion of non-democratic practices through non-transparent procurement, surveillance of civilians, and supply of police hardware for suppression and control of political dissidents (based on evidence from Eastern and Central Europe, and Central Asia) and, for the second example, I illustrate the violation of minority rights in re-education camps in the Xinjiang region (based on political and civic reaction from Central Asia), which Chinese authorities call “Vocational Education and Training Centers.” The first example helps to analyze how Chinese foreign loans contradict the democratic commitments of the borrowing countries. Chinese infrastructural loans promote non-democratic practices in borrowing countries through unfair, non-transparent procurement in infrastructural development projects. The Chinese side also provides surveillance systems and anti-protest police vehicles and ammunition which help to undermine individual rights and freedoms. The second example helps to analyze the reaction of Central Asian Muslim countries toward China’s treatment of kin-groups, namely the lack of critical reaction of CA states despite their OSCE-membership and commitment toward promotion of individual rights and freedoms (including freedom of faith). China has been providing infrastructural loans to most OSCE member states over the past two decades; and these member states have not officially responded to Chinese treatment of their own kin-groups, such as Kazakh, Kyrgyz, and Uyghur minorities—according to the OSCE core principles on minority rights. The OSCE core principles are categorized under the “human dimension” to ensure OSCE states’ “respect for individual rights and fundamental freedoms” and their commitment to “abide by the rule of law; promote principles of democracy; strengthen and protect democratic institutions” Yamamoto (2015). Most likely if there were no infrastructural loans from China, the OSCE countries under analysis would respond to Chinese domestic policy toward ethnic minorities critically. Most likely, by providing surveillance and police machinery, China tends to support the existing political regimes in borrowing countries and, by its non-transparent procurement, it does not encourage enforcement of laws.
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Sharlet, Robert. "Human Rights and Civil Society in Eastern Europe." In Central and Eastern Europe: The Opening Curtain?, 156–77. New York: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429033162-7.

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Einhorn, Barbara. "Citizenship, Civil Society and Gender Mainstreaming: Complexities of Political Transformation in Central and Eastern Europe." In Women’s Citizenship and Political Rights, 67–85. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230502901_5.

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Steindl-Haselbauer, Katrin, Mario Kaufmann, and Thomas Zwicklhuber. "CEERIS (Central and Eastern European Reporting Information System) – SMART Electronic Reporting Platform for IWT." In Lecture Notes in Civil Engineering, 820–33. Singapore: Springer Nature Singapore, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-6138-0_72.

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AbstractIn order to increase the competitivity of Inland Waterway Transport (IWT) in Europe the concept of RIS enabled Corridor Management has been developed and was now implemented within the European flagship project RIS COMEX (https://www.riscomex.eu/.) in the 2 integrated platforms EuRIS (fairway information services, traffic information services, services for logistics) and CEERIS (retrieving of reporting requirements, electronic reporting services for skippers, receiving authority services). The novel centralized architecture enables CEERIS users of to fulfil all reporting obligations configured along their route with a central access point for one or more voyages by a single data entry, using his EuRIS data including access and reporting rights for claimed vessels. Thereby, the user does not have to take care about the complexity of reporting procedures and the further delivery of reports to the respective receiving authorities. The smart distribution of reports is managed by the system in the background proving all competent authorities with data based on the respective legal basis and configured means. Thus, reports can be received either through an authority dashboard at a central access point or email as XML (Extensible Markup Language.), PDF or as a graphical template. Data delivery and notifications using webhook is supported as well as the delivery of XML messages via API (Application Programming Interface.). The reporting platforms addresses authorities dealing with traffic management, customs, border police, statistics and ports in addition to the national RIS authorities. A smart user and identity management secures access authorization according to the consent agreement of reporting parties – consequently data can also be accessed and used by authorized third parties such as shippers, fleet managers and other logistics partners for the optimization of their services.
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Klekowski von Koppenfels, Amanda. "Diaspora Policies, Consular Services and Social Protection for German Citizens Abroad." In IMISCOE Research Series, 207–26. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-51245-3_12.

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Abstract This chapter presents an overview of German policies vis-à-vis German nationals living abroad. For the most part, the German Government does not reach out to or encourage engagement from or with German nationals living abroad. This is in contrast to a concerted cultural outreach to ethno-national German minorities in Central and Eastern Europe. Rights in Germany are largely residence-based, and access to rights is thus associated with (legal) residence in Germany, rather than with holding German citizenship. There are two clear exceptions: one is a robust system that enables voting from abroad for German citizens, and the other is facilitated access from abroad to pensions for years worked in Germany. With respect to other measures of social protections, no clear policy can be said to exist. Access to other forms of social protection is on the basis of exception, with consular officials exercising discretion in such cases.
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Shikova, Natalija, and Immaculada Colomina Limonero. "Can Non-Territorial Autonomy Help to Enforce the Linguistic, Cultural and Educational Rights of the Roma?" In Realising Linguistic, Cultural and Educational Rights Through Non-Territorial Autonomy, 171–94. Cham: Springer Nature Switzerland, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-19856-4_12.

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AbstractRacist and discriminatory policies against the Roma persist in both eastern and western Europe. Methods of repression have varied over time, but it is striking that strategies of open or tacit discrimination and expulsion of the Roma are still found in some contemporary policies of the older and transitional democracies, in EU Member States and countries that are candidates for EU membership. Of major concern is the fact that xenophobic statements and actions against the Roma often come from leading politicians or from national governments. Additionally, despite various international and regional human rights instruments, the ongoing structural discrimination that the Roma face has not yet been addressed within the existing legal framework. Many of the measures that have been proposed to address social exclusion and marginalisation are largely unenforceable; they tend to overlook the harsh living conditions, lack of access to public services, low level of education and embedded prejudice against the Roma. This paper addresses the human rights violability of cultures commonly marginalised in society. In many cases, although human rights protection regimes are enacted for certain cultures, the measures do not encompass groups that are non-dominant and territorially dispersed. The case of the Roma exemplifies not only this situation in respect of their language, cultural and educational rights in Spain and in North Macedonia, but also how the establishment and implementation of possible non-territorial autonomy (NTA) arrangements can help to overcome lasting discrimination. There is no unique model of NTA since it is applied differently in different contexts and circumstances. However, in essence, NTA arrangements can help minorities to enjoy cultural or other activities without territorial limitation. NTA can thus support the protection of territorially dispersed cultures and alleviate some of the harsh practices that they face.
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Sorkin, David. "United States." In Jewish Emancipation, 346–53. Princeton University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691164946.003.0028.

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This chapter looks at how the Great Migration from eastern Europe made the United States a center of world Jewry. The Nazis' murder of most of European Jewry magnified that status. While the migrants and their children were citizens, their rights were restricted. Thus, in the period after World War II, American Jewry's civil defense organizations engaged in a concerted emancipation campaign. Jews collaborated with African Americans, Catholics, and other minorities to end inequality. That campaign succeeded: from the 1940s to the 1960s, state and federal civil rights laws, and court rulings prohibiting discrimination, dismantled the structure of inequality. Those events constituted American Jews' second emancipation: it positioned the immigrant's children and grandchildren to realize the promise of American equality.
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Korhecz, Tamás. "National Minorities : Constitutional Status, Rights and Protection." In Comparative Constitutionalism in Central Europe : Analysis on Certain Central and Eastern European Countries, 401–21. Central European Academic Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.54171/2022.lcslt.ccice_21.

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National minorities and their status, rights and protection are among most sensible and disputed political issues all over Central and Eastern Europe (CEE). All eight analysed nation states constitutionally recognise national minorities and at least some group-specific minority rights. The list of constitutional group-specific minority rights varies, and it is longest in Serbia, Slovenia and Romania; however, national legislators in all states have wide discretion to regulate these constitutional rights and to determine their scope and content with laws. The constitutionally protected minorities are named only in Slovenia and Croatia, and constitutions only exceptionally make difference between minorities based on territoriality or numerical concentration. The jurisprudence of constitutional courts generally reveals no particular judicial activism in this area – with the exception of the Constitutional Court of Slovenia – and courts have usually failed to conceptualise minority rights and made no proper equilibrium between minority rights and constitutional provisions protecting and promoting the nation state and dominant position of the titular nation. Furthermore, in some states, the status of minorities is tacitly still more a state security issue and less a constitutional law question.
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"Minorities in Eastern Europe and the former USSR: Problems, trends and proctection." In International Law, Rights and Politics, 105–30. Routledge, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203976869-9.

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"The Special Consideration Standard as a Modern Tool for Advancing the Rights of Minorities." In Minority Integration in Central Eastern Europe, 53–77. Brill | Rodopi, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789042027343_004.

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Reports on the topic "Minorities – Civil rights – Europe, Eastern"

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Lucas, Brian. Lessons Learned about Political Inclusion of Refugees. Institute of Development Studies, May 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.114.

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Abstract:
Most refugees and other migrants have limited opportunities to participate in politics to inform and influence the policies that affect them daily; they have limited voting rights and generally lack effective alternative forms of representation such as consultative bodies (Solano & Huddleston, 2020a, p. 33). Political participation is ‘absent (or almost absent) from integration strategies’ in Eastern European countries, while refugees and other migrants in Western Europe do enjoy significant local voting rights, stronger consultative bodies, more funding for immigrant organisations and greater support from mainstream organisations (Solano & Huddleston, 2020a, p. 33).This rapid review seeks to find out what lessons have been learned about political inclusion of refugees, particularly in European countries.In general, there appears to be limited evidence about the effectiveness of attempts to support the political participation of migrants/refugees. ‘The engagement of refugees and asylum-seekers in the political activities of their host countries is highly understudied’ (Jacobi, 2021, p. 3) and ‘the effects that integration policies have on immigrants’ representation remains an under-explored field’ (Petrarca, 2015, p. 9). The evidence that is available often comes from sources that cover the entire population or ethnic minorities without specifically targeting refugees or migrants, are biased towards samples of immigrants who are long-established in the host country and may not be representative of immigrant populations, or focus only on voting behaviour and neglect other forms of political participation (Bilodeau, 2016, pp. 30–31). Statistical data on refugees and integration policy areas and indicators is often weak or absent (Hopkins, 2013, pp. 9, 28–32, 60). Data may not distinguish clearly among refugees and other types of migrants by immigration status, origin country, or length of stay in the host country; may not allow correlating data collected during different time periods with policies in place during those periods and preceding periods; and may fail to collect a range of relevant migrant-specific social and demographic characteristics (Bilgili et al., 2015, pp. 22–23; Hopkins, 2013, p. 28).
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